LIBRARY 

UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA 
DAVIS 


THE  CONNOISSEUR'S  FEDERAL  EDI 
TION  OF  THE  WORKS  OF  ALEXANDER 
HAMILTON  IS  LIMITED  TO  FOUR  HUN 
DRED  SIGNED  AND  NUMBERED  SETS  OF 
WHICH  THIS  IS  NUMBER  - 


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OLIVER      WO  LCOTT 


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The  Works  of 

Alexander  Hamilton 


Edited  by 

Henry  Cabot  Lodge 


41  The  sacred  rights  of  mankind  are  not  to  be  rummaged  for  among  old  parchments  or 
musty  records.  They  are  written,  as  with  a  sunbeam,  in  the  whole  volume  of  human  nature, 
by  the  hand  of  the  Divinity  itself,  and  can  never  be  erased  or  obscured  by  mortal  power." 

[HAMILTON—  The  Partner  Refuted,  1775,  AX  18.] 

kl  We  are  laboring  hard  to  establish  in  this  country  principles  more  and  more  national, 
and  free  from  all  foreign  ingredients,  so  that  we  may  be  neither  l  Greeks  nor  Trojans,'  but 
truly  Americans." — [HAMILTON  TO  KING,  1796,  K,\..  39.] 


Volume  X 


G.  P.  Putnam's  Sons 

New  York  and   London 
Cbe  Iknicfeerbocfeer  press 

1904 


LIBRARY 

.UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA 

PAVIS. 


Ubc  Tknicfecrbocfcer  press,  flew 


CONTENTS 


PAGB 

PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE — Continued: 

To  RUFUS  KING 3 

To  COLONEL  EDWARD  CARRINGTON    ...  5 

To  RUFUS  KING 6 

To  WASHINGTON 7 

To  ELIAS  BOUDINOT 14 

To  JOHN  ADAMS 15 

To  WILLIAM  SETON 16 

To  JOHN  JAY 18 

To 19 

To  RUFUS  KING 20 

To 21 

To  GEN.  C.  C.  PINCKNEY 22 

To  JOHN  STEELE 25 

To  JOHN  ADAMS 28 

To  JOHN  JAY 29 

To  RICHARD  HARRISON 30 

To  WILLIAM  SHORT 31 

To  RUFUS  KING 33 

To  WASHINGTON 36 

To  JOHN  JAY 38 

To  RUFUS  KING 40 

To  JEFFERSON 40 

To 42 

To  RUFUS  KING 46 

To  GEN.  OTHO  H.  WILLIAMS      ....  48 

To  WASHINGTON 48 

To  ONE  OF  THE  CREDITORS  OF  COL.  DUER         .  49 


vi  Contents 

PAGE 

PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE — Continued: 

To ':;r.        .         .                v-      .         .  195 

To  OLIVER  WOLCOTT          .        Vv-  v*        .         .  196 

To  WASHINGTON       v~>.>^      .,       ^      .        .  198 

To  OLIVER  WOLCOTT        %.'    ..  -*i:  r  ::rr:  .>Vi-      .  201 

To  WASHINGTON        ....     ^v*K     .  204 

To  OLIVER  WOLCOTT          .         .         .        , '       .  209 

To  RUFUS  KING 215 

To  OLIVER  WOLCOTT 218 

To  THEO.  FOSTER,  ESQ 220 

To  OLIVER  WOLCOTT 224 

To  WILLIAM  SMITH 224 

To 227 

To  WASHINGTON 229 

To  WILLIAM  SMITH 230 

To  THEODORE  SEDGWICK 231 

To  WASHINGTON 233 

To  TIMOTHY  PICKERING 236 

To  RUFUS  KING 237 

To  OLIVER  WOLCOTT 238 

To  THEODORE  SEDGWICK 239 

To  JAMES  MCHENRY 241 

To  TIMOTHY  PICKERING 243 

To  OLIVER  WOLCOTT 248 

To  TIMOTHY  PICKERING 250 

To  OLIVER  WOLCOTT 251 

To  WILLIAM  SMITH 253 

To  RUFUS  KING 254 

To  WILLIAM  SMITH 256 

To  OLIVER  WOLCOTT 256 

To HAMILTON 257 

To  TIMOTHY  PICKERING 261 

To  RUFUS  KING 266 

To  OLIVER  WOLCOTT 267 

To  TIMOTHY  PICKERING 272 

To  WASHINGTON 272 

To  OLIVER  WOLCOTT 273 


Contents  vii 

PAGE 

PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE — Continued: 

To  RUFUS  KING                                        A  v3  #£  274 

To  TIMOTHY  PICKERING 275 

To  THEODORE  SEDGWICK 278 

To  TIMOTHY  PICKERING 279 

To  JOHN  JAY 281 

To  JAMES  MCHENRY          .     &ffi     •        •         •  2^i 

To  RUFUS  KING 283 

To  WASHINGTON 284 

To  OLIVER  WOLCOTT         .         .         .                 .  288 

To  RUFUS  KING 291 

To  TIMOTHY  PICKERING 292 

To  OLIVER  WOLCOTT 295 

To  WASHINGTON 295 

To  TIMOTHY  PICKERING 297 

To  GENERAL  DUPORTAIL 298 

To  WASHINGTON 299 

To  OLIVER  WOLCOTT 304 

To  GENERAL  DAYTON 305 

To  BENJAMIN  STODDERT 306 

To  JAMES  MCHENRY 307 

To  WASHINGTON        ......  310 

To  OLIVER  WOLCOTT 312 

To  RUFUS  KING 314 

To  FRANCISCO  MIRANDA 315 

To  OLIVER  WOLCOTT 316 

To  JAMES  MCHENRY 317 

To  THEODORE  SEDGWICK 318 

To  TIMOTHY  PICKERING 319 

To  JAMES  MCHENRY 320 

To  WASHINGTON 320 

To  RUFUS  KING 321 

To  THE  COUNT  LATOUR  DUPIN  GOUVERNET       .  322 

To  WILLIAM  HETH 324 

To  HARRISON  GRAY  OTIS 325 

To  THEODORE  SEDGWICK 327 

To  JONATHAN  DAYTON       .....  329 


viii  Contents 

PAGE 

PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE — Continued; 

To  LAFAYETTE  ....      -*.,r      .         .  336 

To  HARRISON  GRAY  OTIS 338 

To  THEODORE  SEDGWICK 340 

To  TIMOTHY  PICKERING 342 

To  WASHINGTON 343 

To  TIMOTHY  PICKERING 343 

To  THEODORE  SEDGWICK 345 

To  OLIVER  WOLCOTT 346 

To  GENERAL  KNOX 348 

To  JAMES  MCHENRY 349 

To  OLIVER  WOLCOTT 349 

To  TIMOTHY  PICKERING 350 

To  OLIVER  WOLCOTT 351 

To  WASHINGTON 352 

To  COLONEL  TAYLOR 353 

To  JAMES  MCHENRY 354 

To  JOSIAH  O.  HOFFMAN 354 

To  WASHINGTON 356 

To  TOBIAS  LEAR 356 

To  RUFUS  KING 357 

To  MRS.  MARTHA  WASHINGTON         .        .        .  360 
To  CAPTAIN  GEORGE  IZARD        .         .        .         .361 

To  THEODORE  SEDGWICK 362 

To  HENRY  LEE 363 

To  WILLIAM  SMITH 364 

To  OLIVER  WOLCOTT 365 

To  TIMOTHY  PICKERING 366 

To  OLIVER  WOLCOTT 368 

To  GENERAL  CHARLES  COTESWORTH  PINCKNEY,  368 

To  TIMOTHY  PICKERING 369 

To  THEODORE  SEDGWICK 371 

To  JOHN  JAY 371 

To  THEODORE  SEDGWICK 374 

To  TIMOTHY  PICKERING 376 

To  OLIVER  WOLCOTT 377 

To  CHARLES  CARROLL 378 


Contents  ix 

PAGE 

PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE — Continued; 

To  SAMUEL  DEXTER  .         .     !/.-.,'/     .      .'**!     .  380 

To  JOHN  ADAMS 382 

To  OLIVER  WOLCOTT 383 

To  JAMES  ASHTON  BAYARD        ....  384 

To  JAMES  MCHENRY 388 

To  OLIVER  WOLCOTT 389 

To  JOHN  ADAMS 390 

To  TIMOTHY  PICKERING 391 

To  OLIVER  WOLCOTT 392 

To  THEODORE  SEDGWICK 397 

TO  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS 398 

To  JAMES  A.  BAYARD 402 

To  JOHN  RUTLEDGE 404 

To  JAMES  Ross 405 

To  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS 407 

To  JAMES  A.  BAYARD 412 

To  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS           ....  419 

To  THEODORE  SEDGWICK 420 

To  MRS.  HAMILTON 421 

To-  .  ...  .423 

To  DR.  BENJAMIN  RUSH 424 

To  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS 425 

To  GENERAL  CHARLES  COTESWORTH  PINCKNEY,  428 

To  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS 429 

To  JAMES  A.  BAYARD 432 

To  RUFUS  KING 437 

To  THE  EDITOR  OF  THE  "EVENING  POST"       .  441 

To  OLIVER  WOLCOTT 442 

To  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS 443 

To  GENERAL  CHARLES  COTESWORTH  PINCKNEY,  444 

To  TIMOTHY  PICKERING 446 

To  RUFUS  KING 448 

To  GOVERNOR  GEORGE  CLINTON        .        .         .  450 

To  TALLEYRAND 455 

To  -                    456 

To  PHILIP  J.  SCHUYLER 457 


x  Contents 

PAGB 

PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE — Continued: 

To  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON     .         .        .        .        ,457 

To  THEODORE  SEDGWICK 457 

To  GENERAL  JOHN  SULLIVAN    .     &V*-     .        .  458 

To  WASHINGTON     ;  i!.:  >Y^?  vsvi;     .        .        .  459 

A.  BURR  TO  GENERAL  HAMILTON       .        .        .  460 

HAMILTON  TO  BURR 461 

BURR  TO  HAMILTON 463 

HAMILTON  TO  BURR 464 

W.  P.  VAN  NESS  TO  HAMILTON          .         .         .  464 

VAN  NESS  TO  MAJOR  NATHANIEL  PENDLETON   .  465 

PENDLETON  TO  VAN  NESS           ....  466 

VAN  NESS  TO  PENDLETON           ....  468 
REMARKS  BY  HAMILTON  ON  THE  LETTER  OF 

JUNE  27,  1804 470 

STATEMENT  BY  HAMILTON  AS  TO  His  MOTIVES 

IN  MEETING  BURR 471 

To  MRS.  HAMILTON 475 

STATEMENT  BY  HAMILTON  AS  TO  His  PECUNIARY 

AFFAIRS 476 

RULES  FOR  MR.  PHILIP  HAMILTON    .         .         .  480 
LAST  WILL   AND  TESTAMENT   OF    ALEXANDER 

HAMILTON 481 

EPITAPH 483 

INDEX  TO  PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE  ....  485 

GENERAL  INDEX  TO  VOLS.  I.  TO  X.,  INCLUSIVE     .         .  489 
LIST  OF  LETTERS   AND  OTHER  PAPERS  WRITTEN  BY 
HAMILTON  AND  PRINTED  IN  THE  JOHN  C.  HAMIL 
TON  EDITION  OF  1850,  WHICH  ARE  OMITTED  IN 

THIS  EDITION 509 


PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE— Continued 


VOL  X.— X« 


PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 

(Continued] 


TO   RUFUS   KING 

PHILADELPHIA,  July  25,  1792. 

MY  DEAR  SIR: 

I  received,  lately,  a  letter  from  you,  in  which  you 
expressed  sentiments  according  with  my  own  on  the 
present  complexion  of  your  party  politics,  as,  if  a 
letter  of  mine  to  you  did  not  miscarry,  you  will  have 
seen.  I  wished  that  Clinton  and  his  party  should  be 
placed  in  a  just  light  before  the  people,  and  that  a 
spirit  of  dissatisfaction,  within  proper  bounds,  should 
be  kept  alive ;  and  this  for  national  purposes,  as  well 
as  from  a  detestation  of  their  principles  and  conduct. 

But  a  resort  to  first  principles,  in  any  shape,  is 
decidedly  against  my  judgment.  I  don't  think  the 
occasion  will,  in  any  sense,  warrant  it.  It  is  not  for 
the  friends  of  good  government  to  employ  extraor 
dinary  expedients,  which  ought  only  to  be  resorted 
to  in  cases  of  great  magnitude  and  urgent  necessity. 
I  reject  as  well  the  idea  of  a  convention  as  of  force. 

To  rejudge  the  decision  of  the  canvassers  by  a 
convention,  has  to  me  too  much  the  appearance  of 
reversing  the  sentence  of  a  court  by  a  legislative 
decree.  The  canvassers  had  a  final  authority  in  all 
the  forms  of  the  Constitution  and  laws.  A  question 


4  Alexander  Hamilton 

arose  in  the  execution  of  their  office,  not  absolutely 
free  from  difficulty  which  they  have  decided  (I  am 
persuaded  wrongly),  but  within  the  power  vested  in 
them.  I  do  not  feel  it  right  or  expedient  to  attempt 
to  reverse  the  decision  by  any  means  not  known  to 
the  Constitution  or  laws. 

The  precedent  may  suit  us  to-day;  but  to-morrow 
we  may  see  its  abuse. 

I  am  not  even  sure  that  it  will  suit  us  at  all.  I 
see  already  publications  aiming  at  a  revision  of  the 
Constitution,  with  a  view  to  alterations  which  would 
spoil  it.  It  would  not  be  astonishing,  if  a  conven 
tion  should  be  called,  if  it  should  produce  more  than 
is  intended.  Such  weapons  are  not  to  be  played 
with.  Even  the  friends  of  good  government,  in 
their  present  mood,  may  fancy  alterations  desirable 
which  would  be  the  reverse. 

Men's  minds  are  too  much  unsettled  everywhere 
at  the  present  juncture.  Let  us  endeavor  to  settle 
them,  and  not  to  set  them  more  afloat.  I  find  that 
strong-minded  men  here  view  the  matter  in  the  same 
light  with  me,  and  that  even  Mr.  Jay's  character  is 
likely  in  a  degree,  to  suffer  by  the  idea  that  he  fans 
the  flame  a  little  more  than  is  quite  prudent.  I 
wish  this  idea  to  be  conveyed  to  him  with  proper 
management.  I  have  thoughts  of  writing  to  him. 

You  see,  out  of  the  reach  of  the  contagion,  I  am 
very  cool  and  reasonable.  If  I  were  with  you  I 
should  probably  not  escape  the  infection. 

Francis  Childs x   is  a  very  cunning  fellow.      In 

1  Editor  of  the  New  York  Daily  Advertiser,  and  proprietor,  with 
Freneau,  of  the  National  Gazette. 


Private  Correspondence  5 

Philadelphia,  in  the  person  of  his  proxy,  Freneau, 
he  is  a  good  Anti-federalist  and  Clintonian ;  in  New 
York,  he  is  a  good  Federalist  and  Jayite.  Beckley 
and  Jefferson  pay  him  for  the  first,  and  the  Federal 
citizens  of  New  York  for  the  last.  Observe  a  para 
graph  in  his  Daily  Advertiser  of  the  i8th  instant. 
These  things  ought,  in  a  proper  way,  to  be  brought 
into  view. 


TO    COLONEL   EDWARD    CARRINGTON 

PHILADELPHIA,  July  25,  1792. 

MY  DEAR  SIR: 

I  have  received  and  thank  you  for  your  two  letters 
of  the  nth  instant. 

When  I  asked  your  opinion  concerning  the  most 
fit  position  for  a  branch  of  the  bank,  I  had  no  idea 
that  the  question  would  have  been  decided  with 
so  much  precipitation  as  has  happened.  After 
some  loose  conversation  with  individual  directors, 
in  which  the  comparative  merits  of  different  places 
were  slightly  discussed,  and  left,  as  I  understood, 
for  further  information,  I  was  surprised  with  an 
intimation  that  the  place  had  been  decided  upon, 
that  Richmond  was  that  place,  and  that  some  day 
in  August  had  been  assigned  for  choosing  directors. 
A  predominating  motive,  though  an  insufficient  one, 
appears  to  have  been  that  most  of  the  bank-stock 
held  in  Virginia  is  held  by  persons  in  and  about 
Richmond. 

The  reasons  assigned  in  your  letter  in  favor  of 
another  place  are  prodigiously  weighty.  Without 


6  Alexander  Hamilton 

committing  you,  they  shall  be  made  known  before 
the  thing  is  finally  finished.  But  I  suspect  it  has 
gone  too  far. 

Your  observations  concerning  the  temper  of  the 
people  of  your  State  are,  as  far  as  they  go,  consoling. 
Reflections  according  with  them  had  arisen  in  my 
mind,  though  I  could  not  be  sure  that  I  might  not 
overrate  circumstances.  I  shall  wait  with  expecta 
tion  for  the  further  communication  which  you  are 
so  obliging  as  to  promise. 

What  you  remark  concerning  the  non-execution 
of  the  excise  law  in  North  Carolina  is  very  interest 
ing.  The  probable  effect  of  a  continuance  of  the 
affair  in  the  same  posture  is  obvious.  It  has  been 
the  wish  to  win  the  object  from  time  and  reflection. 
But  this  can  no  longer  be  relied  upon.  The  thing 
must  be  brought  to  an  issue,  and  will  be,  as  soon  as 
the  new  arrangement  respecting  compensations  is 
completed.  If  process  should  be  violently  resisted 
in  the  parts  of  North  Carolina  bordering  on  your 
State,  how  much  could  be  hoped  from  the  aid  of  the 
militia  of  your  State? r 


TO   RUFUS   KING 

July  27,  1792. 

Desirous  of  examining  accurately  the  question 
decided  by  the  canvassers,  I  will  thank  you  for  a 

1  This  letter  is  now  first  printed  from  the  original  in  the  possession 
of  the  same  gentleman  to  whom  I  owe  another  letter  already  given  on 
page  230  of  Vol.  IX.,  and  whose  name  I  am  unfortunately  prevented 
from  giving,  as  I  have  explained  in  a  note  on  page  231. 


Private  Correspondence  7 

minute  of  all  the  authorities  which  were  consulted 
by  you  when  you  gave  your  opinion.1 

I  shall  be  glad  to  have  them  as  soon  as  convenient. 


TO    WASHINGTON 

PHILADELPHIA,  July  30,  1792. 

SIR: 

I  received  the  most  sincere  pleasure  at  finding  in 
our  late  conversation,  that  there  was  some  relaxa 
tion  in  the  disposition  you  had  before  discovered  to 
decline  a  re-election.  Since  your  departure,  I  have 
left  no  opportunity  of  sounding  the  opinions  of  per 
sons,  whose  opinions  were  worth  knowing  on  these 
two  points,  i st.  The  effect  of  your  declining,  upon 
the  public  affairs,  and  upon  your  own  reputation. 
2dly.  The  effect  of  your  continuing,  in  reference  to 
the  declarations  you  have  made  of  your  disinclina 
tion  to  public  life;  and  I  can  truly  say  that  I  have 
not  found  the  least  difference  of  sentiment  on  either 
point.  The  impression  is  uniform,  that  your  de 
clining  would  be  to  be  deplored  as  the  greatest  evil 
that  could  befall  the  country  at  the  present  juncture, 

1  This  letter,  and  those  which  precede,  refer  to  one  of  the  earliest  and 
worst  of  our  election  frauds.  Burr  wished  to  run  against  Clinton,  but 
was  baffled  by  Hamilton,  the  result  being  that  Jay  was  nominated, 
and,  after  a  most  heated  canvass,  elected.  His  election  depended, 
however,  on  the  votes  of  three  counties,  and  the  Clintonian  board  of 
canvassers  threw  out,  on  the  most  technical  and  flimsy  grounds,  the 
votes  of  these  counties  and  burned  them.  There  was  great  wrath  and 
excitement  over  this  "count  out,"  as  it  would  now  be  called,  and  a 
convention  and  other  violent  measures  were  proposed,  which  Hamilton 
resisted.  The  Legislature,  by  a  party  vote,  sustained  the  canvassers, 
and  declared  Clinton  elected  by  a  majority  of  108  votes. 


8  Alexander  Hamilton 

and  as  critically  hazardous  to  your  own  reputation ; 
that  your  continuance  will  be  justified  in  the  mind 
of  every  friend  to  his  country,  by  the  evident  neces 
sity  for  it.  T  is  clear,  says  every  one  with  whom  I 
have  conversed,  that  the  affairs  of  the  national  gov 
ernment  are  not  yet  firmly  established — that  its 
enemies,  generally  speaking,  are  as  inveterate  as 
ever — that  their  enmity  has  been  sharpened  by  its 
success,  and  by  all  the  resentments  which  flow  from 
disappointed  predictions  and  mortified  vanity — that 
a  general  and  strenuous  effort  is  making  in  every 
State  to  place  the  administration  of  it  in  the  hands 
of  its  enemies,  as  if  they  were  its  safest  guardians 
— that  the  period  of  the  next  House  of  Represen 
tatives  is  likely  to  prove  the  crisis  of  its  permanent 
character — that  if  you  continue  in  office  nothing 
materially  mischievous  is  to  be  apprehended,  if  you 
quit,  much  is  to  be  dreaded — that  the  same  motives 
which  induced  you  to  accept  originally  ought  to  de 
cide  you  to  continue  till  matters  have  assumed  a 
more  determined  aspect — that  indeed  it  would  have 
been  better,  as  it  regards  your  own  character,  that 
you  had  never  consented  to  come  forward,  than  now 
to  leave  the  business  unfinished  and  in  danger  of 
being  undone — that  in  the  event  of  storms  arising, 
there  would  be  an  imputation  either  of  want  of  fore 
sight  or  want  of  firmness — and,  in  fine,  that  on  public 
and  personal  accounts,  on  patriotic  and  prudential 
considerations,  the  clear  path  to  be  pursued  by  you 
will  be,  again  to  obey  the  voice  of  your  country, 
which,  it  is  not  doubted,  will  be  as  earnest  and  as 
unanimous  as  ever. 


Private  Correspondence  9 

On  this  last  point,  I  have  some  suspicion  that  it 
will  be  insinuated  to  you,  and  perhaps  (God  forgive 
me  if  I  judge  hardly)  with  design  to  place  before  you 
a  motive  for  declining — that  there  is  danger  of  a 
division  among  the  electors,  and  of  less  unanimity  in 
their  suffrages  than  heretofore.  My  view  of  this 
matter  is  as  follows: 

While  your  first  election  was  depending,  I  had  no 
doubt  that  there  would  be  characters  among  the 
electors,  who,  if  they  durst  follow  their  inclinations, 
would  have  voted  against  you ;  but  that  in  all  prob 
ability  they  would  be  restrained  by  an  apprehension 
of  public  resentment — that  nevertheless  it  was  possi 
ble  a  few  straggling  votes  might  be  found  in  opposi 
tion,  from  some  headstrong  and  fanatical  individuals 
— that  a  circumstance  of  this  kind  would  be  in  fact, 
and  ought  to  be  estimated  by  you,  as  of  no  im 
portance,  since  there  would  be  sufficient  unanimity 
to  witness  the  general  confidence  and  attachment 
towards  you. 

My  view  of  the  future  accords  exactly  with  what 
was  my  view  of  the  past.  I  believe  the  same  mo 
tives  will  operate  to  produce  the  same  result.  The 
dread  of  public  indignation  will  be  likely  to  restrain 
the  indisposed  few.  If  they  can  calculate  at  all, 
they  will  naturally  reflect  that  they  could  not  give  a 
severer  blow  to  their  cause  than  by  giving  a  proof  of 
their  hostility  to  you.  But  if  a  solitary  vote  or  two 
should  appear  wanting  to  perfect  unanimity,  of  what 
moment  can  it  be?  Will  not  the  fewness  of  the  ex 
ceptions  be  a  confirmation  of  the  devotion  of  the 
community  to  a  character  which  has  so  generally 


io  Alexander  Hamilton 

united  its  suffrages  after  an  administration  of  four 
years  at  the  head  of  a  new  government,  opposed  in 
its  first  establishment  by  a  large  proportion  of  its 
citizens,  and  obliged  to  run  counter  to  many  preju 
dices  in  devising  the  arduous  arrangements  requisite 
to  public  credit  and  public  order?  Will  not  those 
who  may  be  the  authors  of  any  such  exceptions, 
manifest  more  their  own  perverseness  and  malevo 
lence  than  any  diminution  of  the  affection  and  con 
fidence  of  the  nation?  I  am  persuaded  that  both 
these  questions  ought  to  be  answered  in  the  affirma 
tive,  and  that  there  is  nothing  to  be  looked  for,  on 
the  score  of  diversity  of  sentiment,  which  ought  to 
weigh  for  a  moment. 

I  trust,  sir,  and  I  pray  God,  that  you  will  deter 
mine  to  make  a  further  sacrifice  of  your  tranquillity 
and  happiness  to  the  public  good.  I  trust  that  it 
need  not  continue  above  a  year  or  two  more ;  and  I 
think  that  it  will  be  more  eligible  to  retire  from  office 
before  the  expiration  of  a  term  of  election,  than  to 
decline  a  re-election. 

The  sentiments  I  have  delivered  upon  this  occa 
sion,  I  can  truly  say,  proceed  exclusively  from  an 
anxious  concern  for  the  public  welfare,  and  an  af 
fectionate  personal  attachment.  These  dispositions 
must  continue  to  govern  in  every  vicissitude  one  who 
has  the  honor  to  be,  very  truly  and  respectfully, 
etc. 

August  3d.  Since  writing  the  foregoing,  I  am 
favored  with  your  interesting  letter  of  the  2gth  of 
July.  An  answer  to  the  points  raised  is  not  difficult, 
and  shall  as  soon  as  possible  be  forwarded. 


Private  Correspondence  n 

TO   WASHINGTON 
_  TREASURY  DEPARTMENT,  Aug.  10,  1792. 

SIR: 

I  have  been  duly  honored  with  your  letters  of  the 
ist  and  5th  instant.  A  copy  of  the  letter  is  inclosed 
according  to  your  desire. 

You  may  depend  upon  it,  sir,  that  nothing  shall  be 
wanting  in  this  department  to  furnish  all  requisite 
supplies  for  the  army  with  efficiency  and  economy, 
and  to  bring  to  exact  account  all  persons  concerned 
in  them  as  far  as  shall  consist  with  the  powers  of 
the  department.  Hitherto  moneys  have  been  fur 
nished  to  the  War  Department  as  they  have  been 
called  for,  for  procuring  all  those  articles  which  have 
not  been  objects  of  direct  contract  with  the  Treasury. 
And  I  learn  from  the  Secretary  of  War  that  every 
thing  is  in  great  maturity. 

Under  the  former  system,  provisions  and  clothing 
were  the  only  articles  which  the  Treasury  had  the 
charge  of  procuring;  the  receiving,  issuing,  and  in 
specting  their  quality  belonged  to  the  Department 
of  War  by  usage. 

The  act  of  the  last  session,  entitled  "An  act  mak 
ing  alterations  in  the  Treasury  and  War  Depart 
ments,"  prescribes  that  all  purchases  and  contracts 
for  all  supplies  for  the  use  of  the  Department  of  War, 
be  made  by  or  under  the  direction  of  the  Treasury 
Department. 

As  much  progress  has  been  made  in  the  prepara 
tion  for  the  campaign,  prior  to  the  passing  of  this 
act,  by  the  Secretary  of  War,  I  thought  it  best  to 
continue  the  business  under  his  immediate  care  for 


12  Alexander  Hamilton 

some  time — till  in  fact  all  the  arrangements  begun 
should  be  completed.  It  is  now,  however,  deter 
mined  that  on  the  first  of  September  the  business  of 
procuring  all  supplies  will  be  begun  under  the  imme 
diate  direction  of  the  Treasury,  upon  estimates  and 
requisitions  from  time  to  time  furnished  and  made 
by  the  Department  of  War. 

The  arrangement  which  is  contemplated  for  this 
purpose  is  the  following: — Provisions  and  clothing 
will  be  provided  as  heretofore,  by  contracts  made  by 
the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  pursuant  to  previous 
advertisements.  Articles  in  the  quartermaster's  de 
partment  will  be  to  be  procured  by  him,  or  his  agents 
or  deputies;  for  which  purpose,  advances  of  money 
will  be  made  to  him  directly,  to  be  accounted  for 
to  the  Treasury  by  him.  Ordnance  stores,  Indian 
goods,  and  all  contingent  supplies,  will  be  procured 
by  an  agent  who  will  be  constituted  for  the  purpose, 
with  an  allowance  of  eight  hundred  dollars  a  year 
in  lieu  of  commission.  Accounts  for  his  purchases, 
in  every  case  in  which  it  can  conveniently  be  done 
(which  will  comprehend  the  greatest  number  of 
cases),  will  be  settled  immediately  with  the  Treasury, 
and  the  money  paid  directly  to  the  individuals.  In 
other  cases,  advances  on  account  will  be  made  to 
the  agent,  to  be  accounted  for  directly  to  the 
Treasury. 

A  leading  object  of  this  arrangement  is  to  exempt 
the  officers,  both  of  the  War  and  Treasury  Depart 
ments,  from  the  ill-natured  suspicions  which  are 
incident  to  the  actual  handling  and  disbursements 
of  public  money.  None  of  the  inferior  officers  of 


Private  Correspondence  13 

either  department,  except  the  Treasurer,  will  have 
any  concern  with  it. 

The  supplies  of  every  kind  will  be  delivered  to  the 
order  of  the  Department  of  War.  The  issuing  of 
them  and  the  accounting  for  the  issues  (except  as  to 
provisions,  which  are  directly  issued  by  the  con 
tractors  to  the  troops,  and  which  are  proved  to  the 
Treasury  upon  vouchers  prescribed  for  the  purpose) 
appertain  to  the  Department  of  War.  The  regula 
tions  which  have  been  adopted  for  the  purpose,  will 
no  doubt  be  eagerly  reported  to  you  by  the  Secretary 
of  War,  as  well  as  those  which  have  been  concerted 
with  the  Treasury  respecting  the  paying  and  ac 
counting  for  the  pay  of  the  troops. 

I  beg  leave  to  assure  you,  that,  in  the  application 
of  the  general  arrangement  which  you  have  adopted 
respecting  the  execution  of  the  act  concerning  dis 
tilled  spirits,  the  greatest  attention  will  be  paid  to 
economy,  as  far  as  the  precautions  of  the  Treasury 
can  insure  it. 

I  presume  it  to  have  been  your  intention  that  the 
opinion  of  the  Attorney-General  should  be  taken  as 
to  the  power  of  the  President  to  appoint  the  sup 
plementary  officers  contemplated  during  the  recess 
of  the  Senate ;  which  shall  accordingly  be  done. 

It  affords  me  much  satisfaction  to  observe  that 
your  mind  has  anticipated  the  decision  to  enforce  the 
law,  in  case  a  refractory  spirit  should  continue  to 
render  the  ordinary  and  more  desirable  means  in 
effectual.  My  most  deliberate  reflections  have  led 
me  to  conclude,  that  the  time  for  acting  with  decision 
is  at  hand ;  and  it  is  with  pleasure  I  can  add,  that  an 


14  Alexander  Hamilton 

increasing  acquiescence  is  likely  to  render  this  course 
the  less  difficult  in  the  cases  in  which  an  uncomply 
ing  temper  may  finally  prevail. 

I  shall  without  delay  execute  your  directions  re 
specting  the  officers  of  the  cutters. 


TO    ELIAS    BOUDINOT 
MY   DEAR   SiR:  PHILADELPHIA,  Aug.  13,  i79a. 

Some  skirmishing  having  begun  in  the  Gazette  of 
the  United  States  respecting  Mr.  Freneau's  receiving 
a  salary  from  government,  I  mentioned  in  conversa 
tion  with  a  friend  all  that  I  knew  of  the  matter,  and 
among  other  things,  but  without  naming  you,  the 
information  you  had  given  me  concerning  Mr.  Madi 
son's  negotiation  with  Freneau.  Upon  this  he 
founded  a  very  pointed  attack  upon  Mr.  Freneau 
and  Mr.  Jefferson,  which  I  dare  say  you  have  seen, 
as  also  Mr.  Freneau's  affidavit  denying  all  negotia 
tion  with  "Thomas  Jefferson,  Esq.,  Secretary  of 
State,"  etc.,  etc.  The  gentleman  has  since  applied 
to  me  to  obtain,  if  possible,  an  authentication  of  the 
fact  of  the  negotiation. 

If  I  recollect  right,  you  told  me  that  this,  if  neces 
sary,  could  be  done ;  and,  if  practicable,  it  is  of  real 
importance  that  it  should  be  done.  It  will  con 
found  and  put  down  a  man  who  is  continually  machi 
nating  against  the  public  happiness. 

You  will  oblige  me  in  the  most  particular  manner 
by  obtaining  and  forwarding  to  me  without  delay 
the  particulars  of  all  the  steps  taken  by  Mr.  Madison 


Private  Correspondence  15 

—the  when  and  where — and  with  liberty  to  use  the 
name  of  the  informant.  His  affidavit  to  the  facts, 
if  obtainable,  would  be  of  infinite  value.  Care  ought 
to  be  taken  that  nothing  is  asserted  which  is  not 
unquestionable. 


TO   JOHN    ADAMS 

PHILADELPHIA,  Aug.  16,  1792. 

DEAR  SIR: 

I  have  been  duly  favored  with  your  letter  of  the 
4th  inst.  A  warrant  for  one  thousand  dollars  in 
your  favor  has  issued.  If  any  authorization  from 
you  had  been  sent  to  your  son  or  any  one  else,  your 
signature  on  the  warrant  would  have  been  un 
necessary.  But  as  it  is,  it  will  be  indispensable. 
Perhaps,  however,  the  Treasurer  may  pay  in  ex 
pectation  of  it. 

The  question  when  the  Vice-President  entered  on 
the  duties  of  his  office  is  open  at  the  Treasury,  though 
an  opinion  has  obtained  that  the  taking  of  the  oath 
was  the  criterion.  This  has  been  founded  on  two 
considerations — analogy  to  the  case  of  the  President. 
The  Constitution  requires  that  he  shall  take  an  oath 
before  he  enters  upon  the  execution  of  his  office.  He 
cannot  enter  upon  the  duties  of  it  without  entering 
upon  the  execution  of  it,  and  he  cannot  legally  do 
the  latter  till  he  has  taken  the  oath  prescribed.  The 
same  injunction,  however,  is  not  laid  upon  the  Vice- 
President,  and  therefore,  except  by  analogy,  resort 
must  be  had  to  the  second  consideration,  namely, 
that  the  taking  of  the  oath  of  office  is  the  legal  act 


1 6  Alexander  Hamilton 

of  acceptance  and  may  be  supposed  to  date  the  com 
mencement  of  service. 

But  this  reasoning,  it  must  be  confessed,  is  not 
conclusive,  and  therefore  the  opinion  of  the  Attor 
ney-General  will  be  taken,  both  as  to  the  President 
and  Vice-President,  and  I  presume  will  guide  in  the 
adjustment. 

Twenty  thousand  dollars  have  been  appropriated, 
and  the  advances  by  anticipation  may  reach  that 
limit. 

You  forgot  that  Mr.  Clinton  could  feast  upon  what 
would  starve  another.  He  will  not,  however,  have 
an  opportunity  of  making  the  experiment,  and  I 
hope  the  starvation  policy  will  not  long  continue 
fashionable. 

Your  confirmation  of  the  good  disposition  of  New 
England  is  a  source  of  satisfaction.  I  have  a  letter 
from  a  well-informed  friend  in  Virginia  who  says: 
"  All  the  persons  I  converse  with  are  prosperous  and 
happy,  and  yet  most  of  them,  including  the  friends 
of  the  government,  appear  to  be  much  alarmed  at  a 
supposed  system  of  policy  tending  to  subvert  the 
republican  government  of  the  country."  Were  ever 
men  more  ingenious  to  torment  themselves  with 
phantoms? 

TO   WILLIAM   SETON 

MY  DEAR  SIR:  August  I?,  ,79,. 

Your  letter  mentioning  certain  particulars  re 
specting  the  two  banks  has  been  received  and  will 
be  duly  attended  to.  I  trust,  however,  that  certain 


Private  Correspondence  17 

appearances  have  in  no  degree  proceeded  from  any 
unkind  disposition.  The  solution,  I  believe,  is  to 
be  found  in  the  necessity  of  sending  here  a  consider 
able  sum  in  specie.  Large  payments  into  the  Bank 
of  North  America  on  account  of  the  State  of  Penn 
sylvania,  subscriptions  to  canals,  etc.,  and  large  calls 
upon  the  Bank  of  the  United  States  for  the  services 
of  government,  joined  to  liberal  discounts,  had  pro 
duced  a  considerable  balance  in  favor  of  the  Bank  of 
North  America,  which  rendered  it  expedient  to  draw 
a  sum  of  specie  from  New  York,  not  to  leave  the 
National  Bank  in  any  degree  in  the  power  of  the 
Bank  of  North  America,  which  once  manifested  a 
very  mischievous  disposition,  that  was  afterwards 
repaid  by  acts  of  kindness  and  generosity.  The  tide 
is  now  changing  and  must  speedily  reverse  the  bal 
ance,  and  I  mention  it  in  confidence,  because  I  wish 
by  explaining  to  cherish  the  confidence  between  the 
two  institutions  at  New  York  so  necessary  to  their 
mutual  interest. 

Inclosed,  my  dear  sir,  is  a  letter  to  Mr.  Donald,  of 
St.  Vincents,  which  I  beg  your  most  particular  care 
in  forwarding.  I  presume  he  is  a  merchant  there, 
but  a  gentleman  lately  mentioned  to  me  that  he 
thought  the  name  of  the  Governor  of  St.  Vincents 
was  Donald.  If  so,  he  is  probably  the  person  in 
tended.  I  received  a  letter  from  him  giving  me 
some  information  of  my  father.  The  letter  to  Mr. 
Donald  covers  one  to  my  father,  who,  from  a  series 
of  misfortunes,  was  reduced  to  great  distress.  You 
will  perceive  from  this  that  I  must  be  anxious  for  the 
safe  conveyance  of  my  letter.  If  there  is  any  person 


1 8  Alexander  Hamilton 

of  whom  you  can  make  previous  inquiry  concerning 
Mr.  Donald,  you  will  oblige  me  by  doing  it  as  a  guide 
in  forwarding  the  letter.  I  mean  to  send  a  duplicate 
from  this  place. 


TO   JOHN  JAY 

(Private.) 
MY  DEAR  SIR!  PHILADELPHIA,  Sept.  3, 179*. 

The  proceedings  at  Pittsburgh  which  you  will  find 
stated  in  the  inclosed  papers  and  other  incidents  in 
the  western  parts  of  this  State  announce  so  deter 
mined  and  persevering  a  spirit  of  opposition  to  the 
laws,  as  in  my  opinion  to  render  a  vigorous  exertion 
of  the  powers  of  government  indispensable.  I  have 
communicated  this  opinion  to  the  President,  and  I 
doubt  not  his  impressions  will  accord  with  it.  In 
this  case,  one  point  for  consideration  will  be  the  ex 
pediency  of  the  next  Circuit  Court's  noticing  the 
state  of  things  in  that  quarter,  particularly  the 
meeting  at  Pittsburgh  and  its  proceedings.  You  will 
observe  an  avowed  object  is  to  "obstruct  the  oper 
ation  of  the  law."  This  is  attempted  to  be  qualified 
by  a  pretence  of  doing  it  by  "every  legal  measure." 
But  " legal  measures "  to  "obstruct  the  operation 
of  a  law"  is  a  contradiction  in  terms.  I  therefore 
entertain  no  doubt  that  a  high  misdemeanor  had 
been  committed.  The  point,  however,  is  under  sub 
mission  to  the  Attorney-General  for  his  opinion. 

There  is  really,  my  dear  sir,  a  crisis  in  the  affairs  of 
the  country  which  demands  the  most  mature  con 
sideration  of  its  best  and  wisest  friends. 


Private  Correspondence  19 

I  beg  you  to  apply  your  own  most  serious  thoughts 
to  it,  and  favor  me  as  soon  as  possible  with  the  re 
sult  of  your  reflections.  Perhaps  it  will  not  be  amiss 
for  you  to  converse  with  Mr.  King.  His  judgment 
is  sound — he  has  caution  and  energy. 

Would  a  proclamation  from  the  President  be  ad 
visable,  stating  the  criminality  of  such  proceedings, 
and  warning  all  persons  to  abstain  from  them  as  the 
laws  will  be  strictly  enforced  against  all  offenders? 

If  the  plot  should  thicken  and  the  application  of 
force  should  appear  to  be  unavoidable,  will  it  be  ex 
pedient  for  the  President  to  repair  in  person  to  the 
scene  of  commotion? 

These  are  some  of  the  questions  which  present 
themselves.  The  subject  will  doubtless  open  itself 
in  all  its  aspects  to  you. 


TO 


DEAR   SIR*  PHILADELPHIA,  Sept.  21,  1792. 

I  take  the  liberty  to  inclose  you  the  copy  of  a 
letter  from  a  very  respectable  friend  in  New  York. 
The  contents  surprised  me — nor  am  I  quite  per 
suaded  that  the  appearance  of  Mr.  Burr  on  the  stage 
is  not  a  diversion  in  favor  of  Mr.  Clinton.1 

Mr.  Clinton 's  success  I  should  think  very  unfortu 
nate;  I  am  not  for  trusting  the  government  too 
much  in  the  hands  of  its  enemies.  But  still  Mr.  C. 
is  a  man  of  property,  and  in  private  life,  as  far  as  I 
know,  of  probity.  I  fear  the  other  gentleman  is 

xThis  refers  to  the  contest  for  the  Vice- Presidency  at  the  second 
national  election.  The  struggle  finally  settled  down  to  Clinton  and 
Adams,  and  the  latter  VK.S  elected. 


2O  Alexander  Hamilton 

unprincipled,  both  as  a  public  and  a  private  man. 
When  the  Constitution  was  in  deliberation,  his  con 
duct  was  equivocal,  but  its  enemies,  who,  I  believe, 
best  understood  him,  considered  him  as  with  them. 
In  fact,  I  take  it,  he  is  for  or  against  nothing,  but  as 
it  suits  his  interest  or  ambition.  He  is  determined, 
as  I  conceive,  to  make  his  way  to  be  the  head  of  the 
popular  party,  and  to  climb  per  fas  aut  nefas  to  the 
highest  honors  of  the  State,  and  as  much  higher  as 
circumstances  may  permit.  Embarrassed,  as  I  un 
derstand,  in  his  circumstances,  with  an  extravagant 
family,  bold,  enterprising,  and  intriguing,  I  am  mis 
taken  if  it  be  not  his  object  to  play  the  game  of  con 
fusion,  and  I  feel  it  to  be  a  religious  duty  to  oppose 
his  career. 

I  have  hitherto  scrupulously  refrained  from  in 
terference  in  elections;  but  the  occasion  is,  in  my 
opinion,  of  sufficient  importance  to  warrant  in  this 
instance  a  departure  from  that  rule.  I  therefore 
commit  my  opinion  to  you  without  scruple;  but  in 
perfect  confidence.  I  pledge  my  character  for  dis 
cernment,  that  it  is  incumbent  upon  every  good 
man  to  resist  the  present  design. 


TO   RUFUS   KING 

September  23,  1792. 

MY  DEAR  SIR: 

Though  I  had  had  a  previous  intimation  of  the 
possibility  of  such  an  event,  yet  the  intelligence  con 
tained  in  your  letter  of  the  i  yth  surprised  me.  Even 
now  I  am  to  be  convinced  that  the  movement  is  any 
thing  more  than  a  diversion  in  favor  of  Mr.  Clinton; 


Private  Correspondence  21 

yet,  on  my  part,  it  will  not  be  neglected.  My  atten 
tion,  as  far  as  shall  be  in  any  degree  safe,  will  be 
directed  to  every  State  south  of  New  York.  I  do 
not  go  beyond  it,  because  other  influences  would  be 
quite  as  efficacious  there  as  mine. 

A  good  use  will  be  made  of  it  in  this  State.  I  wish 
a  letter  could  be  written  here,  stating  the  plan,  and 
Mr.  Dallas'  assertion  respecting  Pennsylvania,  which 
could  be  made  use  of  without  reserve.  You  well 
know  who  could  write  such  a  letter,  and  of  course  to 
whom  it  might  be  addressed.  Mr.  Lewis  would  be 
the  most  proper  person  to  be  written  to.  This  is  a 
matter  of  importance,  and  if  practicable  no  time 
should  be  lost. 

I  wrote  Mr.  Jay  a  long  letter,  which  I  fear  reached 
New  York  after  he  had  set  out  on  the  circuit,  in 
forming  him  that  I  had  concluded  to  advise  a  pro 
clamation;  and  my  reasons  for  it,  which  included 
some  material  facts  not  before  communicated,  I  have 
not  leisure  to  repeat.  The  proclamation  has  been 
signed  by  the  President,  and  sent  to  Mr.  Jefferson 
for  his  counter-signature ;  I  expect  it  here  on  Tues 
day,  and  have  taken  correspondent  measures.  I  be 
lieve  all  is  prudent  and  safe. 


TO 


PHILADELPHIA,  Sept.  26,  1792. 

MY  DEAR  SIR: 

Some  days  since  I  was  surprised  with  the  following 
intelligence  in  a  letter  from  Mr.  King,  whose  name  I 
disclose  to  you  in  confidence. 

"  Burr  is  industrious  in  his  canvass,  and  his  object 
is  well  understood  by  our  Antis.  Mr.  Edwards  is  to 


22  Alexander  Hamilton 

make  interest  for  him  in  Connecticut,  and  Mr.  Dallas, 
who  is  here,  and  quite  in  the  circle  of  the  Governor 
and  the  party,  informs  us  that  Mr.  Burr  will  be  sup 
ported  as  Vice-President  in  Pennsylvania.  Nothing 
which  has  heretofore  happened  so  decisively  proves 
the  inveteracy  of  the  opposition.  Should  they  suc 
ceed,  much  would  be  to  be  apprehended." 

Though  in  my  situation  I  deem  it  most  proper  to 
avoid  interference  in  any  matter  relating  to  the  elec 
tions  for  members  of  the  government,  yet  I  feel 
reasons  of  sufficient  force  to  induce  a  departure  from 
that  rule  in  the  present  instance. 

Mr.  Burr's  integrity  as  an  individual  is  not  un- 
impeached.  As  a  public  man,  he  is  one  of  the  worst 
sort — a  friend  to  nothing  but  as  it  suits  his  interest 
and  ambition.  Determined  to  climb  to  the  highest 
honors  of  the  State,  and  as  much  higher  as  circum 
stances  may  permit,  he  cares  nothing  about  the 
means  of  effecting  his  purpose.  'T  is  evident  that 
he  aims  at  putting  himself  at  the  head  of  what  he 
calls  the  "popular  party"  as  affording  the  best  tools 
for  an  ambitious  man  to  work  with,  secretly  turning 
liberty  into  ridicule.  He  knows  as  well  as  most  men 
how  to  make  use  of  the  name.  In  a  word,  if  we  have 
an  embryo-Caesar  in  the  United  States,  't  is  Burr. 


TO   GEN.    C.    C.    PINCKNEY  x 

PHILADELPHIA,  Oct.  10,  1792. 

MY  DEAR  SIR: 

I  duly  received  your  letter  of  the  6th  September, 
and  have  sent  an  extract  to  Mr.  Church  for  the  ex- 

1  General  Charles  Cotesworth  Pinckney,  of  South  Carolina. 


Private  Correspondence  23 

planation  which  is  necessary.  I  feel  myself  truly 
obliged  by  your  friendly  allusion  to  my  unpleasant 
situation,  and  for  the  consolation  which  you  are  so 
kind  as  to  offer  me.  The  esteem  of  discerning  and 
virtuous  men  must  always  support  a  mind  properly 
formed  under  the  pressure  of  malevolence  and  envy. 
I  will  not  pretend  that  I  am  insensible  to  the  perse 
cution  which  I  experience ;  but  it  may  be  relied  upon 
that  I  shall  desert  no  post  which  I  ought  to  endeavor 
to  maintain,  so  long  as  my  own  reputation  or  the 
public  good  may  render  perseverance  necessary 
or  proper.  When  it  is  not  requisite,  either  to  the 
one  or  the  other,  my  friends  will  excuse  me  if  I  re 
collect  that  I  have  a  growing  and  hitherto  too  much 
neglected  family.  It  is  to  be  lamented  that  so 
strong  a  spirit  of  faction  and  innovation  prevails  at 
the  present  moment  in  a  great  part  of  the  country. 
The  thing  is  alarming  enough  to  call  for  the  atten 
tion  of  every  friend  to  government.  Let  me  not  be 
thought  to  travel  out  of  my  sphere,  if  I  observe  that 
a  particular  attention  to  the  election  for  the  next 
Congress  is  dictated  by  the  vigorous  and  general 
effort  which  is  making  by  factious  men  to  introduce 
everywhere,  and  in  every  department,  persons  un 
friendly  to  the  measures,  if  not  the  constitution,  of 
the  national  government.  Either  Governor  Clinton, 
or  Mr.  Burr,  of  New  York,  both  decidedly  of  the  de 
scription  of  persons  I  have  mentioned,  is  to  be  run 
in  this  quarter  as  Vice-President,  in  opposition  to 
Mr.  Adams.  The  former  has  been  invariably  the 
enemy  of  national  principles.  The  latter  has  no 
other  principles  than  to  mount,  at  all  events,  to  the 


24  Alexander  Hamilton 

full  honors  of  the  State,  and  to  as  much  more  as  cir 
cumstances  will  permit — a  man  in  private  life  not 
unblemished.  It  will  be  a  real  misfortune  to  the 
government  if  either  of  them  should  prevail.  'T  is 
suspected  by  some  that  the  plan  is  only  to  divide  the 
votes  of  the  Northern  and  the  Middle  States,  to  let 
in  Mr.  Jefferson  by  the  votes  of  the  South.  I  will  not 
scruple  to  say  to  you,  in  confidence,  that  this  also 
would  be  a  serious  misfortune  to  the  government. 
That  gentleman  whom  I  once  very  much  esteemed, 
but  who  does  not  permit  me  to  retain  that  sentiment 
for  him,  is  certainly  a  man  of  sublimated  and  para 
doxical  imagination,  entertaining  and  propagating 
opinions  inconsistent  with  dignified  and  orderly  gov 
ernment.  Mr.  Adams,  whatever  objections  may  lie 
against  some  of  his  theoretic  opinions,  is  a  firm, 
honest,  and  independent  politician.  Some  valuable 
characters  are  about  to  be  lost  to  the  House  of  Re 
presentatives  of  their  own  choice.  I  feared  once 
that  this  would  be  the  case  with  Mr.  Smith,1  of  your 
State;  but  I  believe  his  present  intention  is  rather 
to  continue  to  serve.  I  trust  there  can  be  no  doubt 
of  his  success,  and  I  wish  means  to  be  used  to  deter 
mine  his  acquiescence.  He  is  truly  an  excellent 
member — a  ready,  clear  speaker,  of  a  sound  analytic 
head,  and  the  justest  views.  I  know  no  man  whose 
loss  from  the  House  would  be  more  severely  felt  by 
the  good  cause.  The  delicacy  of  these  observations 
from  me  will,  of  course,  occur  to  you;  I  make  them 
without  reserve,  confiding  equally  in  your  friendship 
and  prudence.  Accept  the  assurances  of  the  cordial 

1  Hon.  Wm.  Smith,  South  Carolina. 


Private  Correspondence  25 

esteem  and  regard  with  which  I  have  the  honor  to 
remain. 


TO   JOHN   STEELE  * 

MY  DEAR  SIR:     ^         PHILADELPHIA,  <**•  *s,  '79*. 

The  letter  which  you  did  me  the  favor  to  write  me, 
of  the  i  Qth  of  September,  came  to  hand  two  days  ago. 
The  late  symptoms  of  acquiescence  in  the  duty  on 
distilled  spirits,  which  you  announce  in  your  quarter, 
are  particularly  satisfactory.  If  the  people  will  but 
make  trial  of  the  thing,  their  good-will  towards  it  will 
increase.  This  has  hitherto  happened  everywhere, 
where  the  law  has  gone  into  operation.  There 
certainly  can  be  no  tax  more  eligible  or  less  burthen- 
some.  Though  I  impose  on  myself  great  circum 
spection  on  the  subject  of  elections  for  the  federal 
government,  yet,  in  relation  to  the  characters  you 
mention,  I  feel  myself  more  at  liberty,  and  my  entire 
confidence  in  you  will  not  permit  me  to  affect  re 
serve.  I  take  it  for  granted  that  in  all  the  Northern 
and  Middle  States,  the  present  President  will  have  a 
unanimous  vote.  I  trust  it  will  be  so  in  the  South 
also.  A  want  of  unanimity  would  be  a  blot  on 
our  political  hemisphere,  and  would  wound  the  mind 
of  that  excellent  character  to  whom  the  country  is 
so  much  indebted.  For  Vice-President,  Mr.  Adams 
will  have  a  nearly  unanimous  vote  in  the  Eastern 
States.  The  same  thing  would  happen  in  New  York 
if  the  electors  were  to  be  chosen  by  the  people ;  but 
as  they  will  be  chosen  by  the  Legislature,  and  as  a 

1  Member  of  Congress  from  North  Carolina,  1790  to  1793. 


26  Alexander  Hamilton 

majority  of  the  existing  Assembly  are  Clintonians, 
the  electors  will,  I  fear,  be  of  the  same  complexion. 
In  Jersey,  Mr.  Adams  will  have  a  unanimous  vote, 
and,  according  to  present  appearances,  in  Pennsyl 
vania  likewise.  The  parties  have  had  a  trial  of  their 
strength  here  for  representatives,  and  though  the 
issue  is  not  finally  ascertained,  there  is  a  moral  cer 
tainty,  from  the  returns  received,  that 'the  ticket 
supported  by  the  federal  interest  will  prevail  by 
a  large  majority.  The  electors  nominated  by  the 
same  interest  will  all,  or  nearly  all,  favor  Mr.  Adams. 
I  believe  the  weight  of  Delaware  will  be  thrown  into 
the  same  scale.  And  I  think  it  probable  there  will 
be  votes  for  Mr.  Adams  in  Maryland.  I  presume 
none  in  Virginia  or  Georgia.  Of  North  Carolina, 
you  can  best  judge.  In  South  Carolina  he  will  have 
votes,  but  I  am  at  a  loss  to  judge  of  the  proportion. 
This  statement  will  inform  you  that  Mr.  Adams 
is  the  man  who  will  be  supported  in  the  Northern  and 
Middle  States,  by  the  friends  of  the  Government. 
They  reason  thus:  "Mr.  Adams,  like  other  men, 
has  his  faults  and  foibles ;  some  of  the  opinions  he  is 
supposed  to  entertain,  we  do  not  approve,  but  we 
believe  him  to  be  honest,  firm,  faithful,  and  inde 
pendent — a  sincere  lover  of  his  country — a  real 
friend  to  genuine  liberty,  but  combining  his  attach 
ment  to  that  with  love  of  order  and  stable  govern 
ment.  No  man's  private  character  can  be  fairer 
than  his.  No  man  has  given  stronger  proofs  than 
he  of  disinterested  and  intrepid  patriotism.  We 
will  therefore  support  him  as  far  preferable  to  any 
one  who  is  likely  to  be  opposed  to  him." 


Private  Correspondence  27 

Who  will  be  seriously  opposed  to  him,  I  am  yet  at 
a  loss  to  decide.  One  while,  Governor  Clinton  ap 
peared  to  be  the  man.  Of  late,  there  have  been 
symptoms  of  Col.  Burr's  canvassing  for  it.  Some 
say  one  or  both  of  these  will  be  played  off  as  a  diver 
sion  in  favor  of  Mr.  Jefferson.  I  do  not  scruple  to 
say  to  you  that  my  preference  of  Mr.  Adams  to 
either  of  these  is  decided.  As  to  Mr.  Clinton,  he  is 
a  man  of  narrow  and  perverse  politics,  and  as  well 
under  the  former  as  under  the  present  government, 
he  has  been  steadily,  since  the  termination  of  the 
war  with  Great  Britain,  opposed  to  national  prin 
ciples.  My  opinion  of  Mr.  Burr  is  yet  to  form — but, 
according  to  the  present  state  of  it,  he  is  a  man  whose 
only  political  principle  is  to  mount  at  all  events,  to 
the  highest  legal  honors  of  the  nation,  and  as  much 
further  as  circumstances  will  carry  him.  Imputa 
tions  not  favorable  to  his  integrity  as  a  man  rest  upon 
him,  but  I  do  not  vouch  for  their  authenticity. 

There  was  a  time  when  I  should  have  balanced 
between  Mr.  Jefferson  and  Mr.  Adams;  but  I  now 
view  the  former  as  a  man  of  sublimated  and  para 
doxical  imagination — cherishing  notions  incompati 
ble  with  regular  and  firm  government. 

Thus  have  I  opened  myself  to  you  with  frankness; 
I  doubt  not  I  am  perfectly  safe  in  doing  it. 

You  give  me  pain  by  telling  me  that  you  have 
declined  serving  in  the  House  of  Representatives 
after  the  third  of  March  next,  and  that  it  is  doubtful 
whether  you  will  attend  the  next  session.  I  anx 
iously  hope  that  you  will  find  it  convenient  to  at 
tend,  and  that  you  will  change  your  resolution  as  to 


28  Alexander  Hamilton 

not  serving  in  a  future  House.  The  ensuing  session 
will  be  an  interesting  one,  and  the  next  Congress 
will  either  anchor  the  government  in  safety  or  set  it 
afloat. 

My  apprehension  is  excited  when  I  see  so  many 
valuable  members  dropping  off.  Mr.  Lawrence * 
and  Mr.  Benson a  will  not  serve  again.  Mr.  Barn- 
well3  also  declines.  The  House  will,  I  fear,  lose 
more  of  its  talents  than  it  can  spare. 


TO   JOHN   ADAMS 

October,  1792. 

I  trust  you  are  sufficiently  convinced  of  my  re 
spect  for  you  and  attachment  to  you  to  render  an 
apology  for  the  liberty  I  am  going  to  take,  unneces 
sary.  I  learn  with  pain  that  you  may  not  probably 
be  here  till  late  in  the  session.  I  fear  that  this  will 
give  some  handle  to  your  enemies  to  misrepresent, 
and  though  I  am  persuaded  you  are  very  indifferent 
personally  to  the  event  of  a  certain  election,  yet  I 
hope  you  are  not  so  as  regards  the  cause  of  good 
government.  The  difference  in  that  view  is,  in  my 
conception,  immense  between  the  success  of  Mr. 

1  John  Lawrence,  an  Englishman  by  birth  and  a  soldier  in  the 
Revolution,  was  an  eminent  lawyer  of  New  York,  at  this  time  a 
member  of  Congress,  and  afterwards  U.  S.  District  Judge  and  Senator 
from  New  York. 

a  Egbert  Benson,  at  this  time  a  member  of  Congress  from  New  York, 
and  again  in  1813.  Attorney-General  of  New  York,  1780-1789,  and 
from  1794  to  1 80 1  a  Judge  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  State. 

3  Robert  Barnwell,  member  of  Congress  from  South  Carolina  from 
1791  to  1793. 


Private  Correspondence  29 

Clinton  or  yourself,  and  some  sacrifices  of  feeling  are 
to  be  made.  But  this  is  not  the  only  relation  in 
which  I  deem  your  early  presence  here  desirable. 
Permit  me  to  say  it  best  suits  the  firmness  and 
elevation  of  your  character  to  meet  all  events, 
whether  auspicious  or  otherwise,  on  the  ground 
where  station  and  duty  call  you.  One  would  not  give 
the  ill-disposed  the  triumph  of  supposing  that  an 
anticipation  of  want  of  success  has  kept  you  from 
your  post. 

You  observe,  my  dear  sir,  I  speak  without  much 
management.  You  will  ascribe  it  to  my  confidence 
and  esteem.  It  is  not  necessary  in  any  view  to 
multiply  words.  I  forbear  it ;  but  allow  me  to  add 
that  it  is  the  universal  wish  of  your  friends  you 
should  be  as  soon  as  possible  at  Philadelphia.1 


TO   JOHN   JAY 
MY   DEAR  SIR!  PHILADELPHIA,  Dec.  18,  1792. 

Your  favors  of  the  26th  of  November  and  i6th 
inst.  have  duly  come  to  hand.  I  am  ashamed  that 
the  former  has  remained  so  long  unacknowledged, 
though  I  am  persuaded  my  friends  would  readily 
excuse  my  delinquencies  could  they  appreciate  my 
situation.  T  is  not  the  load  of  proper  official  busi 
ness  that  alone  engrosses  me,  though  this  would  be 
enough  to  occupy  any  man.  'T  is  not  the  extra  at 
tention  I  am  obliged  to  pay  to  the  course  of  legisla 
tive  manoeuvres  that  alone  adds  to  my  burden  and 
perplexity.  'T  is  the  malicious  intrigues  to  stab  me 

1  Reprinted  from  the  History  of  the  Republic,  v.,  92. 


30  Alexander  Hamilton 

in  the  dark,  against  which  I  am  too  often  obliged  to 
guard  myself,  that  distract  and  harass  me  to  a  point 
which,  rendering  my  situation  scarcely  tolerable,  in 
terferes  with  objects  to  which  friendship  and  inclina 
tion  would  prompt  me. 

I  have  not,  however,  been  unmindful  of  the  sub 
ject  of  your  letters.  Mr.  King  will  tell  you  the  state 
the  business  was  in.  Nothing  material  has  happened 
since.  The  representation  will  probably  produce 
some  effect,  though  not  as  great  as  ought  to  be  ex 
pected.  Some  changes  for  the  better,  I  trust,  will 
take  place. 

The  success  of  the  Vice-President  is  as  great  a 
source  of  satisfaction  as  that  of  Mr.  Clinton  would 
have  been  of  mortification  and  pain  to  me.  Will 
ingly,  however,  would  I  relinquish  my  share  of  the 
command  to  the  Anti-federalists  if  I  thought  they 
were  to  be  trusted.  But  I  have  so  many  proofs  of 
the  contrary,  as  to  make  me  dread  the  experiment 
of  their  preponderance.1 


TO   RICHARD    HARRISON  a 

PHILADELPHIA,  Jan.  5,  1793. 

DEAR  SIR: 

Le  Roy  has  not  yet  appeared  with  the  powers 
and  receipts  mentioned  in  your  letter  of  the  3ist 

1  Reprinted  from  Life  of  Jay,  ii.,  213. 

3  Richard  Harrison  was  born  in  1750.  He  was  our  Consul  at  Cadiz 
for  five  years,  and  this  letter  seems  to  have  been  written  at  the  time  of 
his  return  from  his  consulship  and  on  the  presentation  of  his  accounts. 
In  this  year,  1793,  he  was  appointed  Auditor  of  the  Treasury,  a  position 
which  he  held  until  his  death,  in  1841. 


Private  Correspondence  31 

December.  Every  practicable  facility  will  be  given 
to  the  business  when  it  comes  forward.  But  I  be 
lieve,  according  to  the  course  of  the  Treasury,  a  cer 
tificate,  not  money,  will  be  given  for  the  balance. 
Your  account  is  returned  with  directory  remarks 
upon  it.  I  am  sorry  you  should  have  the  trouble  of 
so  many  different  applications,  but  the  course  of 
public  business  requires  it. 

I  am  more  sorry  that  we  have  been  deprived  of 
the  pleasure  of  seeing  you.  Every  friend  I  see  from 
a  place  I  love  is  a  cordial  to  me,  and  I  stand  in  need 
of  something  of  that  kind  now  and  then. 

The  triumphs  of  vice  are  no  new  thing  under  the 
sun,  and  I  fear,  till  the  millennium  comes,  in  spite  of 
all  our  boasted  light  and  purification,  hypocrisy  and 
treachery  will  continue  to  be  the  most  successful 
commodities  in  the  political  market.  It  seems  to 
be  the  destined  lot  of  nations  to  mistake  their  foes 
for  their  friends,  their  flatterers  for  their  faithful 
servants. 


TO   WILLIAM   SHORT1 

(Private.) 

PHILADELPHIA,  Feb.  5,  1793. 

SIR: 

The  spirit  of  party  has  grown  to  maturity  sooner 
in  this  country  than  perhaps  was  to  have  been 
counted  upon.  You  will  see  a  specimen  of  it  in 

1  William  Short,  of  Virginia,  was  Minister  to  the  Hague  and  in 
charge  of  our  financial  negotiations  in  Holland,  and  was  afterwards 
Minister  to  Spain. 


32  Alexander  Hamilton 

the  inclosed  speech  of  Mr.  Giles,  a  member  from 
Virginia.  The  House  of  Representatives  adopted 
the  resolutions  proposed  by  him,  nemine  contra- 
dicente.  The  object,  with  a  majority,  was  to  con 
found  the  attempt,  by  giving  a  free  course  to 
investigation. 

I  send  you,  also,  a  printed  copy  of  a  letter  from  me 
to  the  House  of  Representatives,  of  yesterday's  date 
being  the  first  part  of  an  answer  to  those  resolutions. 
The  statements  referred  to  in  it  could  not  yet  be 
printed,  but  lest  the  thing  should  pass  the  Atlantic 
and  be  made  an  ill  use  of  to  the  prejudice  of  our 
country,  I  send  you  the  antidote,  to  be  employed  or 
not,  as  you  may  see  occasion. 

An  investigation  intended  to  prejudice  me  is  begun 
with  respect  to  the  circumstances  attending  the  last 
payment  on  account  of  the  French  debt,  which,  in 
its  progress,  may  draw  your  conduct  into  question. 
I  think,  however,  you  need  be  under  no  anxiety  for 
the  result.  Your  hesitations,  at  a  certain  stage, 
were  so  natural,  and  your  reasons  so  weighty  for 
them,  that  they  will  give  little  handle  against  you, 
besides  the  coincidence  in  opinion  here  about  the 
expediency  of  a  suspension  of  payment.  The  popu 
lar  tide  in  this  country  is  strong  in  favor  of  the  last 
revolution  in  France;  and  there  are  many  who  go, 
of  course,  with  that  tide,  and  endeavor  always  to 
turn  it  to  account.  For  my  own  part,  I  content  my 
self  with  praying  most  sincerely  that  it  may  issue  in 
the  real  advantage  and  happiness  of  the  nation. 


Private  Correspondence  33 

TO   RUFUS   KING 
MY  DEAR  SIR!        '  PHILADELPHIA,  April  ,,  X793. 

When  you  are  acquainted  with  all  the  facts,  I 
think  you  will  alter  the  opinion  you  appear  to  enter 
tain.  My  application  comes  literally  within  your 
rule.  The  loan  is  necessary  for  the  current  expendi 
ture,  independent  of  any  new  advance  to  France,  or 
of  purchases  of  the  debt.  This  has  arisen  from  my 
having  been  under  the  necessity  of  remitting  to 
Holland,  for  a  payment  in  June  of  1,000,000  guilders, 
as  an  instalment  of  the  principal,  and  470,000  guild 
ers  for  interest  of  the  Dutch  debt. 

Late  advices  rendering  it  problematical  whether  a 
loan  could  be  obtained  for  the  purpose  of  the  instal 
ment,  it  became  necessary  to  make  this  remittance 
to  avoid  danger  to  the  public  credit. 

Hence,  without  a  loan  from  the  bank,  I  ought  to 
calculate  upon  a  deficiency  in  the  present  quarter 
(remember  we  are  in  April)  of  672,023  dollars  and 
26  cents,  and  in  the  next,  of  325,447  dollars  and  28 
cents. 

This  is  the  result  of  as  accurate  a  view  of  receipts 
and  expenditures  as  can  now  be  taken.  You  will 
anticipate  that,  by  all  the  expenditures  not  falling 
actually  within  the  periods  to  which  they  are  applica 
ble,  the  real  deficiency  would  not  be  so  great  as  the 
calculated;  but  you  will,  at  the  same  time,  perceive 
that  the  view  given  supposes  a  state  of  the  Treasury 
which  renders  an  auxiliary  indispensable. 

At  the  same  time,  I  cannot  but  think  that  you 
apply  your  principle  too  rigorously.  I  ought  not  to 


VOL.  X.— 3. 


34  Alexander  Hamilton 

be  forced  to  divert  for  a  length  of  time  funds  appro 
priated  for  other  purposes,  to  ike  current  expendi 
ture.  To  compel  this  would  be,  in  substance  to 
withhold  the  means  necessary  for  the  public  service ; 
for  it  would  oblige  the  Treasury  to  employ  an  adven 
titious  resource,  which  ought  not  be  so  employed, 
and  that  too  at  a  time  when  it  could  be  employed  ad 
vantageously,  according  to  its  original  and  true  des 
tination.  I  therefore  think,  independent  of  the  real 
exigency,  the  bank  ought  to  make  the  loan. 

The  loans  to  government  stand  on  very  different 
considerations  from  those  to  individuals.  Besides 
the  chartered  privileges,  which  are  the  grant  of  the 
government,  the  vast  deposits  constantly  on  hand, 
and  which  ordinarily  exceed  the  loans  from  the  bank, 
frequently  very  greatly,  are  an  advantage  which, 
generally  speaking,  bears  no  proportion  to  the  ad 
vantages  of  the  dealings  between  individuals  and  the 
bank.  Consider,  too,  what  has  been  the  state  of 
things  for  some  time  past,  and  the  real  sacrifices 
which  have  been  made  not  to  distress  the  institution. 

If  for  such  accommodations  equivalent  services 
are  not  to  be  rendered,  they  could  not  easily  be 
defended. 

Besides,  from  the  necessity  of  having  a  consider 
able  sum  on  hand  in  the  Treasury,  and  the  natural 
course  of  the  business,  the  bank  is  pretty  sure  of 
having  always  on  deposit  a  large  part  of  what  it 
lends  to  the  government.  This  does  not  exist  in  any 
thing  like  the  same  degree,  in  the  case  of  individuals. 

You  seem  to  calculate  that  the  past  advances  will 
not  be  replaced.  On  the  contrary,  it  is  my  inten- 


Private  Correspondence  35 

tion,  pursuant  to  stipulation,  to  repay  as  fast  as  the 
funds  come  in  applicable  to  it ;  and  in  the  last  quarter 
of  the  year  I  hope  to  make  a  considerable  progress  in 
the  reimbursement;  till  then,  it  will  not  be  prac 
ticable. 

I  do  not  know  whether  Mr.  Kane  stated  to  you  the 
nature  of  my  proposal.  It  was  that  the  payments 
should  be  made  in  four  equal  monthly  instalments — 
the  first  on  the  first  of  June — and  that  each  instal 
ment  should  be  reimbursed  in  six  months.  The  real 
advance  of  the  bank  will  be  very  temporary  indeed 
before  greater  sums  will  come  into  its  vaults  from 
the  duties.  In  the  last  quarter  of  the  present  and 
the  first  quarter  of  the  ensuing  year,  very  large  re 
ceipts  may  be  expected. 

You  are  sure  that  while  I  seek  to  put  myself  in  a 
proper  posture,  I  shall  not  fail  to  have  a  due  regard 
to  the  safety  of  the  institution. 

It  is  much  to  be  wished  that  I  could  be  enabled  to 
make  some  purchases,  though  this  will  not  be  the 
case  with  the  loan  in  question,  unless  a  loan  shall 
also  have  been  obtained  in  Europe. 

A  meeting  of  the  commissioners  has  lately  been 
called  by  Mr.  Jefferson,  out  of  the  course  heretofore 
practised,  in  which  I  have  been  pressed  to  declare 
whether  I  had  or  had  not  funds  applicable  to  purchases. 
I  answered  so  as  to  be  safe.  But  you  readily  perceive 
the  design  of  this  movement.  There  is  no  doubt  in 
my  mind  that  the  next  session  will  revive  the  attack 
with  more  system  and  earnestness — and  it  is  surely 
not  the  interest  of  any  body  or  any  thing  that  a 
serious  handle  should  be  furnished. 


36  Alexander  Hamilton 

On  the  whole,  I  am  persuaded  that  the  bank  can 
do  what  I  ask  without  real  inconvenience  to  itself; 
and  my  situation  is  such  that  I  shall  be  compelled 
to  find  an  auxiliary. 

All  the  cry  here  is  for  peace.     How  is  it  with  you? 


TO   WASHINGTON 

-  l-i "..  - 

PHILADELPHIA,  April  5,  1793. 

SIR: 

The  ship  John  Buckley  is  just  arrived  here  from 
Lisbon,  which  place  she  left  on  the  23d  of  February. 

The  Messrs.  Wains,  a  respectable  mercantile  house 
here,  have  received  a  letter  from  Mr.  John  Buckley, 
a  respectable  merchant  of  Lisbon,  after  whom  the 
ship  is  named,  of  which  the  following  is  an  extract: 

"  By  letters  from  France,  by  this  day's  post,  we 
find  that  an  embargo  took  place  there  the  26.  instant 
on  all  English,  Russian,  and  Dutch  vessels,  which  is 
certainly  the  prelude  of  war."  This  letter  is  dated 
the  22d  of  February. 

Messrs.  Wains,  in  addition,  inform ,  that  on 

the  23d  of  February,  the  moment  the  ship  was  getting 
under  way,  Mr.  Buckley  came  on  board  with  a  letter 
from  Mr.  Fenwick,  of  Bordeaux,  informing  him  that 
war  had  been  declared  by  France  against  England, 
Russia,  and  Holland.  The  foregoing  particulars  I 
have  directly  from  the  Wains. 

The  report  in  the  city  is  that  the  war  was  declared 
on  the  8th  of  February. 

Combining  this  with  the  letter  of  Lord  Grenville  to 


Private  Correspondence  37 

Mr.  Chauvelin,  requiring  his  departure,  and  the  king's 
message  to  the  House  of  Commons,  founded  upon  it 
— there  seems  to  be  no  room  for  doubt  of  the  exist 
ence  of  war. 

P.  S. — I  this  instant  learn  that  there  are  English 
papers  in  town,  by  way  of  St.  Vincent,  which  men 
tion  that  on  the  8th  of  February  the  late  Queen  of 
France  was  also  put  to  death,  after  a  trial  and  con 
demnation. 


TO    WASHINGTON 

PHILADELPHIA,  April  8,  1793. 

SIR: 

The  papers  of  to-day,  which  I  take  it  for  granted 
are  forwarded  to  you,  will  inform  you  of  the  con 
firmation  of  the  war  between  France,  England,  and 
Holland,  and  of  such  other  leading  particulars  as  are 
contained  in  the  English  papers  brought  by  the 
packet. 

The  object  of  this  letter  is  merely  to  apprise  you 
that  the  whole  current  of  commercial  intelligence, 
which  comes  down  to  the  i  ith  of  February,  indicates 
thus  far  an  unexceptionable  conduct  on  the  part  of 
the  British  Government  towards  the  vessels  of  the 
United  States. 

The  information  is  received  here  with  very  great 
satisfaction,  as  favorable  to  the  continuance  of  peace, 
the  desire  of  which  may  be  said  to  be  both  universal 
and  ardent. 

P.  S. — Lest  the  papers  may  not  be  regularly 
transmitted,  I  enclose  the  two  of  this  morning. 


38  Alexander  Hamilton 

TO  JOHN  JAY 

DEAR  SIR!         W&  ^  ^    PHILADELPHIA,  April  9,  !793. 

When  we  last  conversed  together  on  the  subject, 
we  were  both  of  opinion  that  the  minister  expected 
from  France  should  be  received. 

Subsequent  circumstances  have  perhaps  induced  an 
additional  embarrassment  on  this  point,  and  render 
it  advisable  to  reconsider  the  opinion  generally,  and 
to  raise  this  further  question,  Whether  he  ought  to 
be  received  absolutely  or  with  qualifications.  The 
king  has  been  decapitated.  Out  of  this  will  arise  a 
regent,  acknowledged  and  supported  by  the  powers 
of  Europe  almost  universally,  in  capacity  to  act,  and 
who  may  himself  send  an  ambassador  to  the  United 
States.  Should  we  in  such  case  receive  both?  If 
we  receive  one  from  the  republic  and  refuse  the 
other,  shall  we  stand  on  ground  perfectly  neutral? 
If  we  receive  a  minister  from  the  republic,  shall  we 
be  afterward  at  liberty  to  say,  We  will  not  decide 
whether  there  is  a  government  in  France  competent 
to  demand  from  us  the  performance  of  the  existing 
treaties?  What  the  government  of  France  shall  be 
is  the  very  point  in  dispute.  Till  that  is  decided, 
the  applicability  of  the  treaties  is  suspended.  When 
that  government  is  established,  we  shall  consider 
whether  such  changes  had  been  made  as  to  render 
their  continuance  incompatible  with  the  interest  of 
the  United  States.  If  we  shall  not  have  concluded 
ourselves  by  any  act,  I  am  of  opinion  that  we  have 
at  least  a  right  to  hold  the  thing  suspended.  Till 
the  point  in  dispute  is  decided,  I  doubt  whether  we 


Private  Correspondence  39 

could  bona  fide  dispute  the  ultimate  obligation  of  the 
treaties.  Will  the  unqualified  reception  of  a  min 
ister  conclude  us?  If  it  will,  ought  we  so  to  con 
clude  ourselves?  Ought  we  not  rather  to  refuse 
receiving,  or  to  receive  with  qualifications ;  declaring 
that  we  receive  the  person  as  the  representative  of 
the  government,  in  fact,  of  the  French  nation,  re 
serving  to  ourselves  the  right  to  consider  the  ap 
plicability  of  the  treaties  to  the  actual  situation 
of  the  parties?  These  are  questions  which  require 
our  utmost  wisdom.  I  would  give  a  great  deal  for 
a  personal  discussion  with  you.  Imprudent  things 
have  already  been  done,  which  render  it  proportion 
ally  important  that  every  succeeding  step  should  be 
well  considered.1 


TO   JOHN   JAY 

PHILADELPHIA,  April  9,  1793. 

MY  DEAR  SIR: 

I  have  already  written  you  by  this  post.  A  fur 
ther  question  occurs — Would  not  a  proclamation 
prohibiting  our  citizens  from  taking  commissions  on 
either  side  be  proper?  Would  it  be  well  that  it 
should  include  a  declaration  of  neutrality?  If  you 
think  the  measure  prudent,  could  you  draught  such 
a  thing  as  you  would  deem  proper?  I  wish  much 
you  could.2 

1  Reprinted  from  Life  of  Jay,  i.,  298.  a  Ibid.,  300. 


40  Alexander  Hamilton 

TO   RUFUS   KING 

PHILADELPHIA,  May  2,  1793. 

The  failures  in  England  will  be  so  seriously  felt  in 
this  country  as  to  involve  a  real  crisis  in  our  money 
concerns. 

I  anxiously  wish  you  could  be  here  to  assist  in  the 
operations  of  the  Bank  of  the  United  States.  Never 
was  there  a  time  which  required  more  the  union  of 
courage  and  prudence  than  the  present  and  approach 
ing  juncture.  You  can  imagine  all  that  I  could  add 
on  this  subject.  Is  it  possible  for  you  to  spend  a 
month  with  us? 


TO   JEFFERSON1 

TREASURY  DEPARTMENT,  May  3,  1793. 

SIR: 

I  regret  extremely  that  I  did  not  receive  your 
letter  respecting  Mr.  Ternant's  application  till  two 
o'clock  yesterday,  after  a  warrant  had  issued  in  his 
favor  for  the  sum  requested. 

Agreeing  entirely  in  opinion  with  you,  that  all  ap 
plications  from  diplomatic  characters,  as  well  those 
relating  to  pecuniary  matters  as  others,  ought  to  be 
addressed  to  your  department,  I  should  have  taken 
no  step  on  the  present  occasion,  had  it  not  been  put 
on  the  footing  of  a  previous  arrangement  (as  you  will 
perceive  by  the  copy  of  Mr.  Ternant's  note  to  me), 
and  had  I  not  myself  carried  along  in  my  mind  a 

1  This,  and  the  other  letters  to  Jefferson  which  follow,  simply  show 
the  strained  relations  between  Jefferson  and  Hamilton,  and  the  widen 
ing  of  the  breach  which  finally  resulted  in  open  enmity. 


Private  Correspondence  41 

general  impression  that  the  spirit  of  what  had  passed 
would  comprise  the  advance  requested  in  the  par 
ticular  case. 

For  greater  caution,  however,  I  thought  it  advis 
able  to  mention  the  matter  to  the  President,  which 
was  followed  (if  I  remember  right,  upon  my  own 
suggestion)  by  the  conversation  which  I  had  with 
you. 

You  will  remember  that  though  your  recollection 
at  the  time  of  what  had  passed  from  you  agreed  with 
what  had  been  the  result  of  your  subsequent  ex 
amination,  yet  you  expressed  an  opinion  that  in  the 
special  case  (adhering  as  a  general  rule  to  the  spirit 
of  your  late  communication)  it  ought  to  be  ad 
visable  to  make  the  advance  desired,  as  it  would  be 
well  "to  part  friends."  And  it  was  at  my  request, 
subsequent  to  this  declaration,  that  you  engaged  to 
review  your  communications  to  Mr.  Ternant. 

Having  told  Mr.  Ternant  that  the  matter  would  be 
terminated  the  day  succeeding  his  application — not 
having  heard  from  you  on  that  day — understanding 
it  to  be  your  opinion  that,  on  the  whole,  it  would  be 
well  to  make  the  advance, — I  waited  on  the  Presi 
dent  yesterday  morning,  stated  what  had  passed  be 
tween  us,  and  obtained  his  consent  for  making  the 
advance. 

I  am  thus  particular  from  a  desire  that  you 
may  see  the  ground  upon  which  I  have  proceeded, 
as  it  would  give  me  pain  that  you  should  consider 
what  has  been  done  as  the  infringement  of  a  rule  of 
official  propriety.  I  assure  you  this  was  not  my 
intention. 


42                       Alexander  Hamilton 
TO  ' 

May,  1793. 

You  ask  me  if  the  newspapers  of  Philadelphia  give 
a  true  picture  of  the  conduct  of  its  citizens  on  the 
occasion  of  the  arrival  of  Mr.  Genet,  and  whether  the 
great  body  of  them  are  really  as  indiscreet  as  those 
papers  represent  them. 

It  gives  me  pleasure  to  be  able  to  answer  you  in 
the  negative.  I  can  assure  you  upon  the  best  evi 
dence  that,  comparatively  speaking,  but  a  small  pro 
portion  of  them  have  had  agency  in  the  business. 

Though  the  papers,  on  the  morning  of  the  day  of 
Mr.  Genet's  arrival,  announced  his  approach,  and  at 

o'clock  ,  three  guns  were  fired  from  the 

frigate  as  a  signal  to  those  who  were  disposed  to  go 
to  meet  him  at  Gray's  ferry,  as  had  been  previously 
concerted  and  notified  in  the  papers,  and  though  we 
are  told  by  some  of  the  printers  that  all  the  outlets 
from  the  city  were  crowded  with  persons  going  out 
to  meet  Mr.  Genet,  the  fact  is  that  a  very  inconsider 
able  number  indeed  went  out.  It  is  seldom  easy  to 
speak  with  absolute  certainty  in  such  cases,  but  from 
all  I  could  observe  or  have  been  able  to  learn,  I  be 
lieve  the  number  would  be  stated  high  at  a  hundred 
persons. 

In  the  evening  of  the  same  day,  according  to  no 
tice  in  an  evening  paper  which  came  out  earlier  than 
usual  for  the  purpose,  a  meeting  was  convened  at 
the  State  House  yard  under  the  direction  of  the  same 

1  This  letter  is  undated,  but  it  must  have  been  written  at  this  time, 
as  Genet  reached  Philadelphia  May  16,  1793,  and  the  letter  relates  to 

that  event. 


Private  Correspondence  43 

persons  who  had  projected  the  going  out  to  Gray's. 
This  meeting  was  also  inconsiderable.  From  forty 
to  one  hundred  persons  give  you  the  extremes  of  the 
numbers  present,  as  reported  by  those  who  were  at 
the  meeting  or  in  a  situation  to  observe  it. 

Here  a  committee  was  appointed  to  prepare  an 
address  to  Mr.  Genet;  and  another  meeting  of  the 
citizens  was  advertised  for  the  ensuing  evening  at 
the  same  place,  the  object  of  which,  it  seems,  was 
to  consider  and  approve  the  address. 

This  last  meeting  is  stated  differently  from  three 
hundred  to  one  thousand.  An  accurate  observer, 
who  was  a  by-stander  and  paid  particular  attention 
to  the  matter,  assures  me  that  there  were  between 
five  and  six  hundred  assembled.  I  rely  upon  this  as 
about  the  truth. 

The  persons  who  were  met  approved  the  address 
which  had  been  prepared,  and,  as  you  have  seen, 
nominated  a  committee  to  present  it,  whom  they 
accompanied  to  Mr.  Genet's  lodging  at  the  City 
Tavern. 

On  their  way  to  the  City  Tavern  their  number 
was,  as  you  will  imagine,  considerably  increased. 
A  crowd  will  always  draw  a  crowd,  whatever  be  the 
purpose.  Curiosity  will  supply  the  place  of  attach 
ment  to  or  interest  in  the  object.  What  number 
may  have  been  assembled  in  the  vicinity  of  the 
City  Tavern,  it  is  impossible  to  say.  The  evening 
being  pretty  far  advanced,  was  alone  an  obstacle  to 
judging. 

But  the  true  test  was  the  meeting  in  the  State 
House  yard.  'T  is  there  we  are  to  look  for  the  real 


44  Alexander  Hamilton 

partisans  of  the  measure.  And,  according  to  this 
standard,  it  may  be  pronounced  that  not  a  tenth  part 
of  the  city  participated  in  it. 

You  ask  who  were  its  promoters.  I  answer,  that 
with  very  few  exceptions  they  were  the  same  men 
who  have  been  uniformly  the  enemies  and  the  dis 
turbers  of  the  government  of  the  United  States.  It 
will  not  be  surprising  if  we  see  ere  long  a  curious 
combination  growing  up  to  control  its  measures,  with 
regard  to  foreign  politics,  at  the  expense  of  the  peace 
of  the  country — perhaps  at  a  still  greater  expense. 

We  too  have  our  disorganizers.  But  I  trust  there 
is  enough  of  virtue  and  good  sense  in  the  people  of 
America  to  baffle  every  attempt  against  their  pro 
sperity,  though  masked  under  the  specious  garb  of  an 
extraordinary  zeal  for  liberty.  They  practically,  I 
doubt  not,  adopt  this  sacred  maxim,  that  without 
government  there  is  no  true  liberty. 

I  agree  with  you  in  the  reflections  you  make  on 
the  tendency  of  public  demonstrations  of  attach 
ment  to  the  cause  of  France.  'T  is  certainly  not 
wise  to  expose  ourselves  to  the  jealousy  and  resent 
ment  of  the  rest  of  the  world,  by  a  fruitless  display 
of  zeal  for  that  cause.  It  may  do  us  much  harm,  and 
it  can  do  France  no  good  (unless  indeed  we  are  to 
embark  in  the  war  with  her,  which  nobody  is  so 
hardy  as  to  avow,  though  some  secretly  machinate 
it).  It  cannot  be  without  danger  and  inconvenience 
to  our  interests  to  impress  on  the  nations  of  Europe 
an  idea  that  we  are  actuated  by  the  same  spirit 
which  has  for  some  time  past  fatally  misguided  the 
measures  of  those  who  conduct  the  affairs  of  France, 


Private  Correspondence  45 

and  sullied  a  cause  once  glorious,  and  that  might 
have  been  triumphant.  The  cause  of  France  is 
compared  with  that  of  America  during  its  late  revo 
lution.  Would  to  Heaven  that  the  comparison  were 
just.  Would  to  Heaven  we  could  discern  in  the 
mirror  of  French  affairs  the  same  humanity,  the 
same  decorum,  the  same  gravity,  the  same  order, 
the  same  dignity,  the  same  solemnity,  which  dis 
tinguished  the  cause  of  the  American  Revolution. 
Clouds  and  darkness  would  not  then  rest  upon  the 
issue  as  they  now  do.  I  own  I  do  not  like  the  com 
parison.  When  I  contemplate  the  horrid  and  sys 
tematic  massacres  of  the  26.  and  3d  of  September; 
when  I  observe  that  a  Marat  and  a  Robespierre,  the 
notorious  prompters  of  those  bloody  scenes,  sit  tri 
umphantly  in  the  convention  and  take  a  conspicuous 
part  in  its  measures — that  an  attempt  to  bring  the 
assassins  to  justice  has  been  obliged  to  be  aban 
doned;  when  I  see  an  unfortunate  prince,  whose 
reign  was  a  continued  demonstration  of  the  good 
ness  and  benevolence  of  his  heart,  of  his  attachment 
to  the  people  of  whom  he  was  the  monarch,  who, 
though  educated  in  the  lap  of  despotism,  had  given 
repeated  proofs  that  he  was  not  the  enemy  of  liberty, 
brought  precipitately  and  ignominiously  to  the  block 
without  any  substantial  proof  of  guilt,  as  yet  dis 
closed — without  even  an  authentic  exhibition  of 
motives,  in  decent  regard  to  the  opinions  of  man 
kind;  when  I  find  the  doctrines  of  atheism  openly 
advanced  in  the  convention,  and  heard  with  loud 
applause;  when  I  see  the  sword  of  fanaticism  ex 
tended  to  force  a  political  creed  upon  citizens  who 


46  Alexander  Hamilton 

were  invited  to  submit  to  the  arms  of  France  as  the 
harbingers  of  liberty;  when  I  behold  the  hand  of 
rapacity  outstretched  to  prostrate  and  ravish  the 
monuments  of  religious  worship,  erected  by  those 
citizens  and  their  ancestors;  when  I  perceive  pas 
sion,  tumult,  and  violence  usurping  those  seats, 
where  reason  and  cool  deliberation  ought  to  preside, 
I  acknowledge  that  I  am  glad  to  believe  there  is  no 
real  resemblance  between  what  was  the  cause  of 
America  and  what  is  the  cause  of  France — that  the 
difference  is  no  less  great  than  that  between  liberty 
and  licentiousness.  I  regret  whatever  has  a  ten 
dency  to  compound  them,  and  I  feel  anxious,  as  an 
American,  that  the  ebullitions  of  inconsiderate  men 
among  us  may  not  tend  to  involve  our  reputation  in 
the  issue. 


TO   RUFUS   KING 

June  15,  1793. 

DEAR  SIR: 

The  ideas  expressed  in  your  letter  of  the  i4th 
correspond  with  my  view  of  the  subject  in  general. 
I  did  not  perceive  that  any  process  could  be  devised 
to  detain  the  privateer,  and  concluded  that  the  issue 
would  be  to  leave  her  in  military  custody.  Indeed, 
I  believe  this  was  rather  the  expectation  with  all, 
though  it  was  thought  advisable  to  make  the  experi 
ment  of  a  reference  to  the  civil  tribunal. 

With  regard  to  the  Catharine,  I  also  entertain  the 
doubt  you  appear  to  have.  In  the  case  of  the 
Grange,  the  surrender  was  brought  about  by  a  de- 


Private  Correspondence  47 

mand  of  Mr.  Genet  and  his  interposition.  But  it 
was  in  contemplation  of  employing  the  military  in 
case  of  refusal. 

Yet,  since  that  time,  a  libel  has  been  filed  in  the 
District  Court  in  the  case  of  another  vessel  alleged 
to  have  been  captured  within  the  limits  of  our  ju 
risdiction.  And  both  Mr.  Lewis  and  Mr.  Rawle, 
Attorney  of  the  District,  hold  that  the  District  or  Ad 
miralty  Court  will  take  cognizance  of  this  question. 
They  argue  that  it  would  be  a  great  chasm  in  the  law 
that  there  should  not  be  some  competent  judicial 
authority  to  do  justice  between  parties  in  the  case 
of  an  illegal  seizure  within  our  jurisdiction.  That 
the  Court  of  Admiralty  has  naturally  cognizance  of 
tortious  takings  on  the  high  seas,  and  as  she  gives  re 
lief  in  rem,  may  cause  a  re-delivery.  That  though, 
as  a  general  principle,  a  court  of  a  neutral  nation  will 
not  examine  the  question  of  prize  or  not  prize  be 
tween  belligerent  powers,  yet  this  principle  must  ex 
cept  the  case  of  the  infraction  of  the  jurisdiction  of 
the  neutral  power  itself.  Quoad  this  fact,  its  courts 
will  interpose  and  give  relief. 

This  is  their  reasoning,  and  it  has  much  force. 
The  desire  of  the  Executive  is  to  have  the  point  as 
certained,  and  if  possible  to  put  the  affair  in  this 
train.  There  may  arise  nice  difficulties  about  the 
fact,  and  nice  points  about  the  extent  of  jurisdiction 
at  sea,  which  the  courts  had  best  settle. 

The  contest  in  form  must,  as  you  say,  be  between 
the  owners  and  the  captors.  For  this  purpose  Mr. 
Hammond  is  to  cause  the  proper  instructions  to  be 
given. 


48  Alexander  Hamilton 

There  is  a  letter  from  me  to  Harrison*     If  Troup 
has  not  opened  it,  let  him  do  it. 


TO   GEN.    OTHO   H.    WILLIAMS 

(Private  and  Confidential.) 

PHILADELPHIA,  June  ax,  1793. 

MY  DEAR  SIR: 

I  learnt  with  real  pleasure  your  return  from  the 
West  Indies  in  improved  health.  Be  assured  that  I 
interest  myself  with  friendship  in  your  welfare. 

The  Collector  of  Annapolis  has  announced  his  in 
tention  to  resign  by  the  first  of  next  month.  Do 
you  know  a  character  there  fit  and  probably  willing 
to  serve?  There  is  a  salary  of  200  dollars  a  year, 
besides  the  percentage  and  fees.  The  whole,  how 
ever,  is  moderate  enough. 

If  any  inquiry  is  made,  it  must  be  so  as  to  avoid 
all  possible  commitment.  For  it  is  the  President's 
practice  to  seek  information  through  different  chan 
nels  and  to  decide  according  to  the  result  of  the 
whole.3 


TO   WASHINGTON 

PHILADELPHIA,  June  ax,  1793. 

SIR: 

Considerations  relative  to  both  the  public  interest 
and  to  my  own  delicacy  have  brought  me,  after 
mature  reflection,  to  a  resolution  to  resign  the  office 

1  Richard  Harrison  mentioned  above. 

3  Now  first  printed  from  the  original  in  the  possession  of  Mr.  Otho  H. 
Williams,  of  Baltimore. 


Private  Correspondence  49 

I  hold  towards  the  close  of  the  ensuing  session  of 
Congress. 

I  postpone  the  final  act  to  that  period,  because 
some  propositions  remain  to  be  submitted  by  me  to 
Congress  which  are  necessary  to  the  full  development 
of  my  original  plan,  and,  as  I  suppose,  of  some  con 
sequence  to  my  reputation,  and  because,  in  the  sec 
ond  place,  I  am  desirous  of  giving  an  opportunity, 
while  I  shall  still  be  in  office,  to  the  revival  and  more 
deliberate  prosecution  of  the  inquiry  into  my  con 
duct  which  was  instituted  during  the  last  session. 

I  think  it  proper  to  communicate  my  determina 
tion  thus  early,  among  other  reasons,  because  it  will 
afford  full  time  to  investigate  and  weigh  all  the  con 
siderations  which  ought  to  guide  the  appointment  of 
my  successor. 

TO  ONE  OF  THE  CREDITORS  OF  COL.  DUER1 

August,  1793. 

DEAR  SIR: 

Poor  Duer  has  now  had  a  long  and  severe  confine 
ment,  such  as  would  be  adequate  punishment  for  no 
trifling  crime.  I  am  well  aware  of  all  the  blame  to 
which  he  is  liable  and  do  not  mean  to  be  his  apolo 
gist,  though  I  believe  he  has  been  as  much  the  dupe 
of  his  own  imagination  as  others  have  been  the  vic 
tims  of  his  projects.  But  what  then?  He  is  a  man 
— he  is  a  man  with  whom  we  have  both  been  in 

1  Colonel  Duer  remained  in  prison  for  five  years  (Reminiscences  of 
James  A.  Hamilton,  p.  5).  I  give  this  letter  as  dated  in  the  edition  of 
1850,  where  it  is  misplaced,  but  its  language  would  suggest  a  later 
period,  somewhat  near  the  end  of  Duer's  confinement  in  1797. 

VOL.  X.— 4. 


5O  Alexander  Hamilton 

habits  of  friendly  intimacy.  He  is  a  man  who,  with 
a  great  deal  of  good  zeal,  has  in  critical  times  ren 
dered  valuable  services  to  the  country.  He  is  a 
husband  who  has  a  most  worthy  and  amiable  wife 
perishing  with  chagrin  at  his  situation;  your  rela 
tion  by  blood,  mine  by  marriage.  He  is  a  father 
who  has  a  number  of  fine  children  destitute  of  the 
means  of  education  and  support,  every  way  in  need 
of  his  future  exertions. 

These  are  titled  to  sympathy,  which  I  shall  be 
mistaken  if  you  do  not  feel.  You  are  his  creditor. 
Your  example  may  influence  others.  He  wants  per 
mission,  through  a  letter  of  license,  to  breathe  the 
air  for  -five  years.  Your  signature  to  the  inclosed 
draft  of  one  will  give  me  much  pleasure. 


TO   RUFUS    KING1 
DEAR  SiR:  PHILADELPHIA,  Aug.  13,  1793. 

The  post  of  to-day  brought  me  your  letter  of  the 
loth,  but  I  was  too  much  engaged  to  reply  to  it  by 
return  of  post. 

The  facts  with  regard  to  Mr.  Genet's  threat,  to 
appeal  from  the  President  to  the  people,  stand  thus: 

On  Saturday,  the  6th  of  July  last,  the  warden  of  this 
port  reported  to  Governor  Mifflin  that  the  brig  Little 

1  Chief-Justice  Jay  and  Mr.  King  had  declared  publicly  that  Genet 
had  threatened  to  appeal  to  the  people  against  the  President,  which 
produced  profound  indignation,  and  turned  the  current  of  public  feel 
ing  against  Genet  and  his  partisans.  Freeman's  Gazette  was  frantic  in 
its  abuse  of  the  informers,  as  it  called  them,  and  Genet  denied  the 
charge.  Finally  Jay  and  King  made  a  decisive  counter-statement, 
and  this  letter  was  written  probably  to  aid  in  its  preparation. 


Private  Correspondence  51 

Sarah,  since  called  the  Petit  Democrat  (an  English 
merchant  vessel,  mounting  from  two  to  four  guns,  taken 
off  our  coast  by  the  French  frigate  the  Ambuscade,  and 
brought  into  this  port),  had  very  materially  altered  her 
military  equipments,  having  then  fourteen  iron  cannon 
and  six  swivels  mounted,  and  it  being  understood  that 
her  crew  was  to  consist  of  one  hundred  and  twenty  men. 

Governor  Mifflin,  in  consequence  of  this  informa 
tion,  sent  Mr.  Dallas  to  Mr.  Genet  to  endeavor  to 
prevail  upon  him  to  enter  into  an  arrangement  for  de 
taining  the  vessel  in  port,  without  the  necessity  of  em 
ploying  for  that  purpose  military  force. 

Mr.  Dallas  reported  to  Governor  Mifflin  that  Mr. 
Genet  had  absolutely  refused  to  do  what  had  been  re 
quested  of  him,  that  he  had  been  very  angry  and  in 
temperate,  that  he  had  complained  of  ill-treatment  from 
the  government,  and  had  declared  that  "he  would  ap 
peal  from  the  President  to  the  people ' ';  mentioned  his 
expectation  of  the  arrival  of  three  ships  of  the  line, 
observing  that  he  would  know  how  to  do  justice  to 
his  country,  or,  at  least,  he  had  a  frigate  at  his  com 
mand,  and  could  easily  withdraw  himself  from  this; 
said  that  he  would  not  advise  an  attempt  to  take  posses 
sion  of  the  vessel,  as  it  would  be  resisted. 

The  refusal  was  so  peremptory  that  Governor  Mifflin, 
in  consequence  of  it,  ordered  out  120  men  for  the  pur 
pose  of  taking  possession  of  the  vessel. 

This  conversation  between  Genet  and  Dallas  was 
in  toto  repeated  by  General  Mifflin  to  General  Knox 
the  day  following,  and  the  day  after  that  the  gov 
ernor  confirmed  to  me  the  declaration  with  regard  to 
appealing  to  the  people,  owned  that  something  like 


52  Alexander  Hamilton 

the  threat  to  do  justice  to  his  country  by  means  of 
the  ships  of  the  line  was  thrown  out  by  Mr.  Genet, 
but  showed  an  unwillingness  to  be  explicit  on  this 
point,  objecting  to  a  more  particular  disclosure,  that 
it  would  tend  to  bring  Mr.  Dallas  into  a  scrape. 

Mr.  Jefferson,  on  Sunday,  went  to  Mr.  Genet,  to 
endeavor  to  prevail  upon  him  to  detain  the  Petit  Demo 
crat  until  ike  President  could  return  and  decide  upon 
the  case,  but,  as  Mr.  Jefferson  afterwards  communi 
cated,  he  absolutely  refused  to  give  a  promise  of  the 
kind,  saying  only  that  she  would  not  probably  be  ready 
to  depart  before  the  succeeding  Wednesday,  the  day  of 
the  President's  expected  return.  This,  however,  Mr. 
Jefferson  construed  into  an  intimation  that  she  would 
remain.  Mr.  Jefferson  also  informed  that  Mr.  Genet 
had  been  very  unreasonable  and  intemperate  in  his 
conversation  (though  he  did  not  descend  to  par 
ticulars),  and  that  Dallas  had  likewise  told  him  (Mr. 
Jefferson)  that  Genet  had  declared  he  would  appeal 
from  the  President  to  the  people. 

The  Petit  Democrat,  instead  of  remaining,  as  Mr. 
Jefferson  had  concluded,  fell  down  to  Chester  previous 
to  the  Wednesday  referred  to,  where  she  was  when 
the  President  returned.  A  letter  was  written  to  Mr. 
Genet,  by  order  of  the  President,  informing  him  that  the 
case  of  the  vessel,  among  others,  was  under  considera 
tion,  and  desiring  that  she  might  be  detained  until  he 
should  come  to  a  decision  about  her,  but  this  requisition 
was  disregarded.  She  departed  in  defiance  of  it. 

I  give  this  detail  that  you  may  have  the  whole 
subject  before  you,  but  I  cannot  authorize  you  to 
make  use  of  it  all.  The  circumstance  of  the  letter 


Private  Correspondence  53 

may  be  omitted.  It  may  be  said  generally  that  a 
requisition  was  made  of  Mr.  Genet,  by  order  of  the 
President,  for  the  detention  of  the  vessel.  All  that 
part,  however,  which  is  scored  or  underlined,  may  be 
freely  made  up.  This  part  is  so  circumstanced  as  to 
take  away  all  scruples  of  personal  or  political  deli 
cacy.  'T  is  not  so  with  the  rest.  It  can  therefore 
only  be  confidentially  disclosed  to  persons  whose 
discretion  may  be  relied  on,  and  whose  knowledge  of 
it  may  be  useful. 

It  is  true  (as  you  have  heard)  that  things,  if  possi 
ble  still  more  insulting,  have  since  been  done  by  Mr. 
Genet;  but  of  this  at  present  no  use  can  be  made, 
no  more  than  of  some  antecedent  transactions  nearly, 
if  not  quite,  as  exceptional.  The  mass  would  con 
found  Mr.  Genet  and  his  associates.  Perhaps  it  may 
not  be  long  before  a  promulgation  will  take  place. 

I  am  of  opinion  with  you  that  the  charge  ought  to 
be  insisted  upon. 

P.  S. — The  case  does  not  require  the  naming  Gen 
eral  Knox  or  myself,  and  it  will  therefore  not  be  done. 
It  is  to  be  observed  that  the  equipments  of  the  Petit 
Democrat  are,  in  the  strictest  sense,  an  original  fitting 
out.  She  was  before  a  merchant  vessel;  here  she 
was  converted  into  a  vessel  commissioned  for  war,  of 
considerable  force. 


TO   RUFUS   KING 

August,  1793. 


MY  DEAR  SIR: 

It  is  not  yet  finally  determined  that  there  shall  be 
a  publication,  and  there  has  been  some  difference  of 


54  Alexander  Hamilton 

opinion  on  the  point.  But  it  seems  to  me  the  pub 
lication  of  the  letters  renders  it  indispensable  that 
the  whole  should  be  told.  Yet,  when  it  appears,  it 
will  probably  include  only  what  is  regularly  official, 
so  that  the  present  question  may  be  pursued  inde 
pendently. 

Perhaps  you  will  not  think  it  necessary  at  first  to 
say  to  whom  Dallas  reported  the  conversation.  Yet, 
if  you  deem  it  essential,  it  may  be  done,  and  should 
it  be  finally  necessary,  which  is  not  at  all  probable, 
General  Knox  and  myself  will  come  forward  as 
witnesses. 


TO   MRS.    GENERAL   GREENE 

PHILADELPHIA,  Sept.  3,  1793. 

It  is  not  an  uncommon  thing  for  you  women  to 
bring  us  poor  men  into  scrapes.  It  seems  you  have 
brought  me  into  one.  You  will  wonder  how.  Hear 
the  tale. 

Shortly  after  I  came  into  office,  Wadsworth  in 
formed  me  that  Baron  Glaubeck  was  indebted  to 
General  Greene  (to  whom  he  had  behaved  in  a  very 
exceptionable  manner),  and  that  it  was  intended  to 
endeavor  to  purchase  of  Glaubeck  some  pay  which 
had  been  just  granted  to  him  by  Congress,  upon  the 
plan  of  advancing  to  him  a  certain  sum  of  money  to 
satisfy  his  immediate  necessities,  and  the  residue 
that  was  due  to  him  to  be  applied  towards  the  in 
demnification  of  the  General's  estate  for  what  Glau 
beck  owed  to  it.  I  afterwards  understood  that  the 
execution  of  this  plan  was  committed  to  Flint  or 


Private  Correspondence  55 

Duer,  or  one  or  both  of  them,  and  that  a  purchase 
of  the  claim  was,  in  fact,  made — not,  indeed,  to 
Glaubeck,  but  of  some  person  to  whom  he  had  parted 
with  it  for  some  trifling  consideration — the  object 
being  throughout  to  benefit  you  by  way  of  indemni 
fication  as  above  mentioned. 

It  likewise  would  appear  from  the  Treasury  records 
that  you  have  in  fact  received  the  whole  benefit  of 
the  purchase.  The  conversations  we  had  together 
when  you  were  last  in  Philadelphia  assure  me  at 
least  that  the  certificate  for  four  fifths  of  his  claim 
accrued  immediately  to  your  use. 

Francis,  late  a  clerk  in  my  department  (partly 
from  resentment  at  a  disappointment  he  has  met 
with  at  the  Treasury,  and  partly,  I  believe,  from 
it  having  been  made  worth  his  while  by  some  political 
enemies  of  mine),  endeavors  to  have  it  believed  that 
this  transaction  was  a  speculation  in  which  I  was 
engaged,  and  in  proof  of  it,  shows  a  draft  of  a  power 
of  attorney,  corrected  by  some  interlineations  in  my 
handwriting,  as  he  asserts. 

I  do  not  recollect  this  part  of  the  business,  though 
I  think  it  very  possible  that  such  a  correction,  in 
such  a  draft,  may  have  been  made  by  me. 

For  Duer  or  Flint,  it  seems,  employed  Francis  to 
make  the  purchase,  and  it  is  not  unlikely  that  a 
draft  of  a  power  for  the  purpose  may  have  been 
brought  to  me,  to  know  from  me  whether  it  would 
answer  the  purpose  of  the  Treasury  as  a  competent 
instrument,  and  that  I  (believing  the  design  to  be 
such  as  I  have  represented — one  not  only  unexcep 
tionable,  but  laudable — one  in  which  my  friendship 


56  Alexander  Hamilton 

for  you  would  naturally  take  part)  may  have  taken 
up  my  pen  and  made  such  corrections  as  the  draft 
might  appear  to  stand  in  need  of. 

I  give  you  this  detail  to  show  you  how  I  may  have 
been  implicated. 

What  I  wish  of  you  is  that  you  will  have  the  good 
ness  to  state  in  writing  what  you  know  of  the  affair, 
ascertaining  that  the  purchase  was  for  your  benefit 
and  the  cause  of  it,  and  that  you  will  take  the  trouble 
to  make  affidavit  to  the  statement,  and  forward  it  to 
me. 

As  it  is  an  affair  of  delicacy,  I  will  thank  you  to 
request  some  gentleman  of  the  law  to  give  form  and 
precision  to  your  narrative. 

You  perceive  that  it  is  not  in  one  way  only  that  I 
am  the  object  of  unprincipled  persecution;  but  I 
console  myself  with  these  lines  of  the  poet — 

But  optics  sharp  it  needs,  I  ween, 
To  see  what  is  not  to  be  seen; 

and  with  this  belief,  that  in  spite  of  calumny  the 
friends  I  love  and  esteem  will  continue  to  love  and 
esteem  me. 


TO   JEREMIAH   WADSWORTH 

PHILADELPHIA,  Sept.  3,  1793. 

MY  DEAR  WADSWORTH: 

Shortly  after  I  came  into  office  I  remember  your 
having  told  me  that  Glaubeck  (whom  you  repre 
sented  as  a  worthless  and  ungrateful  fellow)  was  in 
debted  to  General  Green's  estate,  I  think  for  money 
lent  him,  and  that  it  was  your  intention  to  endeavor 


Private  Correspondence  57 

to  effect  a  purchase  of  his  public  claim,  and  allow 
him  some  part  of  it  for  his  immediate  necessities, 
letting  the  residue  be  an  indemnification  [original 
illegible]  estate;  or,  in  other  words,  go  to  the  [ori 
ginal  illegible}  that  he  would  [original  illegible}  some 
thing  [original  illegible}  you  left  the  city;  that  you 
had  left  the  business  in  charge  with  Flint. 

The  purchase  of  the  claim  was  afterwards  made 
through  a  second  hand,  and  it  appears  in  fact  that 
Mrs.  Greene  has  had  the  benefit  of  it. 

Francis,  lately  a  clerk  in  my  department,  prompted 
partly  by  resentment  and  partly,  I  believe,  by  some 
political  enemies,  gives  out  that  I  assisted  in  this 
affair  as  a  speculation,  and,  to  prove  it,  shows  the 
draft  of  a  power  for  assigning  the  claim,  with  some 
corrections,  which  are  said  to  be  in  my  handwriting. 

Whether  this  be  so  or  not  I  really  do  not  now 
recollect,  but  I  think  it  very  possible  that,  having 
understood  the  matter  in  the  light  I  have  stated 
from  you,  and  viewing  the  transaction  [original  il 
legible}  precision  the  course  of  the  transaction  as  it 
stands  in  your  recollection,  particularly  what  passed 
between  you  and  myself  in  the  first  instance.  If 
not  inconvenient  to  you,  I  should  even  be  glad  that 
you  would  attest  to  it. 


TO   MISS   ANGELICA   HAMILTON 

September  21,  1793. 

I  was  very  glad  to  learn,  my  dear  daughter,  that 
you  were  going  to  begin  the  study  of  the  French 
language.  We  hope  you  will  in  every  respect 


58  Alexander  Hamilton 

behave  in  such  a  manner  as  will  secure  to  you  the 
good-will  and  regard  of  all  those  with  whom  you  are. 
If  you  happen  to  displease  any  of  them,  be  always 
ready  to  make  a  frank  apology.  But  the  best  way 
is  to  act  with  so  much  politeness,  good  manners,  and 
circumspection  as  never  to  have  occasion  to  make 
any  apology.  Your  mother  joins  in  best  love  to  you. 
Adieu,  my  very  dear  daughter.1 


TO 

ALBANY,  October  i,  1793. 

Contemptible  as  you  are,  what  answer  could  I 
give  to  your  last  letter?  The  enclosed  is  a  copy  of 
what  shortly  will  appear  in  one  of  the  gazettes  of  the 
City  of  New  York: 

"  One  Andrew  G.  Francis,  late  clerk  in  the  Treas 
ury  Department,  has  been  endeavoring  to  have  it 
believed  that  he  is  possessed  of  some  facts  of  a  na 
ture  to  criminate  the  official  conduct  of  the  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury,  an  idea  to  which,  for  obvious  rea 
sons,  an  extensive  circulation  has  been  given  by  a 
certain  description  of  persons. 

"  The  public  may  be  assured  that  the  said  Francis 
has  been  regularly  and  repeatedly  called  upon  to 
declare  the  grounds  of  his  suggestion,  that  he  has 
repeatedly  evaded  the  inquiry,  that  he  possesses  no 
facts  of  the  nature  pretended,  and  that  he  is  a  de 
spicable  calumniator."  a 

1  Reprinted  from  Reminiscences  of  J .  A .  Hamilton,  p.  4. 
a  This  letter  is  reprinted  from  the  History  of  the  Republic,  vol.  v.,  p. 
424.     At  the  previous  session  Giles  and  Madison  had  made  this  attack 


Private  Correspondence  59 

TO   COLONEL   OLNEY  x 
DEAR   SiR*  PHILADELPHIA,  Nov.  26,  1793. 

Some  embarrassment  has  arisen  on  the  subject  of 
a  fit  person  for  District  Attorney  of  Rhode  Island. 
Mr.  Howell 2  has  been  strongly  recommended  on  the 
one  hand,  and  positively  objected  to  on  another,  and 

Mr.  has  been  proposed  in  opposition.  Your 

opinion  does  not  appear  on  either  side. 

The  President  is  desirous  of  further  information, 
and  I  have  undertaken  to  procure  it  for  him.  In 
addressing  myself  to  you  on  the  point,  I  proceed  on 
an  assurance  of  your  judgment  and  candor.  I  re 
quest  your  ideas  of  the  candidates  fully  and  freely, 
promising  that  it  shall  not  in  any  shape  compromit 
you.  Be  so  good  as  to  state  not  only  the  qualifica 
tions  of  each,  but  the  collateral  circumstances  affecting 
the  public  service,  which  will  be  likely  to  attend  the 
appointment  of  either. 

on  Hamilton,  who  had  replied  to  them,  and  who  then,  on  December  16, 
1792,  asked  for  another  inquiry.  Before  this  his  enemies  attempted  to 
arouse  feeling  against  him  by  procuring  one  Francis,  a  dismissed  clerk, 
to  declare  that  Hamilton  had  speculated  in  soldiers'  certificates,  and 
they  are  said  even  to  have  sent  a  lawyer  to  Philadelphia  to  collect 
evidence.  Hamilton  thereupon  published  the  card  quoted  above,  which 
dashed  the  whole  slander  to  pieces.  It  was  in  this  connection  that 
this  letter  was  written,  but  the  whole  matter  is  so  blindly  stated  in  the 
History  of  the  Republic  that  it  is  impossible  to  tell  whether  the  letter 
was  addressed  to  the  lawyer  just  referred  to,  to  some  anonymous 
assailant,  or  to  some  one  of  the  Secretary's  open  enemies. 

1  Colonel  Jeremiah  Olney,  of  Rhode  Island,  a  soldier  of  the  Revolu 
tion  and  Collector  of  Customs  at  Providence. 

2  David  Howell,  of  Rhode  Island,  Professor  of  Law  in  Brown  Uni 
versity.    He  had  been  delegate  to  Congress,  1782-1785,  and  Attorney- 
General  and  Judge  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  Rhode  Island.     He  was 
appointed  District  Attorney,  and  from  1812  till  his  death,  in  1824,  was 
U.  S.  District  Judge. 


60  Alexander  Hamilton 

It  is  regretted  that  the  affair  has  assumed  too 
much  a  party  complexion.  This  suggests  an  in 
quiry  whether  there  be  not  some  third  character 
competent,  eligible,  and  who  would  not  be  liable  to 
a  similar  difficulty.  The  more  speedy  your  answer, 
the  more  it  will  oblige. 


TO   THE   UNITED   STATES    SENATE 
~      t  TREASURY  DEPARTMENT,  Feb.  22,  1794. 

I  have  received  a  late  order  of  the  Senate  on  the 
subject  of  a  petition  of  Arthur  Hughes.  Diligent 
search  has  been  made  for  such  a  petition,  and  it 
has  not  been  found.  Neither  have  I  now  a  distinct 
recollection  of  ever  having  seen  it.  Whether,  there 
fore,  it  may  not  have  originally  failed  in  the  trans 
mission  to  me,  or  may  have  become  mislaid  by  a 
temporary  displacement  of  the  papers  of  my  imme 
diate  office,  occasioned  by  a  fire  which  consumed  a 
part  of  the  building  in  the  use  of  the  Treasury,  or  by 
some  of  those  accidents  which  in  an  extensive  scene 
of  business  will  sometimes  attend  papers,  especially 
those  of  inferior  importance,  is  equally  open  to  con 
viction.  There  is  no  record  in  the  office  of  its  having 
been  received,  nor  do  any  of  my  clerks  remember  to 
have  seen  it.  A  search  in  the  Auditor's  office  has 
brought  up  the  enclosed  paper,  which  it  is  presumed 
relates  to  the  object  of  the  petition;  but  this  paper, 
it  will  appear  from  the  memorandum  accompanying 
it,  was  placed  in  that  office  prior  to  the  reference  of 
the  petition. 


Private  Correspondence  61 

The  Auditor  of  the  Treasury  is  of  opinion,  though 
his  recollection  is  suppositive,  that  the  claim  had 
relation  to  the  services  of  John  Hughes  as  forage 
master.  Two  objections  opposed  its  admission:  (i) 
the  not  being  presented  in  time;  (2)  the  name  of 
John  Hughes,  in  the  capacity  in  which  he  claimed, 
not  appearing  upon  any  return  in  the  Treasury. 

If  these  be  the  circumstances,  I  should  be  of  opin 
ion  that  it  would  not  be  advisable  by  a  special  legis 
lative  interposition  to  except  the  case  out  of  the 
operation  of  the  acts  of  limitation. 

The  second  order  of  the  Senate  on  the  subject  of 
this  petition  leads  to  the  following  reflections : 

Does  this  hitherto  unusual  proceeding  (in  a  case 
of  no  public  and  no  peculiar  private  importance) 
imply  a  supposition  that  there  has  been  undue  delay 
or  negligence  on  the  part  of  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury? 

If  it  does,  the  supposition  is  unmerited;  not  merely 
from  the  circumstances  of  the  paper,  which  have 
been  stated,  but  from  the  known  situation  of  the 
officer.  The  occupations  necessarily  and  perman 
ently  incident  to  the  office  are  at  least  sufficient  fully 
to  occupy  the  time  and  faculties  of  one  man.  The 
burden  is  seriously  increased  by  the  numerous  pri 
vate  cases,  remnants  of  the  late  war,  which  every 
session  are  objects  of  particular  reference  by  the  two 
Houses  of  Congress.  These  accumulated  occupa 
tions  again  have  been  interrupted  in  their  due  course 
by  unexpected,  desultory,  and  distressing  calls  for 
lengthy  and  complicated  statements,  sometimes  with 
a  view  to  general  information,  sometimes  for  the 


62  Alexander  Hamilton 

explanation  of  points  which  certain  leading  facts,  wit 
nessed  by  the  provisions  of  the  laws  and  by  informa 
tion  previously  communicated  might  have  explained 
without  those  statements,  or  which  were  of  a  nature 
that  did  not  seem  to  have  demanded  a  laborious, 
critical,  and  suspicious  investigation,  unless  the 
officer  was  understood  to  have  forfeited  his  title 
to  a  reasonable  and  common  degree  of  confidence. 
Added  to  these  things,  it  is  known  that  the  affairs  of 
the  country  in  its  external  relations  have  for  some 
time  past  been  so  circumstanced  as  unavoidably 
to  have  thrown  additional  avocations  on  all  the 
branches  of  the  Executive  Department,  and  that  a 
late  peculiar  calamity  in  the  city  of  Philadelphia  has 
had  consequences  that  cannot  have  failed  to  derange 
more  or  less  the  course  of  public  business. 

In  such  a  situation,  was  it  not  the  duty  of  the 
officer  to  postpone  matters  of  mere  individual  con 
cern  to  topics  of  public  and  general  concern,  to  the 
preservation  of  the  essential  order  of  the  department 
committed  to  his  care?  Or,  is  it  extraordinary  that 
in  relation  to  cases  of  the  first  description  there 
should  have  been  a  considerable  degree  of  procrasti 
nation?  Might  not  an  officer  who  is  conscious  that 
public  observation  and  opinion,  whatever  deficien 
cies  they  may  impute  to  him,  will  not  rank  among 
them  want  of  attention  and  industry,  have  hoped 
to  escape  censure,  expressed  or  implied,  on  that 
score? 

I  will  only  add  that  the  consciousness  of  devoting 
myself  to  the  public  service  to  the  utmost  extent  of 
my  faculties  and  to  the  injury  of  my  health,  is  a 


Private  Correspondence  63 

tranquillizing  consolation  of  which  I  cannot  be  de 
prived  by  any  supposition  to  the  contrary. 
With  perfect  respect,  etc.  x 


TO    WASHINGTON 

March  8,  1794. 

The  present  situation  of  the  United  States  is  un 
doubtedly  critical,  and  demands  measures  vigorous, 
though  prudent.  We  ought  to  be  in  a  respectable 
military  posture,  because  war  may  come  upon  us, 
whether  we  choose  it  or  not;  and  because,  to  be  in  a 
condition  to  defend  ourselves,  and  annoy  any  who 
may  attack  us,  will  be  the  best  method  of  securing 
our  peace.  If  it  is  known  that  our  principal  mari 
time  points  are  out  of  the  reach  of  any  but  formal 
serious  operations,  and  that  the  government  has  an 
efficient  active  force  in  its  disposal  for  defence  or 
offence  on  an  emergency,  there  will  be  much  less 
temptation  to  attack  us,  and  much  more  hesitation 
to  provoke  us. 

It  seems  then  advisable — 

1.  To  fortify  the  principal  ports  in  the  several 
States  (say  one  in  each  State),  so  as  to  be  able  to 
resist  a  merely  maritime  attack,  or  any  thing  but  a 
regular  siege. 

2.  To  raise  20,000  auxiliary  troops,  upon  a  plan 
something  like  the  following,  viz. : 

To  be  divided  into  ten  regiments. 

1  Reprinted  from  American  State  Papers,  "Claims,"  p.  77.  This 
letter  has  also  been  reprinted  in  Adams's  Life  of  Gallatin,  p.  116.  It  is 
a  very  interesting  and  somewhat  amusing  document,  and  it  may  be 
doubted  if  any  other  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  ever  dared  to  lecture 
the  Senate  in  this  way. 


64  Alexander  Hamilton 

Each  regiment  to  consist  of  two  battalions,  and  of 
the  following  officers  and  men: 

i  colonel,  2  majors,  10  captains,  20  lieutenants,  2 
lieutenants  and  adjutants,  2  sergeant-majors,  40 
sergeants,  4  musicians,  and  1,000  rank  and  file. 

These  troops  to  be  engaged  upon  the  following 
terms: 

To  be  enlisted  for  two  years ;  but  upon  condition, 
that  if  a  war  should  break  out  with  any  European 
power,  they  shall  be  obliged  to  serve  four  years  from 
the  commencement  of  such  war,  upon  the  same  terms 
as  the  troops  of  the  establishment. 

To  receive  as  a  bounty,  clothes  with  12  dollars  per 
man. 

To  be  under  an  obligation  to  meet  forty  days  in 
the  year,  and  thirty  of  these  days  to  encamp.  When 
assembled,  to  be  paid,  officers  and  men,  as  the  troops 
of  the  establishment,  and  to  have  the  same  subsis 
tence  and  rations.  To  be  furnished  with  arms  and 
accoutrements  by  the  United  States,  to  be  surren 
dered  at  the  expiration  of  their  term  of  service. 

The  officers  in  time  of  war  to  rank  and  rise  with  the 
officers  of  the  military  establishment.  The  arrange 
ment  to  cease,  ipso  facto,  at  the  expiration  of  a  cer 
tain  term  (about  two  years). 

The  expense  of  these  operations  would  be, 

For  the  fortifications,  $  1 5  o,  ooo 

For  the  auxiliary  troops,  per  annum  350,000 

$500,000 

In  addition  to  this,  the  Legislature  ought  to  vest 
the  President  of  tKe  United  States  with  the  power 


Private  Correspondence  65 

to  lay  an  embargo,  partial  or  general,  and  to  arrest 
the  exportation  of  commodities,  partially  or  gener 
ally. 

It  may  also  deserve  consideration  whether  the 
Executive  ought  not  to  take  measures  to  form  some 
concert  of  the  neutral  powers  for  common  defence. 

Mr.  Hamilton  presents  his  respects  to  the  Presi 
dent — submits  to  him  some  reveries  which  have  oc 
cupied  his  imagination.  It  may  be  interesting  for 
the  President  to  consider  whether  some  such  plan  is 
not  demanded  by  the  conjunction  of  affairs;  and  if 
so,  whether  there  ought  not  to  be  some  Executive 
impulse.  Many  persons  look  to  the  President  for 
the  suggestion  of  measures  corresponding  with  the 
exigency  of  affairs.  As  far  as  this  idea  may  be 
founded,  many  important  and  delicate  ideas  are  in 
volved  in  the  consideration. 

The  pains  taken  to  preserve  peace,  include  a  pro 
portional  responsibility  that  equal  pains  be  taken 
to  be  prepared  for  war. 


TO   WASHINGTON 

PHILADELPHIA,  May  27,  1794. 

SIR: 

I  some  time  since  communicated  my  intention  to 
withdraw  from  the  office  I  hold,  towards  the  close  of 
the  present  session. 

This  I  should  now  put  in  execution,  but  for  the 
events  which  have  lately  accumulated,  of  a  nature 
to  render  the  prospects  of  the  continuance  of  our 
peace  in  a  considerable  degree  precarious.  I  do  not 
perceive  that  I  could  voluntarily  quit  my  post  at 


VOL.  X.— 5. 


66  Alexander  Hamilton 

such  a  juncture  consistently  with  considerations 
either  of  duty  or  character;  and  therefore  I  find 
myself  reluctantly  obliged  to  defer  the  offer  of  my 
resignation. 

But  if  any  circumstances  should  have  taken  place 
in  consequence  of  the  intimation  of  an  intention  to 
resign,  or  should  otherwise  exist,  which  serve  to 
render  my  continuance  in  office  in  any  degree  incon 
venient  or  ineligible,  I  beg  leave  to  assure  you,  sir,  I 
should  yield  to  them  with  all  the  readiness  naturally 
inspired  by  an  impatient  desire  to  relinquish  a  situa 
tion  opposed  by  the  strongest  personal  and  family 
relations,  and  in  which  even  a  momentary  stay  could 
only  be  produced  by  a  sense  of  duty  or  reputation. 

TO  JAY 

PHILADELPHIA,  June  4,  1794. 

MY  DEAR  SIR: 

The  session  of  Congress  is  about  to  close  better 
than  I  expected.  All  mischievous  measures  have 
been  prevented,  and  several  good  ones  have  been 
established.  Among  these,  additional  provisions  of 
revenue  and  some  of  force,  are  not  the  least  im 
portant. 

But  as  more  immediately  connected  with  the  ob 
jects  of  your  mission,  you  will  learn  with  satisfaction, 
that  the  bill  which  had  passed  the  Senate  before  you 
left  this,  for  punishing  and  preventing  practices  con 
trary  to  neutrality,  has  become  a  law  with  only  one 
material  alteration,  the  rejection  of  the  clause  which 
forbids  the  selling  of  prizes.  I  now  consider  the 
Executive  and  the  Judiciary,  as  armed  with  ade- 


Private  Correspondence  67 

quate  means  for  repressing  the  fitting  out  of  priva 
teers,  the  taking  of  commissions,  or  enlisting  in 
foreign  service,  the  unauthorized  undertaking  of 
military  expeditions,  etc. 

At  Charleston  some  considerable  irregularities  have 
lately  happened.  But  means  have  been  taken,  and 
are  in  train,  which  will  no  doubt  arrest  their  pro 
gress,  and  correct  the  evil. 

I  believe  it  would  be  useful  for  you  to  collect  and 
communicate  exact  information  with  regard  to  the 
usage  of  Europe  as  to  permitting  the  sale  of  prizes  in 
neutral  countries.  If  this  should  be  clearly  against 
the  toleration  of  the  practice,  the  Executive  might 
still,  perhaps,  disembarrass  itself. 

Men's  minds  have  gotten  over  the  irritation  by 
which  they  were  some  time  since  possessed,  and  if 
Great  Britain  is  disposed  to  justice,  peace,  and  con 
ciliation,  the  two  countries  may  still  arrive  at  a  bet 
ter  understanding  than  has  for  some  time  subsisted 
between  them.  Is  there  not  a  crisis  which  she  ought 
not  to  suffer  to  pass,  without  laying  a  solid  founda 
tion  for  future  harmony?  I  think  there  is. 

Adieu,  my  dear  sir:  not  knowing  how  far  any 
press  of  business  on  the  Department  of  State  might 
delay  its  communications,  I  thought  a  few  hasty 
lines  would  not  be  unacceptable. 


TO    WASHINGTON 

TREASURY  DEPARTMENT,  July  13,  1794. 

I  have  considered  the  two  subjects  upon  which  you 
desire  my  opinion,  as  maturely  as  my  situation  has 
permitted. 


68  Alexander  Hamilton 

With  regard  to  the  proceedings  in  Kentucky,  I 
perceive  nothing  that  can,  with  propriety  or  utility, 
be  done,  unless  the  attorney-general,  on  full  and 
careful  examination,  should  be  of  opinion  that  they 
furnish  indictable  matter,  in  which  case  I  should 
think  it  very  material  that  prosecutions  against 
the  ostensible  and  leading  characters  should  be 
instituted. 

With  regard  to  the  affair  in  Georgia,  the  following 
course  presents  itself  as  eligible: 

1.  To  urge  the  Governor  of  Georgia  to  employ, 
efficaciously,  all  the  means  in  his  power  (that  of  mili 
tary  coercion,  if  necessary,  excepted)  to  prevent  the 
establishment  supposed  to  be  meditated,  referring 
him  to  the  late  act  of  Congress,  and  informing  him 
that  the  expense  will  be  borne  by  the  United  States. 
The  commanding  officer  of  the  troops  of  the  United 
States  to  be  directed  to  co-operate. 

2.  To  apprise  the  Creek  nation  of  the  information 
which  has  been  received,  and  to  assure  them  that  the 
United  States  will  co-operate  with  them  to  prevent 
the  intrusion  in  the  first  instance,  and  afterwards  to 
dispossess  the  intruders.    It  may,  perhaps,  be  made  a 
consideration  for  urging  them  to  run  the  line  of  the 
last  treaty. 

3.  To  mention  the  matter  informally  to  the  Span 
ish  commissioners,  expressing  the  disapprobation  of 
the  government,  and  its  intention  to  exert  all  the 
measures  in  its  power  to  frustrate  the  enterprise. 


Private  Correspondence  69 

TO   RUFUS   KING 

PHILADELPHIA,  Sept.  17,  1794. 

When  you  recollect  that  I  have  two  departments 
on  my  shoulders,  and  when  I  tell  you  that  I  have 
been  out  of  health  in  the  bargain,  you  will  perhaps 
admit  an  excuse  for  my  not  answering  sooner  your 
letter  some  time  since  received. 

Mr.  Jay  has  given  nothing  conclusive.  His  letters 
to  the  26th  of  June  barely  gave  the  idea  that  ap 
pearances  were  not  unfavorable.  The  last  letter,  I 
forget  the  date,  but  it  came  by  the  last  arrival  at 
New  York,  refers  to  letters  which  were  not  received, 
but  which  are  supposed  to  have  been  confided  to  the 
Portuguese  Minister.  This  letter  is  couched  in  the 
same  cautious  terms,  considers  the  scale  as  capable 
of  turning  either  way,  and  advises  not  to  relax  in 
military  preparation.  The  ministry,  however,  have 
certainly  continued  to  countenance  shipments  to 
this  country,  and  very  large  ones  were  making.  It  is 
a  strange,  mysterious  business.  The  change  in  ad 
ministration  had  made  some  pause  in  the  negotia 
tion. 

Nothing  from  the  Western  country  authorizes  an 
expectation  of  a  pacific  termination  of  that  business. 
All  the  militia  are  going  forward  as  fast  as  they  can 
be  got  forward.  Virginia,  all  below  the  mountains, 
is  zealous;  beyond,  neutral  in  conduct  and  divided 
in  affection.  Jersey  is  also  zealous;  so  are  the 
eastern  shore  of  Maryland  and  the  town  of  Balti 
more.  Thence  to  Frederictown  a  pretty  good  temper 
prevails;  beyond  that  a  very  insurgent  spirit  and 
some  insurrection.  In  Philadelphia  an  excellent  and 


70  Alexander  Hamilton 

productive  zeal,  embracing  all  parties,  has  been 
kindled.  A  good  spirit  will  generally  pervade  the  old 
counties.  But  there  is  much  bad  leaven  in  the  new 
counties  this  side  of  as  well  as  beyond  the  mountains 
— Cumberland,  Franklin,  Mifflin,  and  even  North 
umberland. 

Governor  Lee  is  at  the  head  of  the  Virginia  militia, 
and  will  command  if  the  President  does  not  go  out; 
he  is  all  zeal.  Governor  Howell,  with  equal  zeal, 
was  to  march  from  Trenton  to-day  with  the  van  of 
the  Jersey  militia,  consisting  of  500  horse.  Mifflin, 
who  at  first  showed  some  untoward  symptoms,  ap 
pears  now  to  be  exerting  himself  in  earnest  and  with 
great  effect,  and  goes  at  the  head  of  his  militia. 

The  President  will  be  governed  by  circumstances. 
If  the  thing  puts  on  an  appearance  of  magnitude,  he 
goes;  if  not,  he  stays.  There  is  a  pro  and  a  con  in 
the  case.  If  permitted,  I  shall  at  any  rate  go. 


TO   RUFUS   KING 

September  22,  1794. 

I  thank  you,  my  dear  sir,  for  your  letter  of  the 

.  A  few  days  previously  I  wrote  you  pretty 

fully.  I  hope  my  letter  got  to  hand. 

The  inclosed  paper  gives  you  the  substance  of  our 
European  intelligence  under  the  Philadelphia  head. 

The  returns  from  the  western  counties  of  this 
State  are  just  come  to  hand.  They  show  a  valuable 
division,  ranging  on  the  side  of  the  laws  the  most  in 
fluential  men,  and  a  respectable  body  of  others — 
but  leaving  a  great  number  still  uncomplying  and 


Private  Correspondence  71 

violent,  so  as  to  afford  no  appearance  of  submission 
to  the  laws  without  the  application  of  force.  It  will 
give  you  pleasure  to  learn  that  there  is  every  pro 
spect  of  our  being  able  to  apply  this  effectually,  and 
of  the  issue  being  favorable  to  the  authority  of  the 
laws.  It  will  occasion  a  large  bill  of  costs,  but  what 
is  that  compared  with  the  object?  Adieu. 


TO  GEORGE  MATTHEWS,  GOVERNOR  OF  GEORGIA 

WAR  DEPARTMENT,  Sept.  25,  1794. 

SIR: 

In  the  absence  of  the  Secretary  of  War,  I  have  the 
honor  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  your  letters  to 
his  department  of  the  5th,  igth,  and  3oth  of  August, 
and  to  reply  to  such  parts  as  are  the  most  pressing, 
referring  the  others  to  the  return  of  that  officer. 

Among  the  posts  which  have  been  established, 
that  of  Doctor's  Town  creates  a  question,  in  conse 
quence  of  Lieutenant  Colonel  Gaither's  information 
that  it  is  within  the  Indian  boundary. 

This  is  a  matter  which  ought  to  be  unequivocally 
ascertained,  and  if  found  to  be  within  the  Indian 
line,  or  if  it  be  even  doubtful  whether  that  be  the 
case,  the  post  must  be  immediately  removed.  It  is 
deemed  essential  that  no  encroachment  should  take 
place.  And  your  Excellency  is  relied  upon  for  a 
strict  and  scrupulous  adherence  to  this  principle. 

Under  the  circumstances  which  led  to  it,  the 
President  has  thought  proper  to  authorize  the 
adoption  by  the  United  States  of  the  new  troop 
ordered  by  you  into  service,  from  the  time  of  its 


72  Alexander  Hamilton 

commencement,  and  to  continue  until  the  first  of 
November  ensuing,  when  it  is  to  be  disbanded. 

And  you  are  at  liberty,  if  the  state  of  things  shall 
render  it,  in  your  judgment  essential,  to  substitute 
at  that  time  a  company  of  infantry  for  the  same 
purpose.  Corps  of  horse,  upon  the  terms  on  which 
that  in  question  is  engaged,  are  expensive  in  the 
extreme,  and  in  a  much  greater  proportion,  com 
pared  with  infantry,  than  any  supposable  superior 
ity  of  usefulness  can  justify.  Indeed,  it  would 
require  a  treasury  much  better  supplied  than  that  of 
the  United  States  to  support  the  expense  of  a  multi 
plication  or  extension  of  such  corps.  Consequently, 
that  multiplication  or  extension  would  tend  to  de 
feat  its  own  object,  for  our  instruments  of  defence, 
to  be  durable,  must  be  relative  to  our  means  of  sup 
porting  them.  And  when  we  find,  as  in  the  instance 
of  the  insurrection  now  existing  in  the  western  parts 
of  Pennsylvania,  that  those  for  whose  immediate 
benefit  the  objects  of  military  expenditure  occur 
are  among  the  first  to  resist,  even  to  violence,  the 
necessary  means  of  defraying  them,  it  is  easy  to 
appreciate  the  perplexing  dilemma  to  which  the 
government  is  reduced,  between  the  duty  and  the 
means  of  affording  protection,  and  the  necessity, 
consequently,  of  economy  in  the  modes  of  effecting  it. 

Your  Excellency  is  pleased  to  express  your  con 
cern  at  being  so  repeatedly  compelled  to  solicit  pro 
tection  for  the  State  of  Georgia. 

This  is  not  understood  as  implying  any  want  of 
due  disposition  on  the  part  of  the  Executive  of  this 
government  to  afford  all  the  protection  which  is 


Private  Correspondence  73 

within  the  compass  of  the  means  placed  within  its 
power,  having  regard  to  all  the  objects  which,  along 
a  very  extended  frontier,  equally  demand  attention. 
It  is  not  doubted  that  you  render  justice,  in  this  re 
spect,  to  the  views  of  the  Executive. 

But  the  observation  you  have  made  in  this  par 
ticular  naturally  leads  to  another,  which  calls  for 
the  most  serious  attention  of  the  governments  of  the 
States  exposed  to  Indian  depredations.  It  is  this, 
that  there  is  a  reciprocal  duty  in  the  case.  The  ob 
ligation  upon  the  United  States  to  afford  adequate 
protection  to  the  inhabitants  of  the  frontiers  is  no 
doubt  of  the  highest  and  most  sacred  kind.  But 
there  is  a  duty  no  less  strong  upon  those  inhabitants 
to  avoid  giving  occasion  to  hostilities  by  an  irreg 
ular  and  improper  conduct,  and  upon  the  local  gov 
ernments  sincerely  and  effectually  to  punish  and 
repress  instances  of  such  conduct,  and  the  spirit 
which  produces  them.  If  these  inhabitants  can 
with  impunity  thwart  all  the  measures  of  the  United 
States  for  restoring  or  preserving  peace,  if  they  can 
with  impunity  commit  depredations  and  outrages 
upon  the  Indians,  and  that  in  violation  of  the  faith 
of  the  United  States,  pledged  not  only  in  their  gen 
eral  treaties,  but  even  in  the  special  (and  among  all 
nations  peculiarly  sacred)  case  of  a  safe  conduct,  as 
in  the  instance  of  the  attack  upon  the  Indians  while 
encamped  within  our  protection,  on  the  loth  of  May 
last,  can  it  be  surprising  if  such  circumstances 
should  abate  the  alacrity  of  the  national  councils  to 
encounter  those  heavy  expenses  which  the  protec 
tion  of  the  frontiers  occasions,  and  the  readiness 


74  Alexander  Hamilton 

of  the  citizens  of  the  United  States  distant  from  the 
scenes  of  danger  to  acquiesce  in  the  burdens  they 
produce?  It  is  not  meant  by  these  remarks  to 
diminish  the  force  of  the  excuse  within  due  limits 
which  is  drawn  from  the  conduct  of  the  Indians 
towards  the  frontier  inhabitants.  It  cannot  be 
denied  that  frequent  and  great  provocations  to  a 
spirit  of  animosity  and  revenge  are  given  by  them, 
but  a  candid  and  impartial  survey  of  the  events 
which  have  from  time  to  time  occurred  can  leave  no 
doubt  that  injuries  and  provocations  have  been  too 
far  mutual,  that  there  is  much  to  blame  in  the  con 
duct  of  the  frontier  inhabitants,  as  well  as  in  that  of 
the  Indians.  And  the  result  of  a  full  examination 
must  be  that,  unless  means  to  restrain  by  punishing 
the  violences  which  those  inhabitants  are  in  the 
habit  of  perpetrating  against  the  Indians  can  be  put 
in  execution,  all  endeavors  to  preserve  peace  with 
them  must  be  forever  frustrated. 

An  example  worthy  of  imitation  in  its  spirit 
has  lately  been  given  by  the  surrender  to  Governor 
Blount  of  some  Indians  who  lately  committed  a 
murder  upon  one  John  Ish,  an  inhabitant  of  the 
southwestern  territory,  and  who  have  been  tried  and 
executed.  The  record  of  such  an  example  of  justice 
and  fair  dealing  will  give  occasion  to  us  to  blush,  if 
we  can  cite  no  instance  of  reciprocity  amidst  the 
numerous  occasions  which  are  given  for  the  exercise 
of  it. 

These  reflections,  your  Excellency  may  be  as 
sured,  are  merely  designed  to  present  to  consider 
ation  some  very  important  truths — truths  a  due 


Private  Correspondence  75 

attention  to  which  is  of  the  most  serious  concern  to 
those  States  which  have  an  exposed  frontier.  To 
give  full  weight  to  their  claims  upon  the  exertions  of 
the  Union  to  afford  the  requisite  protection,  it  is  of 
great  moment  to  satisfy  the  United  States  that  the 
necessity  for  them  has  not  been  created  or  pro 
moted  by  a  culpable  temper,  not  sufficiently  re 
strained  among  those  to  whom  the  protection  is 
immediately  to  be  extended. 

The  President  learns  with  great  pleasure  the  meas 
ures  your  Excellency  had  begun  and  was  about  to 
pursue  for  the  removal  of  the  settlers  under  General 
Clarke.  It  is  impossible  to  conceive  a  settlement 
more  unjustifiable  in  its  pretexts,  or  more  dangerous 
in  its  principle  than  that  which  he  is  attempting.  It 
is  not  only  a  high-handed  usurpation  of  the  rights 
of  the  general  and  State  governments,  and  a  most 
unwarrantable  encroachment  upon  those  of  the  In 
dians,  but  proceeding  upon  the  idea  of  a  separate 
and  independent  government,  to  be  erected  on  a 
military  basis,  it  is  essentially  hostile  to  our  repub 
lican  systems  of  government,  and  is  pregnant  with 
incalculable  mischiefs.  It  deeply  concerns  the  great 
interests  of  the  country  that  such  an  establishment 
should  not  be  permitted  to  take  root,  and  that  the 
example  should  be  checked  by  adequate  punish 
ment,  in  doing  which  no  time  is  to  be  lost,  for  such 
is  the  nature  of  the  establishment  that  it  may  be 
expected  rapidly  to  attain  to  a  formidable  magni 
tude,  involving  great  expense  and  trouble  to  sub 
vert  it. 

The  President  therefore  depends  absolutely  upon 


76  Alexander  Hamilton 

measures  equally  prompt  and  efficacious  to  put  an 
end  to  it. 


TO   OLIVER   WOLCOTT  x 

TREASURY  DEPARTMENT,  Sept.  29,  1794. 

SIR: 

Being  about  to  leave  the  seat  of  government  for 
a  few  weeks,  to  accompany  the  army  in  its  march 
against  the  western  insurgents  of  Pennsylvania,  I 
commit  to  you  during  my  absence  the  management 
of  those  matters  which  are  reserved  to  my  superin 
tendence,  under  the  constitution  and  regulations  of 
the  department,  especially  the  receipts  and  expendi 
tures  of  money,  and  I  rely  upon  your  diligence  and 
zeal  that  nothing  will  suffer  during  my  absence. 
With  regard  to  remissions  and  mitigations  of  penal 
ties  and  forfeitures,  it  will  be  best  to  avoid  acting  in 
any  case  in  which  particular  inconvenience  will  not 
arise  from  delay,  as  there  is  not  time  to  explain  the 
principles  which  have  governed  in  the  past,  and  the 
course  of  policy  may,  without  such  explanation,  be 
innovated  upon  so  as  to  occasion  something  like  in 
consistency.  But  in  urgent  cases  you  will  act,  con 
sulting  the  most  recent  precedents  in  similar  cases. 
To  preserve  the  usual  forms,  I  have  signed  and  left 
in  my  office  a  large  number  of  blank  warrants  of  the 
different  kinds  which  issue.  Enclosed  is  a  letter  to 
the  President  and  Directors  of  the  Bank  of  New 
York.  If  they  agree  to  loan  you  will  conclude  it. 
You  will  find  in  the  office  a  power  from  the  President 

1  Comptroller  of  the  Treasury. 


Private  Correspondence  77 

for  the  purpose.  It  will  be  regular  in  any  contract 
which  may  be  made  to  pursue  the  terms  of  the 
power  as  to  parties.1 


TO   RUFUS   KING 

JONES'  MILL,  Oct.  30,  1794. 

DEAR  SIR: 

Our  light  corps,  the  Jersey  infantry,  and  a  brigade 
of  cavalry,  are  about  eight  and  a  half  miles  in  front, 
beyond  all  the  mountains.  This  division,  which  has 
been  delayed  by  a  somewhat  worse  route  and  the 
incumbrance  of  the  public  stores,  will  be  at  the  same 
place  this  evening.  The  left  wing  is  at  a  corre 
sponding  point.  All  is  essentially  well;  no  appear 
ance  of  opposition.  It  is  of  great  consequence  that 
a  law  should,  if  possible,  be  expedited  through  Con 
gress  for  raising  500  infantry  and  100  horse,  to  be 
stationed  in  the  disaffected  country.  Without  this, 
the  expense  incurred  will  be  essentially  fruitless. 

A  law  regulating  a  peace  process  of  outlawry  is 
also  urgent;  for  the  best  objects  of  punishment  will 
fly,  and  they  ought  to  be  compelled  by  outlawry 
to  abandon  their  property,  homes,  and  the  United 
States.  This  business  must  not  be  skinned  over. 
The  political  putrefaction  of  Pennsylvania  is  greater 
than  I  had  any  idea  of.  Without  rigor  everywhere, 
our  tranquillity  is  likely  to  be  of  very  short  dura 
tion,  and  the  next  storm  will  be  infinitely  worse 
than  the  present  one. 

1  Reprinted  from  Administrations  of  Washington  and  Adams,  i.,  155. 


78  Alexander  Hamilton 

TO   A   FRIEND   IN    EUROPE 

1794. 

My  own  hope  of  making  a  short  excursion  to 
Europe  the  enstiing  spring  increases.  Believe  me,  I 
am  heartily  tired  of  my  situation,  and  wait  only  the 
opportunity  of  quitting  it  with  honor  and  without 
decisive  prejudice  to  the  public  affairs.  This  winter, 
I  trust,  will  wind  up  my  plans  so  as  to  secure  my 
reputation.  The  present  appearance  is  that  the  de 
pending  elections  will  prove  favorable  to  the  good 
cause  and  obviate  anxiety  for  the  future.  In  this 
event  my  present  determination  is  to  resign  my  po 
litical  family  and  set  seriously  about  the  care  of  my 
private  family.  Previous  to  this  I  will  visit  Europe. 
There  I  shall  have  the  happiness  of  meeting  you  once 
more.  But  will  not  a  few  months  afterwards  give 
us  the  pang  of  a  final  separation?  Let  us  hope  the 
best.  Adieu.1 


TO   THOMAS   FITZSIMMONS 

PHILADELPHIA,  Nov.  27,  1794. 

DEAR  SIR: 

Seeing  the  debates  on  the  subject  of  Democratic 
Societies,  I  called  at  your  house  to  state  some  facts. 

It  is  true  that  the  opposition  to  the  excise  laws 
began  from  causes  foreign  to  Democratic  Societies, 
but  it  is  well  ascertained  by  proof  in  the  course  of 

1  Reprinted  from  the  History  of  the  Republic,  vi.,  193,  where  it  has 
neither  address  nor  date.  This  letter,  however,  must  have  been 
written  in  the  autumn  of  1794,  as  the  reference  to  the  pending  elections 
and  the  writer's  resignation  in  the  following  winter  shows. 


Private  Correspondence  79 

judiciary  investigations  that  the  insurrection  imme 
diately  is  to  be  essentially  attributed  to  one  of  those 
societies  sometimes  called  the  Mingo-Creek  Society, 
sometimes  the  Democratic  Society.  An  early  and 
active  member  of  it  commanded  the  first  attack 
at  Neville's  House;  another  active  member  of  that 
Society,  McFarlane,  the  second  attack.  Benjamin 
Parkinson,  the  president,  and  several  other  members 
of  it  seemed  to  have  directed  the  second  attack  as  a 
committee.  This  may  be  asserted  as  founded  upon 
good  proof  and  information  recently  received,  though 
it  would  not  be  consistent  with  decorum  to  name 
me.  Make  what  use  you  please  of  this,  and  com 
municate  it  to  other  friends.1 


TO   WASHINGTON 

PHILADELPHIA,  Dec.  i,  1794. 

SIR: 

I  have  the  honor  to  inform  you  that  I  have  fixed 
upon  the  last  of  January  next  as  the  day  for  the 
resignation  of  my  office  of  Secretary  of  the  Treasury. 
I  make  the  communication  now  that  there  may  be 
time  to  mature  such  an  arrangement  as  shall  appear 
to  you  proper  to  meet  the  vacancy  when  it  occurs. 


TO   WASHINGTON 

December  2,  1794. 

The  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  has  the  honor  re 
spectfully  to  make  the  following  representation  to  the 

1  Reprinted  from  the  History  of  the  Republic,  vi.,  123. 


8o  Alexander  Hamilton 

President  of  the  United  States,  in  order  that  he  may 
determine  on  the  expediency  of  laying  the  subject  of 
it  before  Congress. 

The  procuring  of  military  supplies  generally  is, 
with  great  propriety,  vested  by  law  in  the  Depart 
ment  of  the  Treasury.  That  department,  from  situ 
ation,  may  be  expected  to  feel  a  more  habitual 
solicitude  for  economy  than  any  other,  and  to  pos 
sess  more  means  of  information  respecting  the  best 
modes  of  obtaining  supplies. 

It  is,  however,  important  that  the  particular  ar 
rangement  should  be  such  as  to  enable  the  depart 
ment  to  execute  the  trust  in  the  best  manner.  This 
branch  of  business  forms  a  very  considerable  one  of 
the  public  expenditure.  Including  supplies  for  the 
navy,  it  is  so  extensive  as,  to  be  well  executed,  would 
occupy  the  whole  time  and  attention  of  one  person, 
possessing  the  requisite  qualifications.  This,  with 
the  growth  of  the  country,  must  be  every  year  more 
and  more  the  case.  It  cannot,  therefore,  be  con 
ducted  in  detail  by  the  head  of  the  department,  or 
by  any  existing  officer  of  it,  now  charged  with  other 
duties,  and  without  being  less  well  executed  than 
it  ought  to  be,  or  interfering  with  other  essential 
duties,  or  without  a  portion  of  both  these  incon 
veniences,  to  the  material  detriment  of  the  public 
service.  Experience  has  already  verified  the  posi 
tion. 

It  must  then,  of  necessity,  either  be  confided  to  a 
special  agent,  employed  by  the  head  of  the  depart 
ment,  or  to  a  new  officer  of  the  department,  to  be 
constituted  by  law,  and  to  act  under  the  discretion 


Private  Correspondence  81 

and  superintendence  of  that  head.  The  last  mode  is 
preferable  to  the  first,  for  obvious  reasons. 

Whenever  an  object  of  public  business  is  likely  to 
be  permanent,  it  is  more  fit  that  it  should  be  trans 
acted  by  an  officer  of  the  government,  regularly 
constituted,  than  by  the  agent  of  a  department, 
specially  intrusted. 

The  officer  can  be  placed,  by  law,  under  more 
effectual  checks.  In  the  present  case,  that  idea  is 
particularly  important.  The  person  intrusted  ought 
to  be  prohibited,  under  penalties,  from  all  dealing, 
on  his  own  account,  in  the  objects  of  supply. 

The  duration  and  emoluments  of  mere  agency 
being  precarious,  a  well-qualified  man,  disposed  to 
make  the  necessary  sacrifices  of  other  pursuits,  and 
to  devote  himself  exclusively  to  the  business,  could 
with  much  greater  difficulty,  if  at  all,  be  found. 

The  compensation  to  such  an  officer  ought,  it  is 
conceived,  to  weigh  nothing  as  an  objection.  Inde 
pendent  of  the  equivalent  expense,  arising  from  the 
necessity  of  employing  and  compensating  an  agent, 
it  is  morally  certain  that  the  close,  constant,  un 
divided  attention  of  a  person,  charged  exclusively 
with  this  object,  and  in  condition,  for  that  reason, 
to  make  the  minute  as  well  as  extensive  inquiries 
and  investigations  which  are  often  requisite,  would 
produce  savings  to  the  United  States  with  which  the 
salary  of  the  officer  could  bear  no  comparison.  It 
is  equally  evident  that  it  would  contribute  greatly 
to  punctuality,  despatch,  and  efficiency  in  procuring 
the  supplies. 

VOL.  X.— 6. 


82  Alexander  Hamilton 

TO   WASHINGTON 

PHILADELPHIA,  Jan.  26,  1795. 

SIR: 

Mr.  Wolcott  has  just  informed  me  that  the  Secre 
tary  of  State  had  called  upon  him  as  by  your  direc 
tion,  to  confer  on  the  subject  of  a  person  to  be 
appointed  Comptroller,  in  the  event  of  his  appoint 
ment  as  Secretary  of  the  Treasury;  and  intimated 
that  you  had  concluded  to  take  some  gentleman  from 
the  South;  that  Mr.  Habersham  (brother  of  the  col 
lector  of  Savannah)  was  more  particularly  in  your 
eye,  and  that  if  he  or  I  had  any  different  view  of  the 
subject,  it  was  your  wish  that  it  might  be  speedily 
communicated,  as  you  were  desirous  of  coming  to  a 
conclusion. 

This  I  accordingly  feel  it  my  duty  to  do. 

It  is  of  the  greatest  importance  to  the  proper  con 
ducting  the  business  of  the  Treasury  Department 
that  the  Comptroller  should  be  a  man  of  the  follow 
ing  description :  of  strong  sense,  of  clear  discernment, 
sound  judgment,  indefatigable  industry,  firmness, 
and  prompt  decision  of  temper;  possessing  a  com 
prehensive  knowledge  of  accounts,  and  of  course 
good  principles. 

As  well  from  the  nature  of  the  office  as  from  the 
particular  situation  of  the  department,  as  it  will 
stand  at  the  moment  of  my  resignation,  it  is  of  pe 
culiar  consequence  that  there  should  be  no  mistake 
in  the  selection  of  the  proper  character  for  Comp 
troller.  It  will  be  easy  for  the  department  to  run 
into  disorder  if  such  a  mistake  should  happen. 


Private  Correspondence  83 

From  all  the  light  I  have  been  able  to  obtain  on 
the  subject,  though  it  results  in  a  favorable  impres 
sion  of  Mr.  Habersham  generally,  yet  it  leaves  a  con 
siderable  doubt  on  my  mind  that  he  would  be  an 
eligible  appointment  as  Comptroller  of  the  Treasury. 
I  cannot,  therefore,  add  my  opinion  to  the  rest  of 
the  opinions  which  may  favor  it. 

There  is  one  gentleman  South,  whom  I  have  be 
fore  mentioned,  of  whose  fitness  in  every  respect, 
from  trial  of  him  in  different  public  situations,  it 
appears  to  me  impossible  to  entertain  a  doubt — I 
mean  Colonel  Edward  Carrington.  I  will  pledge  my 
reputation  to  the  President  for  his  proving,  if  ap 
pointed,  an  excellent  Comptroller,  and  a  valuable 
acquisition  to  the  department. 

I  have  fully  reflected  on  the  objection  which 
from  the  distributive  geographical  rule,  is  supposed 
to  be  against  him — and  I  beg  leave  to  submit,  as  my 
opinion,  that  it  ought  not  to  be  conclusive.  This 
rule  is  doubtless  a  good  one;  but  if  carried  so  far  as 
to  hazard  the  appointment  of  unqualified  persons  to 
offices  of  material  importance  to  the  general  admin 
istration  of  the  government,  it  will  become  a  bad 
one,  sacrificing  primary  to  secondary  considerations. 

I  have  offered  my  opinion  with  the  less  reserve 
because  I  ought  to  be  explicit  in  a  case  not  only  of 
much  moment  to  the  public  service,  but  when  the 
arrangements  which  may  be  made,  may,  naturally 
from  situation,  be  presumed  to  have  had  the  con 
currence  of  my  opinion,  and  where,  therefore,  my 
reputation  is  more  particularly  concerned. 


84  Alexander  Hamilton 

TO    WILLINK,    VAN    STAPHORST,    &    HUBBARD  T 

TREASURY  DEPARTMENT,  Jan.  31,  1795. 

GENTLEMEN  : 

It  is  probable  that  before  this  reaches  you,  you 
will  have  heard  of  my  determination  to  resign  my 
office  as  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  as  on  this  day. 
The  event  will  accordingly  take  place. 

I  could  not  permit  myself  to  renounce  my  official 
situation  without  placing  among  my  last  acts  the 
expression  of  the  high  sense  I  continue  to  entertain 
of  the  fidelity  and  ability  with  which  you  have  uni 
formly  served  the  United  States.  This  testimony  is 
due  to  you,  and  it  is  with  great  pleasure  I  give  it. 

The  gentleman  whom  the  President  has  deter 
mined  to  nominate  as  my  successor,  and  who  will  be 
no  doubt  appointed,  is  Oliver  Wolcott,  Esquire,  the 
present  Comptroller  of  the  Treasury.  I  do  him  no 
more  than  justice  by  assuring  you  that  he  is  a  gen 
tleman  of  undoubted  intelligence,  probity,  and  good 
principles  with  regard  to  public  credit.  The  con 
fidence  of  yourself  and  your  countrymen  may  be 
safely  reposed  in  him. 


TO    WASHINGTON 

TREASURY  DEPARTMENT,  Jan.  31,  1795. 

SIR: 

Agreeably  to  the  intimation  heretofore  given,  I 
have  the  honor  now  to  tender  you  my  resignation 
of  the  office  of  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  and  to  be 

1  The  Dutch  bankers  who  had  charge  of  our  financial  negotiations  in 
Holland. 


Private  Correspondence  85 

with  sincere  respect  and  affectionate  attachment, 
sir,  etc. 


WASHINGTON   TO   HAMILTON 

Sunday,  Feb.  i,  1795. 

DEAR  SIR: 

I  received  the  enclosed  letter,  with  the  document 
therein,  last  night. 

For  reasons  which  will  appear  obvious,  I  make  you 
acquainted  with  the  contents  of  them — being  yours, 

G.  WASHINGTON. 

Endorsement  on  this  letter  by  A.  H. 

This  covered  a  letter  from  Mr.  Coxe,  of  the  3ist 
January,1  1795,  containing  a  charge  against  Mr. 
Wolcott,  for  my  having  committed  to  him,  and 
he  having  exercised,  the  duties  of  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  in  my  absence  on  the  Western  expedition. 

A.  H. 


WASHINGTON   TO   HAMILTON 

PHILADELPHIA,  Feb.  2,  1795. 

DEAR  SIR: 

After  so  long  an  experience  of  your  public  services,  I 
am  naturally  led,  at  this  moment  of  your  departure  from 
office — which  it  has  always  been  my  wish  to  prevent — 
to  review  them. 

In  every  relation  which  you  have  borne  to  me  I  have 
found  that  my  confidence  in  your  talents,  exertions,  and 
integrity,  has  been  well  placed. 

1  This  letter  curiously  shows  the  hostility  which  pursued  Hamilton 
even  when  leaving  office.  The  writer  was  Tench  Coxe,  who  was  an 
officer  in  the  Department.  See  following  letter  of  Feb.  12,  to  Wash 
ington. 


86  Alexander  Hamilton 

I  the  more  freely  render  this  testimony  of  my  ap 
probation,  because  I  speak  from  opportunities  of  in 
formation  which  cannot  deceive  me,  and  which  furnish 
satisfactory  proof  of  your  title  to  public  regard. 

My  most  earnest  wishes  for  your  happiness  will  attend 
you  in  your  retirement,  and  you  may  assure  yourself  of 
the  sincere  esteem,  regard,  and  friendship  of,  etc. 


TO   WASHINGTON 

PHILADELPHIA,  Feb.  3,  1795. 

SIR: 

My  particular  acknowledgments  are  due  for  your 
very  kind  letter  of  yesterday.  As  often  as  I  may 
recall  the  vexations  I  have  endured,  your  approba 
tion  will  be  a  great  and  precious  consolation. 

It  was  not  without  a  struggle  that  I  yielded  to  the 
very  urgent  motives  which  impelled  me  to  relin 
quish  a  station  in  which  I  could  hope  to  be  in  any 
degree  instrumental  in  promoting  the  success  of 
an  administration  under  your  direction;  a  struggle 
which  would  have  been  far  greater  had  I  supposed 
that  the  prospect  of  future  usefulness  was  propor 
tioned  to  the  sacrifices  to  be  made. 

Whatsoever  may  be  my  destination  hereafter,  I 
entreat  you  to  be  persuaded  (not  the  less  for  my 
having  been  sparing  in  professions)  that  I  shall  never 
cease  to  render  a  just  tribute  to  those  eminent  and 
excellent  qualities  which  have  been  already  produc 
tive  of  so  many  blessings  to  your  country,  that  you 
will  always  have  my  fervent  wishes  for  your  public 
and  personal  felicity,  and  that  it  will  be  my  pride  to 
cultivate  a  continuance  of  that  esteem,  regard,  and 


Private  Correspondence  87 

friendship  of  which  you  do  me  the  honor  to  assure 
me.  With  true  respect  and  affectionate  attach 
ment,  etc. 

TO   WASHINGTON 
(Private.) 

PHILADELPHIA,  Feb.  12,  1795. 

SIR: 

I  have  maturely  reflected  on  the  subject  of  the 
within  papers.  I  do  not  hesitate  to  give  it  as  my 
opinion  that,  if  it  were  not  for  very  peculiar  personal 
circumstances,  the  fittest  arrangement,  upon  the 
whole,  would  be  to  consign  the  temporary  execution 
of  the  comptroller's  office  to  the  commissioner  of 
the  revenue.  But  I  could  not  advise  this,  because 
it  could  not  fail,  for  strong  reasons,  to  be  unpleasant 
to  Mr.  Wolcott,  and  because  there  is  real  danger 
that  Mr.  Coxe  would  first  perplex  and  embarrass, 
and  afterward  misrepresent  and  calumniate. 

The  treasurer  would  by  no  means  answer,  because, 
as  the  keeper  of  the  money,  it  is  particularly  essential 
that  all  the  checks  upon  him  should  be  maintained 
in  full  vigor,  and  the  comptroller  is  the  officer  who, 
in  the  last  resort,  settles  his  accounts,  as  well  as 
concurs,  in  the  first  instance,  in  authorizing,  by  the 
warrants  which  are  issued  by  the  secretary,  and 
countersigned  by  the  comptroller,  the  payments 
and  receipts  of  the  treasurer. 

The  register  is  also  one  of  the  principal  checks  of 
the  department :  first,  upon  the  secretary  and  comp 
troller,  whose  warrants  he  must  register  and  sign  be 
fore  they  can  take  effect;  and  secondly,  upon  the 


88  Alexander  Hamilton 

settlements  of  the  comptroller  and  auditor,  by  re 
cording  their  acts,  and  entering  them  upon  the  books 
to  the  proper  accounts. 

Of  any  of  the  officers  of  the  department,  except 
the  commissioner  of  the  revenue,  the  business  can  be 
best  managed  through  the  auditor,  consistently  with 
the  preservation  of  the  most  material  checks,  with 
the  restriction  I  mentioned  this  morning,  of  his  not 
deciding,  as  comptroller,  upon  any  account  he  may 
have  settled  as  auditor.  The  temporary  suspension 
of  the  final  conclusion  of  the  accounts — all  the  pre 
vious  examinations  going  on,  cannot  be  attended 
with  any  serious  inconvenience.  If  the  laws  admit 
of  it  (which  I  doubt,  as  they  now  stand),  the  ap 
pointment  of  the  auditor's  first  clerk  to  act  as  the 
auditor  in  his  stead  will  be  a  conveniency.  I  do  not 
think  this  would  be  liable  to  the  same  objections  as 
the  appointing  a  clerk  to  act  as  comptroller,  whose 
office  imports  the  second  trust  in  the  department. 
In  one  sense,  to  appoint  the  auditor  to  act  as  comp 
troller,  would  comport  best  with  the  spirit  of  the 
constitution  of  the  department.  This  is,  that  the 
officer  who  is  to  settle  the  accounts  by  countersigning 
the  warrants  for  receipts  and  payments,  shall  have 
an  opportunity  to  observe  this  conformity  with  the 
course  of  business  as  it  appears  in  the  accounts,  and 
shall  have  notice  in  the  first  instance  of  all  payments 
and  receipts,  in  order  to  the  bringing  all  persons  to 
account  for  public  moneys.  This  reason  operates 
to  make  the  auditor,  who  is  the  coadjutor  of  the 
comptroller  in  settlements,  his  most  fit  substitute  in 
this  particular  view. 


Private  Correspondence  89 

On  the  whole,  I  am  of  opinion  that  it  is  most  ad 
visable  to  appoint  the  auditor.1 

A  clerk,  for  reasons  already  mutually  adverted  to, 
does  not  appear  to  be  expedient.  I  have  the  honor 
to  be,  etc. 

P.  S. — The  restriction  above  suggested,  for  greater 
caution,  had  best  be  in  writing  in  a  letter  to  the 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury. 

The  instrument  appears  to  me  to  be  in  proper 
form. 


TO   THEODORE    SEDGWICK 

BRISTOL,  Feb.  18,  1795. 

MY  DEAR  SEDGWICK: 

Every  moment's  reflection  increases  my  chagrin 
and  disgust  at  the  failure  of  the  propositions  con 
cerning  the  unsubscribed  debt.  I  am  tortured  by 
the  idea  that  the  country  should  be  so  completely 
and  unnecessarily  dishonored.  A  day  of  reckoning 
must  come.  I  pray  you  let  the  yeas  and  nays  sepa 
rate  the  wheat  from  the  chaff.  I  may  otherwise  have 
to  feel  the  distress  of  wounding  a  friend  by  a  shaft 
levelled  at  an  enemy.  The  case  is  an  extreme  one. 
Managements  are  every  way  improper. 


TO   RUFUS   KING 

KINGSTON,  Feb.  ai,  1795. 

MY  DEAR  KING: 

The  unnecessary  and  capricious  and  abominable 
assassination  of  the  national  honor  by  the  rejection 

1  Richard  Harrison. 


90  Alexander  Hamilton 

of  the  propositions  respecting  the  unsubscribed  debt 
in  the  House  of  Representatives  haunts  me  every 
step  I  take,  and  afflicts  me  more  than  I  can  express. 
To  see  the  character  of  the  government  and  the 
country  so  sported  with — exposed  to  so  indelible  a 
blot — puts  my  heart  to  the  torture.  Am  I,  then, 
more  of  an  American  than  those  who  drew  their  first 
breath  on  American  ground  ?  Or  what  is  it  that  thus 
torments  me  at  a  circumstance  so  calmly  viewed  by 
almost  everybody  else?  Am  I  a  fool — a  romantic 
Quixote — or  is  there  a  constitutional  defect  in  the 
American  mind?  Were  it  not  for  yourself  and  a 
few  others,  I  could  adopt  the  reveries  of  De  Paux  ' 
as  substantial  truths,  and  could  say  with  him  that 
there  is  some  thing  in  our  climate  which  belittles 
every  animal,  human  or  brute. 

I  conjure  you,  my  friend,  make  a  vigorous  stand 
for  the  honor  of  your  country!  Rouse  all  the  ener 
gies  of  your  mind,  and  measure  swords  in  the  Senate 
with  the  great  slayer  of  public  faith — the  hackneyed 
veteran  in  the  violation  of  public  engagements. 
Prevent  him  if  possible  from  triumphing  a  second 
time  over  the  prostrate  credit  and  injured  interests 
of  his  country.2  Unmask  his  false  and  horrid  hypo 
thesis.  Display  the  immense  difference  between  an 
able  statesman  and  the  man  of  subtleties.  Root  out 
the  distempered  and  noisome  weed  which  is  at- 

xThe  Abb£  de  Paux,  or  Pauw,  a  distinguished  scholar,  born  in 
Amsterdam.  The  work  referred  to  is  his  Recherches  Philosophiques  sur 
les  Am£ricains.  He  wrote  similar  works  on  the  Chinese,  Egyptians, 
Greeks,  and  ancient  Germans. 

a  Witness  the  forty  for  one  scheme — a  most  unskilful  measure,  to 
say  the  best  of  it. 


Private  Correspondence  91 

tempted  to  be  planted  in  our  political  garden,  to 
choke  and  wither  in  its  infancy  the  fair  plant  of 
public  credit. 

I  disclose  to  you  without  reserve  the  state  of  my 
mind.  It  is  discontented  and  gloomy  in  the  ex 
treme.  I  consider  the  cause  of  good  government  as 
having  been  put  to  an  issue  and  the  verdict  ren 
dered  against  it. 

Introduce,  I  pray  you,  into  the  Senate,  when  the 
bill  comes  up,  the  clause  which  has  been  rejected, 
freed  from  embarrassment  by  the  bills  of  credit, 
bearing  interest  on  the  nominal  value.  Press  its 
adoption  in  this,  the  most  unexceptionable  shape, 
and  let  the  yeas  and  nays  witness  the  result. 

Among  the  other  reasons  for  this  is  my  wish  that 
the  true  friends  of  public  credit  may  be  distinguished 
from  its  enemies.  The  question  is  too  great  a  one 
not  to  undergo  a  thorough  examination  before  the 
community.  It  would  pain  me  not  to  be  able  to 
distinguish.  Adieu.  God  bless  you! 

P.  S. — Do  me  the  favor  to  revise  carefully  the 
course  of  the  bill  respecting  the  unsubscribed  debt 
and  let  me  know  the  particulars.  I  wish  to  be 
able  to  judge  more  particularly  of  the  under -plot  I 
suspect. 

TO    RUFUS   KING 

NEW  YORK,  Feb.  26,  1795. 

MY  DEAR  SIR: 

I  have  received  your  letter  with  the  printed  bills. 
The  new  clause  is  an  additional  bad  feature,  yet  't  is 


92  Alexander  Hamilton 

better  the  thing  should  pass  as  it  is  than  not  at  all. 
Every  thing  should  be  gained  that  can  be. 

So  it  seems  that  under  the  present  administration 
of  the  department,  Hillhouse  x  and  Goodhue  2  are  to 
be  the  ministers  in  the  House  of  Representatives, 
and  Ellsworth  3  and  Strong 4  in  the  Senate.  Fine 
work  we  shall  have! 

But  I  swear  the  nation  shall  not  be  dishonored 
with  impunity.5 


TO   OLIVER   WOLCOTT 

ALBANY,  April  10,  1795. 

DEAR  SIR: 

I  wrote  you  a  few  lines  by  the  last  post.  I  sit 
down  to  fulfil  my  promise  then  made. 

The  fulfilment  of  our  foreign  engagements  under 
the  existing  circumstances  is  no  doubt  a  perplexing 
task.  But  I  hope  it  will  not  be  found  impracticable 
to  effect  enough  to  preserve  character  and  credit. 

Every  thing  must  be  done  to  this  end,  though  with 
considerable  sacrifices,  provided  you  do  not  go  so  far 
as  to  endanger  credit  at  home.  This  must  at  all  events 
be  kept  sound,  since  a  shock  there  will  be  fatal, 
while  the  extraordinary  situation  of  the  times  will 
furnish  an  apology  for  any  omissions  which  may 

1  James  Hillhouse,  of  Connecticut. 

a  Benjamin  Goodhue,  of  Massachusetts. 

3  Oliver  Ellsworth,  of  Connecticut. 

*  Caleb  Strong,  of  Massachusetts. 

s  All  the  persons  mentioned  in  this  letter  were  staunch  Federalists 
and  warm  friends  of  Hamilton.  He  wrote  evidently  in  great  but 
momentary  irritation  on  account  of  the  course  of  Congress  as  to  the 
unsubscribed  debt. 


Private  Correspondence  93 

happen  abroad;  and,  by  eventual  indemnification, 
the  wounds  which  may  be  given  to  foreign  credit 
may  be  healed.  The  opinion  which  some  entertain 
is  altogether  a  false  one — that  it  is  more  important 
to  maintain  our  credit  abroad  than  at  home.  The 
latter  is  far  the  most  important  nursery  of  resources, 
and,  consequently,  far  the  most  important  to  be  in 
violably  maintained.  A  failure  here  would  be  the 
more  material,  because  it  would  argue  want  of  means, 
and  could  not  shelter  itself  under  the  plea  of  tem 
porary  embarrassments  from  external  causes,  and  be 
cause  it  would  derange  our  whole  internal  economy. 

But,  except  the  compromising  our  whole  domes 
tic  credit,  nothing  must  be  left  undone  to  preserve 
external  credit. 

I  do  not  doubt  that  the  means  which  have  been 
taken  down  to  the  first  of  June,  inclusively,  will  be 
deemed  adequate,  considering  the  circumstances. 
They  may,  however,  fail  of  the  effect  intended.  But 
I  do  not  apprehend  any  material  evil  from  the  delay 
of  reimbursing  the  instalment  of  principal,  if  the  in 
terest  is  but  punctually  and  honestly  paid.  I  hope 
our  commissioners,  with  the  public  and  their  own 
resources,  will  effect  this,  till  further  provision  can 
be  brought  into  action. 

As  to  sending  specie  from  this  country,  't  is  out 
of  the  question.  'T  would  derange  every  thing,  and 
our  commissioners  ought  to  be  frankly  told  that  it 
is  impracticable,  owing  to  the  interruption  by  the  war 
of  some  of  the  usual  channels  through  which  we  have 
derived  our  supplies  of  specie. 

But  commodities  may  be  remitted  on  the  public 


94  Alexander  Hamilton 

account,  and  this  (the  resource  of  stock  failing) 
must,  for  aught  I  see,  be  done,  unless  what  I  shall 
now  mention  can  be  accomplished,  with  the  judg 
ment  of  our  commissioners  in  its  favor,  to  wit: 

Let  them  enter  into  an  arrangement  with  the  con 
stituted  authorities  of  Holland  or  France  (preferring 
the  former)  to  receive  at  Amsterdam  the  sums  neces 
sary  for  paying  those  which  we  shall  owe,  giving 
drafts  upon  our  treasury  for  equivalent  sums.  This 
will  enable  the  French  or  Dutch  government  to  ob 
tain  supplies  here,  which  they  will  want. 

But  may  they  for  this  purpose  receive  and  pay 
assignats?  Not  so,  if  assignats  are  not  the  general 
currency  of  the  country ;  but  if  they  are,  there  may 
be  no  choice.  Gold  and  silver  may  not  then  be 
obtainable  at  all.  Perhaps  the  commissioners  may 
be  able  to  raise  funds  by  the  sale  of  bills  upon  this 
country;  otherwise,  as  many  may  wish,  to  remit 
from  the  Netherlands. 

Yet  our  creditors  must  not  be  paid  without 
a  reasonable  indemnification  in  depreciated  paper. 
Consequently  our  commissioners  must  be  authorized, 
if  obliged  to  pay  in  assignats,  to  augment  the  rate, 
so  as  to  allow  an  equivalent. 

Accordingly,  if  the  arrangement  I  have  intimated 
can  be  effected,  the  commissioners  may  give  bills, 
florin  for  florin,  of  gold  or  silver  (or  a  dollar  for  2^ 
florins) ;  but  if  they  are  obliged  to  receive  assignats, 
they  ought  to  secure  a  premium  of  exchange  equal 
to  the  depreciation. 

This  transaction  ought  to  be  managed  under  the 
superintendence  of  our  minister. 


Private  Correspondence  95 

What  I  wish  you  were  able  immediately  to  do  is 
this:  To  ship  without  delay  commodities  sufficient, 
together  with  the  moneys  certainly  in  the  command 
of  the  commissioners,  independent  of  sales  of  stock, 
to  pay  interest  to  September,  inclusively,  writing 
them  a  letter  suggesting  the  above  plan,  and  au 
thorizing  them  to  act  upon  it  if  they  approve. 

The  stock  remitted  may  be  ordered  to  be  sold  in 
England,  which  will  furnish  a  fund  upon  which  you 
can  draw,  in  order  to  prosecute  other  methods  of 
remittance. 

At  the  same  time,  I  think  it  may  be  well  to  take 
measures  for  ascertaining  whether  some  arrange 
ment  could  not  be  relied  upon  for  remitting  through 
England  to  Amsterdam.  I  know  of  no  impediment, 
even  now,  to  sending  bullion  (including  Spanish  and 
other  foreign  gold  and  silver  coin)  in  American  bot 
toms  to  Amsterdam,  but  impediments  might  arise. 
Perhaps  in  this  case  London  might  be  made  an  inter 
mediary  of  remittances  to  Holland,  either  by  sales 
of  stock  or  commodities  there. 

The  commodities  to  be  remitted  ought  to  be  such 
as  to  be  liable  to  as  little  casualty  as  possible  from 
war  considerations,  and  they  ought  to  be  most 
effectually  insured,  and  ought  to  appear  authentic 
ally  as  those  of  the  United  States  sent  to  pay  their 
debts  on  their  own  account  and  risk.  I  suspect, 
however,  the  other  plan  will  be  found  practicable  on 
satisfactory  principles,  but  no  agreement  ought  to 
be  for  a  longer  term  than  a  year. 

If  you  are  not  able  to  send,  immediately,  com 
modities  for  payment  of  interest  to  September,  it 


96  Alexander  Hamilton 

may  then  be  of  necessity  to  wait  further  information, 
giving  full  latitude,  if  it  has  not  already  been  given, 
to  sell  stock  for  payment  of  interest  at  any  price; 
suggesting  the  possibility  of  doing  some  thing 
through  London,  and  proposing  the  plan  of  the  ar 
rangement  which  has  been  suggested.  All  the  stock 
not  salable  in  Amsterdam  ought  to  be  placed  in 
London,  under  due  precautions  for  security,  to  be 
sold  there  as  a  fund. 

The  co-operation  of  our  minister  in  Holland  will 
be  proper  throughout;  and  pretty  large  discretions 
must  be  confided. 

If  a  very  trusty  and  a  clever  fellow  could  go  from 
hence,  as  agent  for  the  treasury,  with  alternative 
instructions  according  to  circumstances,  it  might  be 
very  useful.  I  believe  WILLIAM  SMITH,  of  South 
Carolina,  would  go  and  he  would  be  safe  and  com 
petent.  Would  not  James  Watson  go?  He  would 
also  do. 

In  contemplating  a  possible  course  of  things,  I  had 
my  eye  upon  the  expedient  of  issuing  warrants  upon 
the  treasurer,  payable  at  future  periods,  from  two  to 
twelve  months,  in  nature  of  exchequer  bills.  This 
may  be  a  means  of  providing  for  the  current  service 
of  credit,  besides  the  expedient  of  loans  from  the 
bank.  By  being  negotiable,  they  may  answer  the 
purposes  of  contractors,  though  articles  may  there 
by  cost  some  thing  more  to  the  public,  than  on  the 
plan  of  anticipated  or  prompt  payment. 

I  mention  this,  because  I  foresee  that,  from  the 
embarrassment  of  foreign  events,  there  may  be  a 
press  upon  the  treasury. 


Private  Correspondence  97 

If  any  thing  further  occurs,  you  shall  have  it. 
Write  me  as  freely  as  you  please. 

P.  S. — There  is  one  idea  which  may  deserve  atten 
tion — a  depreciated  paper  naturally  gives  to  gold 
and  silver  an  artificial  and  exaggerated  value.  This 
may  even  occasion  an  undue  loss  to  a  debtor  who  is 
honorable  enough  to  pay  in  gold  and  silver,  when  a 
depreciated  paper  is  the  general  currency.  This  is 
more  than  just.  But  it  may  be  policy  in  a  govern 
ment  to  submit  to  it.  Yet  there  may  be  bounds. 
The  idea  may  be  brought  into  the  view  of  our  min 
ister  and  commissioners  for  this  purpose:  To  sug 
gest,  that  if  such  an  artificial  advancement  of  gold 
and  silver  takes  place,  the  compensation  for  de 
preciation  may  be  adjusted  upon  some  equitable 
ratio.  But  a  moderate  sacrifice,  for  simplicity  of 
proceeding,  may,  in  this  case,  be  best. 

I  send  a  letter  to  the  Attorney-General  which  you 
will  read,  seal,  and  deliver.  You  will  easily  divine 
my  reason  for  addressing  it  to  him.  The  President 
ought  to  view  this  matter  as  it  is,  but  I  do  not  write 
to  him,  because  I  do  not  wish  to  appear  officious. 

Have  you  taken  any  arrangement  at  Amsterdam, 
to  facilitate  the  change  of  foreign  and  domestic  debt, 
according  to  the  law  of  last  session?  The  moment  is 
favorable.  Facilities  on  the  spot  may  promote  the 
object.  Our  commissioners  and  our  minister  are 
worthy  of  trust. 


VOL.  X.— 7. 


98  Alexander  Hamilton 

TO    RUFUS    KING 

April  24,  1795. 

DEAR  SIR: 

I  return  you  a  certain  draft,  with  a  little  substi 
tute  for  the  close  of  it  proposed  by  Mr.  J ,  with 

an  eye  to  your  suggestion. 

Our  petition  went  yesterday  by  express.  It  had 
more  than  3,200  signers,  which  is  within  about  300 
of  the  highest  poll  we  ever  had  in  this  city  on  both 
sides,  at  the  most  controverted  election.  Nothing 
can  more  clearly  demonstrate  our  unanimity,  and  I 
feel  no  doubt  of  equal  or  greater  unanimity  through 
out  the  State. 

The  meeting-men  have  not  dared  to  publish  the 
names  of  the  committee,  because  it  impudently  con 
tained  a  considerable  proportion  of  persons  hostile  to 
its  object,  several  of  them  actually  on  our  petition. 
You  see  by  this  their  embarrassment  and  their 
weakness. 


TO   WILLIAM   BRADFORD  x 

May,  1795. 

DEAR  SIR: 

Yours  of  the  twenty-first  of  May,  by  going  to  Al 
bany,  did  not  reach  me  till  yesterday.  The  ex 
pectation  of  Mr.  Adet  properly  varied  the  course  of 
proceeding.  I  am  glad  the  impression  with  you 
corresponded  with  mine. 

1  William  Bradford,  of  Pennsylvania,  at  this  time  Attorney-General 
of  the  United  States.  He  had  been  a  soldier  of  the  Revolution  and  a 
judge  and  Attorney-General  of  Pennsylvania.  He  was  a  man  of  ability 
and  character,  and  his  premature  death  shortly  after  the  date  of  this 
letter,  on  August  23,  1795,  was  deeply  regretted. 


Private  Correspondence  99 

If  Mr.  Randolph  showed  Fauchet  any  part  of  the 
instructions  to  Mr.  Jay,  I  do  not  much  regret  that  he 
manifests  displeasure  at  the  withholding  of  a  part. 
When  shall  we  cease  to  consider  ourselves  as  a  colony 
of  France?  To  assure  her  minister  that  the  in 
structions  to  Mr.  Jay  contained  nothing  which  could 
interfere  with  our  engagements  to  France  might, 
under  all  the  circumstances,  have  been  expedient; 
but  to  communicate  specifically  any  part  of  the  in 
structions  to  our  envoy,  was,  in  my  judgment,  im 
proper  in  principle  and  precedent. 

I  expect  the  treaty  will  labor.  It  contains  many 
good  things,  but  there  is  one  ingredient  in  it  which 
displeases  me — of  a  commercial  complexion.  I  am, 
however,  of  opinion,  on  mature  reflection,  that  it  is 
expedient  to  ratify,  accompanied  by  a  declaration 
that  it  is  our  intention,  till  there  be  a  further  ex 
planation  and  modification  of  the  article,  to  forbear 
the  exercise  of  a  certain  privilege,  and  consequently 
the  performance  of  the  condition  of  it,  or  some  thing 
equivalent.  This,  it  is  true,  may  or  may  not  be 
accepted.  But  I  believe  it  will  create  no  difficulty, 
and  I  would  rather  risk  it  than  take  the  treaty  un 
qualifiedly.  I  prefer  this  course  to  that  of  sending 
back  the  treaty  for  a  new  negotiation,  because 
(among  other  reasons)  it  may  save  time,  and  more 
speedily  close  certain  matters  which  I  deem  it  very 
important  to  terminate.  I  am  also  glad  to  learn 
that,  since  the  date  of  your  letter,  there  have  been 
some  convictions  of  the  insurgents.  This  was  very  es 
sential  to  the  permanent  good  effects  of  the  meas 
ures  which  were  pursued  on  that  subject.  You  see, 


ioo  Alexander  Hamilton 

I  have  not  entirely  lost  my  appetite  for  a  little  pol 
itics;  you  must  not  infer  that  I  have  not  a  very 
good  one  for  law. 

P.  S. — I  had  almost  forgotten  a  principal  object  of 
this  letter.  It  concerns  the  Marquis  Lafayette.  In 
conversation,  I  think,  but  certainly  by  letter  (this 
entre  nous),  I  suggested  to  Mr.  Jay  that,  in  case  the 
treaty  with  Great  Britain  turned  favorably,  it  will 
be  well  to  hint  to  the  British  minister  that  the 
United  States  took  a  very  particular  interest  in  the 
welfare  of  Lafayette,  and  that  the  good  offices  of 
that  country,  to  procure  his  liberation,  would  be 
regarded  as  a  valuable  mark  of  friendship.  I  be 
lieve  I  also  had  some  conversation,  in  the  same 
spirit,  either  with  the  President  or  the  Secretary  of 
State ;  but  I  do  not  remember  if  any  thing  was  done. 
If  the  thing  has  not  been  tried,  and  if  the  treaty  is 
ratified,  will  it  not  be  advisable  to  instruct  the  per 
son  who  is  to  exchange  it,  to  accompany  it  with  an 
observation  of  the  above  import  ?  The  moment  will 
be  a  favorable  one — and  I  imagine  the  time  is  fast 
approaching  when  Lafayette  will  recover  his  popu 
larity  in  his  own  country.  The  chief  thing  against 
this  is  the  rivalship  of  those  who  hold  the  power. 
But  will  they  not  be  glad  to  consolidate  their  gen 
eral  plan  by  weight  of  a  man  who  with  all  parties, 
has  maintained  the  character  of  well-intentioned, 
and  who  probably  has  the  good-will  of  the  multitude, 
spite  of  all  that  has  passed.  I  see  no  inconvenience 
in  your  taking  occasion  to  ask  Mr.  Jay  if  the  Mar 
quis  Lafayette  was  ever  the  subject  of  conversation 


Private  Correspondence  101 

between  him  and  the  British  ministry,  and  how  it 
terminated.  And  I  will  thank  you,  if  you  feel  your 
self  at  liberty,  to  let  me  know  whether  any  thing  like 
the  step  I  have  suggested  obtains.1 


TO   RUFUS   KING 

NEW  YORK,  June  u,  1795. 

DEAR  SIR: 

I  thank  you  for  your  letter  of  the  loth.  The  case 
has  been  with  me  as  with  you.  Reflection  has  not 
mitigated  the  exceptionable  point.  Yet  it  will  be  to 
be  lamented,  if  no  mode  can  be  devised  to  save  the 
main  object  and  close  the  irritable  questions  which 
are  provided  for.  Every  thing  besides  an  absolute 
and  simple  ratification  will  put  some  thing  in  jeop 
ardy.  But  while,  on  the  one  hand,  I  think  it  ad 
visable  to  hazard  as  little  as  possible,  on  the  other, 
I  should  be  willing  to  hazard  some  thing,  and  un 
willing  to  see  a  very  objectionable  principle  put  into 
activity. 

It  is  to  be  observed  that  no  time  is  fixed  for  the 
ratification  of  the  treaty.  It  may  then  be  ratified 
with  a  collateral  instruction  to  make  a  declaration, 
that  the  United  States  considers  the  article  in  ques 
tion,  aggregately  taken,  as  intended  by  the  king  of 
Great  Britain  as  a  privilege ;  that  they  conceive  it  for 
their  interest  to  forbear  the  exercise  of  that  privilege, 
with  the  condition  annexed  to  it,  till  an  explanation 
in  order  to  a  new  modification  of  it  shall  place  it  on 
a  more  acceptable  footing,  or  till  an  article  to  be 

1  Reprinted  from  the  History  of  the  Republic,  vi.,  216. 


102  Alexander  Hamilton 

sent  to  our  minister  containing  that  modification 
shall  be  agreed  upon  between  him  and  the  British 
court  as  a  part  of  the  treaty — the  ratification  not  to 
be  exchanged  without  further  instruction  from  this 
country,  unless  accepted  in  this  sense  and  with  this 
qualification. 

This  course  appears  to  me  preferable  to  sending 
back  the  treaty  to  open  the  negotiation  anew,  be 
cause  it  may  save  time  on  the  points  most  interest 
ing  to  us,  and  I  do  not  see  that  if  the  ratifications  be 
exchanged  with  this  saving,  there  can  be  any  doubt 
of  the  matter  operating  as  intended.  Adieu. 


TO    OLIVER   WOLCOTT 

NEW  YORK,  June  13,  1795. 

DEAR  SIR: 

Your  letter  from  New  York,  after  a  circuit  by 
Albany,  found  me  here. 

I  forgot  to  observe  to  you  in  my  last,  that  unless 
there  were  objections  to  it  which  did  not  occur  to 
me,  it  appeared  advisable,  if  not  done,  to  institute 
at  Amsterdam  a  plan  for  subscribing  the  Dutch  and 
Antwerp  debt.  It  may  be  conducted  under  the 
management  of  our  commissioners  with  the  superin 
tendence  of  our  minister.  In  all  such  cases  a  con 
siderable  deal  depends  on  facilities  on  the  very  spot, 
and  the  moment  seems  particularly  favorable. 

P.  S. — I  will  willingly  testify  what  you  mention 
respecting  Mr.  Cabot,1  but  having  torn  up  your  letter, 

1  George  Cabot,  Senator  from  Massachusetts,  an  intimate  friend  of 
Hamilton  and  Wolcott.  It  is  impossible  now  to  tell  the  meaning  of 
the  reference  here  made  to  him. 


Private  Correspondence  103 

trusting  to  my  memory,  it  has  left  me  in  the  lurch, 
and  I  do  not  know  where  Cabot  is,  whether  here  or 
in  Europe.  What  prospects  as  to  ike  treaty  ?  l 


TO    RUFUS    KING 

NEW  YORK,  June  20,  1795. 

MY  DEAR  SIR: 

A  considerable  alarm  has  been  spread  this  morning 
by  a  report  that  the  treaty  had  been  disagreed  to. 
I  have  assured  those  I  have  seen  that  I  was  con 
vinced  any  rumor  of  a  decision  must  be  premature. 
The  anxiety,  however,  about  the  result  is  extreme. 
The  common  opinion  among  men  of  business  of  all 
descriptions  is  that  a  disagreement  to  the  treaty 
would  greatly  shock  and  stagnate  pecuniary  plans 
and  operations  in  general.  This  is  not  a  small  source 
of  disquietude.  Others,  who  are  not  likely  to  be 
affected  in  that  sense  (and  among  these  myself), 
look  forward  to  the  result  with  great  solicitude,  as 
fixing  or  endangering  the  stability  of  our  present 
beneficial  and  desirable  situation. 

My  influence  in  seconding  the  wishes  of  our  friend 
General  Greene  is,  I  fear,  overrated.  Unwilling  to 
raise  expectation  which  may  not  be  realized,  I  will 
only  say  that  it  will  give  me  real  pleasure  to  be  able 
to  promote  his  accommodation  or  advantage,  as  my 
opinion  of  him  entirely  corresponds  with  yours.  In 

1  Now  first  printed  from  the  Wolcott  papers  in  the  possession  of  the 
Connecticut  Historical  Society.  I  owe  this  and  other  letters  from  the 
same  source  to  the  kindness  of  the  Hon.  J.  Hammond  Trumbull,  of 
Hartford. 


iO4  Alexander  Hamilton 

the  meantime  I  will,  as  far  as  circumstances  permit, 
have  an  eye  to  the  affair. 

TO    OLIVER    WOLCOTT 

NEW  YORK,  June  22, 1795. 

DEAR  SIR: 

I  have  received  your  letter  of  the  i8th  instant.  I 
will  reply  to  one  or  two  points  now,  and  to  the  rest 
hereafter. 

With  regard  to  the  measure  of  receiving  Dutch 
bonds  here  to  be  exchanged,  as  is  usual,  it  has  differ 
ent  sides.  To  do  it  may  be,  in  some  measure,  neces 
sary  to  effectuate  the  main  object,  as  there  may  be 
many  individuals  who,  from  circumstances,  might 
not  think  themselves  safe  in  employing  the  mode 
which  has  been  adopted,  and  which  is  no  doubt 
proper.  Yet  it  is  easy  to  see  it  might  be  attended 
with  hazard  of  imposition.  But  some  thing  may 
depend  on  the  nature  of  the  checks  which  the  course 
of  the  business  originally  gives  to  our  agents  at 
Amsterdam.  If  similitude  of  handwriting  is  the  only 
internal  check,  perhaps  it  may  be  possible  to  manage 
the  matter  here.  A  conversation  with  Cazenove 
may  furnish  you  with  the  requisite  data.  Yet  I  feel 
great  doubts  of  the  safety  of  the  operation,  and,  if 
adopted  at  all,  it  ought  to  be  upon  condition  that  no 
definitive  or  alienable  evidences  are  to  be  given  in 
exchange  for  the  original  bonds  till  after  a  period 
(to  be  named)  long  enough  to  receive  at  the  treasury 
the  result  of  the  operation  in  Holland,  and  a  parti 
cular  and  detailed  statement  of  it;  and  that  no 
interest  be  payable  (in  the  meantime)  without  a 
guaranty  for  repayment.  With  these  checks  none 


Private  Correspondence  105 

but  respectable  men  will  come  forward,  and  there  may 
be  little  or  no  risk.  Yet,  as  I  intimated,  even  the  ex 
pediency  of  this  depends  on  the  nature  of  the  original 
checks,  and  it  ought  to  be  announced  that  the  treasury 
reserves  to  itself  entire  discretion  as  to  the  admission 
or  non-admission  of  the  bonds  presented  here. 

With  regard  to  the  contract  proposed  by  Mr. 
Swan,  I  answer,  that  I  doubt  much  the  advisability 
of  concluding  any  thing  with  him  here,  for  being 
concluded,  it  must  be  relied  upon  as  a  primary  re 
source  with  the  auxiliary  and  contingent  expedient 
of  drawing  in  case  of  failure;  and  Mr.  Swan  is  not 
of  standing,  or  character,  to  justify  the  leaving  the 
public  credit  to  depend  primarily  upon  his  punc 
tuality.  If  Mr.  Swan  is  able  to  do  what  he  offers,  it 
must  be  on  the  basis  of  French  government  funds,  or 
that  of  a  powerful  moneyed  combination  in  Europe. 
If  either,  why  cannot  he  be  referred  to  our  commis 
sioners  and  minister,  under  letters  from  the  treasury 
stating  the  offer,  the  desirableness  that  such  a  con 
tract  could  be  formed  under  adequate  guards  for  its 
performance,  and  leaving  it  to  them  to  judge  of  the 
adequateness  of  the  guards  which  shall  be  proposed? 
It  appears  to  me  very  material  that  they  should  be 
satisfied  with  the  arrangement,  and  essential  that 
there  should  be  good  security  and  known  resources 
for  the  execution  of  it. 

Else  no  loss  on  shipping  commodities,  or  other 
wise,  for  the  short  time  it  can  last,  will  counterpoise 
the  risk  of  disappointment  and  censure  of  reliance  on 
an  incompetent  character. 

I  will  barely  observe  on  one  point  of  the  latter  part 


io6  Alexander  Hamilton 

of  your  letter,  namely,  the  payment  of  interest  under 
the  direction  of  the  commissioners  of  the  sinking 
fund.  I  have  not  the  act  by  me,  and  can  only  speak 
from  memory;  but  I  am  persuaded  it  does  not  re 
quire  it.  I  am  sure  it  will  be  highly  inexpedient  to 
place  any  extra  clogs  on  that  operation,  and  I  do  not 
perceive  why  the  manner  of  keeping  the  accounts 
may  not  obviate  any  embarrassment  from  a  separate 
management  of  the  two  things.  I  will  write  again 
more  particularly,  on  this  as  well  as  on  other  points. 
I  am  glad  to  know  that  there  is  a  probability  of  a 
proper  issue  to  the  affair  of  the  treaty. 


TO    OLIVER   WOLCOTT 

NEW  YORK,  June  26,  1795. 

DEAR  SIR: 

I  have  direct  information,  in  confidence,  that  the 
minister  of  France,  by  a  letter  received  yesterday, 
has  ordered  a  fast-sailing  vessel  for  France  to  be  pre 
pared  at  this  port.  No  doubt  this  has  connection 
with  the  treaty  with  England.  I  presume,  with  the 
reserves  that  decorum  requires,  he  is  apprised  of  the 
contents  of  that  treaty.  This  ought,  at  least,  to  go 
so  far  as  to  satisfy  him  that  there  is  nothing  in  it 
inimical  to  his  country,  especially  as  I  suppose  it  to 
have  been  adopted.  It  is  well  to  guard  our  peace  on 
all  sides,  as  far  as  shall  consist  with  dignity. 

Indeed,  I  am  of  opinion,  on  the  whole,  that  all 
further  mystery  at  present  is  unnecessary,  and  ought 
to  be  waived,  for  the  satisfaction  of  the  public  mind. 
I  do  not  think  any  scruples  of  diplomatic  decorum 
of  weight  enough  to  stand  in  the  way. 


Private  Correspondence  107 

TO   OLIVER   WOLCOTT 

NEW  YORK,  June  30,  1795. 

DEAR  SIR: 

Doctor  Livingston  some  time  since  left  with  me  a 
bundle  of  vouchers  relating  to  the  questions  between 
Phil.  Livingston's  estate  and  the  public.  There  was, 
among  other  things,  a  little  register  or  book  with  a 
marble  cover,  doubled  up.  I  do  not  find  it  among 
my  papers,  and  if  my  memory  does  not  deceive  me 
it  was  sent,  on  breaking  up  at  Philadelphia,  to  one 
of  the  officers  of  the  treasury.  Mr.  Jones  may  know 
some  thing  of  it.  It  is  interesting  to  the  estate.  Let 
a  careful  search  be  made,  and  when  found  let  it  be 
forwarded  by  a  careful  hand  to  me. 

P.  S. — I  find  the  non-publication  of  the  treaty  is 
working  as  I  expected — that  is,  giving  much  scope 
to  misrepresentation  and  misapprehension.  The 
Senate,  I  am  informed  by  several  members,  did  not 
take  any  step  towards  publication,  because  they 
thought  it  the  affair  of  the  President  to  do  as  he 
thought  fit.1 

TO   ROBERT  TROUP a 

NEW  YORK,  July  25,  1795. 

MY  DEAR  TROUP: 

Confiding  in  your  integrity  and  friendship  to  me,  I 
have  made  you  executor  of  my  will.  My  concerns 
are  not  very  extensive  and  of  course  will  not  give 
you  much  trouble.  Indeed,  I  might  have  dispensed 

1  Now  first  printed  from  the  Wolcott  papers  in  the  possession  of  the 
Connecticut  Historical  Society. 

2  Robert  Troup,  of  New  York,  a  gallant  officer  in  the  war  for  inde 
pendence.     He  was  a  successful  lawyer,  a  United  States  district  judge, 
and  one  of  Hamilton's  closest  friends. 


io8  Alexander  Hamilton 

with  the  ceremony  of  making  a  will  as  to  what  I  may 
myself  leave,  had  I  not  wished  that  my  little  prop 
erty  may  be  applied  as  readily  and  as  fairly  as  may 
be  to  the  benefit  of  my  few  creditors.  For  after  a 
life  of  labor  I  leave  my  family  to  the  benevolence  of 
others,  if  my  course  shall  happen  to  be  terminated 
here. 

My  property  will  appear  on  the  list  herewith 
marked  A. 

My  creditors  are  John  Barker  Church,1  to  whom 
I  owe  about  five  thousand  pounds,  as  will  appear  by 
account  marked  B. 

The  Office  of  Discount  and  Deposit,  New  York, 
who  hold  a  note  of  mine  for  five  hundred  dollars  en 
dorsed  by  Nicholas  Fish.  The  holders,  unknown,  of 
two  drafts  drawn  upon  me  by  my  father,  one  for 
five  hundred,  the  other  for  two  hundred,  dollars. 
Mr.  Meade,  to  whom  Ceracchi  gave  a  bill  on  me  for 
six  hundred  and  odd  dollars,  which  I  told  Mr.  Lud- 
low  it  was  my  intention  to  pay. 

Mr.  Sheaf,  of  Philadelphia,  wine  merchant,  to 
whom  I  owe  a  balance  of  account  not  very  con 
siderable.  Gaspard  Joseph  Armand  Ducher,  who 
has  my  bond  in  duplicate  for  £698  principal,  being 
for  money  which  he  left  in  my  hands  when  he  went 
to  France,  having  no  better  disposition  of  it.  This, 
being  a  bond  debt,  will  claim  a  preference,  and  from 
the  nature  of  it  I  am  glad  of  it. 

Arthur  Noble,  Esquire,  who  has  my  bond  for  the 
fourth  part  of  the  lands  purchased  of  him  in  company 
with  yourself,  Lawrence,  and  Fish.  The  lands  them- 

1  His  brother-in-law. 


Private  Correspondence  109 

selves  will  be  a  fund  for  the  payment  of  these  bonds. 
I  hope  the  poor  fellow  may  be  alive.  He  was  a 
member  of  the  convention. 

I  have  left  in  the  hands  of  Col.  Fish  the  obligations 
mentioned  in  the  list  of  Cortland  and  of  Wickham  & 
Thompson,  to  secure  him  in  this  mere  act  of  friend 
ship  from  the  possibility  of  loss,  and  to  accelerate  his 
reimbursement. 

I  hesitated  whether  I  would  not  also  secure  a 
preference  to  the  drafts  of  my  father,  but  these,  as 
far  as  I  am  concerned,  being  a  voluntary  engagement, 
I  doubted  the  justice  of  the  measure,  and  I  have 
done  nothing.  I  regret  it,  lest  they  should  return 
upon  him  and  increase  his  distress.  Though,  as  I 
am  informed,  a  man  of  respectable  connections  in 
Scotland,1  he  became,  as  a  merchant,  bankrupt  at 
an  early  day  in  the  West  Indies  and  is  now  in  indi 
gence.  I  have  pressed  him  to  come  to  me,  but  his 
great  age  and  infirmity  have  deterred  him  from  the 
change  of  climate. 

I  hope  what  I  leave  may  prove  equal  to  my  debts. 
If  it  does  not,  I  have  the  consolation  of  hoping  that 
the  loss  will  be  permitted  by  himself  to  fall  upon  my 
brother-in-law,  Mr.  Church,  whose  friendship  and 
generosity  I  do  not  doubt. 

I  regret  that  his  affairs  as  well  as  my  own  have 
suffered  by  my  devotion  to  the  public  service.  But 
I  trust,  upon  the  whole,  that  the  few  operations  I 
have  made  for  him  will  more  than  recompense  him 
for  my  omissions,  though  they  will  not  have  been  as 

1  When  Hamilton  speaks  in  this  way  of  his  father,  it  is  not  surprising 
that  so  much  mystery  should  overhang  his  birth  and  parentage. 


no  Alexander  Hamilton 

profitable  to  him  as  they  ought  to  have  been,  and 
as  they  would  have  been  if  I  could  have  paid  more 
attention. 

Purchases  of  lands  have  been  made  for  Mr.  Church, 
first,  in  Pennsylvania,  in  company  with  Tench  Coxe, 
to  whom  I  advanced  ten  thousand  dollars ;  second,  in 
this  City  of  New  York,  in  company  with  J.  Lawrence, 
to  whom  I  have  advanced  the  sums  mentioned  in  the 
account  marked  C,  in  bundle  AA.  Besides  these  ad 
vances,  I  have  put  into  his  hands  a  draft  of  Fit- 
simmons  upon  Constable,  accepted  by  the  latter,  for 
four  thousand  dollars,  and  a  set  of  bills  for  five 
hundred  pounds  sterling,  received  from  Robert  Mor 
ris,  drawn  by  Harrison  &  Sherret  upon  the  house 
of  Cazenove  &  Co.,  London.  These  are  all  on  the 
same  account  of  the  purchases. 

You  will  find,  in  the  bundle  marked  AB,  a  smaller 
bundle  marked  D,  which  will  explain  the  nature  and 
state  of  the  business  with  Mr.  Coxe,  by  which  also 
you  will  see  that  Mr.  Anthony,  who  is  a  very  good 
man,  is  my  agent  in  that  affair. 

You  will  also  find  in  bundle  AA  a  note  of  Mr. 
Morris  for  nine  thousand  five  hundred  dollars,  on 
account  of  which  the  above  bills  are.  This  note  was 
for  money  lent  belonging  to  Mr.  Church.  Mr.  Mor 
ris  will  not  dispute  that  it  bears  interest  from  the 
date.  Indeed,  the  real  sum  was  ten  thousand  dol 
lars,  but  Mr.  Morris  after  some  time  paid  me  five 
hundred.  The  interest  ought  to  be  calculated  ac 
cordingly.  Mr.  Morris  can  furnish  the  data. 

As  this  money  was  thus  disposed  of  without  being 
warranted  by  the  spirit  of  Mr.  Church's  instructions, 


Private  Correspondence  in 

I  considered  myself  as  responsible  for  it.  And  I 
trust  that  Mr.  Morris  will  exert  himself  to  pay  the 
balance  speedily,  to  be  applied  to  the  investments 
which  Mr.  Lawrence  is  making. 

I  have  received  some  large  fees  for  which  the 
parties  could  not  have  had  equivalents:  from  Wil 
liamson,  one  hundred  pounds;  from  Constable,  one 
hundred  pounds ;  from  Macombe,  one  hundred 
pounds;  from  Mr.  Bayard,  on  behalf  of  Wilken  and 
Jared  Willink,  one  hundred  pounds.  It  would  be 
just,  if  there  were  means,  that  they  should  be  repaid. 
But  what  can  I  direct  who  am,  I  fear,  insolvent? 

God  bless  you,  my  friend.  Be  assured  always  of 
the  attachment  of,  etc. 

P.  S. — I  remitted  Sheaf,  on  my  way  through  Jer 
sey,  an  order  on  the  Bank  of  the  United  States  for  a 
good  part  of  his  demand.  This  will  appear  by  my 
bank  account. 

In  my  leather  trunk,  where  the  bundles  above 
mentioned  are,  is  also  a  bundle  I.  R.  inscribed  thus: 

To  be  forwarded  to  Oliver  Wolcott,  Jnn.,  Esqr. 

I  entreat  that  this  may  be  early  done  by  a  careful 
hand. 

This  trunk  contains  all  my  interesting  papers.1 

1  This  long  and  interesting  letter  is  now  first  printed  from  the  Hamil 
ton  papers  in  the  State  Department.  It  furnishes  a  striking  commen 
tary  on  the  charges  of  corruption  made  against  Hamilton  by  Jefferson 
and  his  tools,  and  on  Madison's  cold  sneer  that  Hamilton  retired  from 
office  alleging  poverty  as  the  cause. 


H2  Alexander  Hamilton 

TO   OLIVER   WOLCOTT 

NEW  YORK,  July  28,  1795. 

DEAR  SIR: 

We  have  some  cause  to  suspect,  though  not  enough 
to  believe,  that  our  Jacobins  meditate  serious  mis 
chief  to  certain  individuals.  It  happens  that  the 
militia  of  this  city,  from  the  complexion  of  its  officers 
in  general,  cannot  be  depended  on,  and  it  will  be 
difficult  for  some  time  to  organize  a  competent  armed 
substitute.  In  this  situation  our  eyes  turn  as  a  re 
source  in  a  sudden  emergency,  upon  the  military  now 
in  the  forts,  but  these,  we  are  told,  are  under  march 
ing  orders.  Pray  converse  confidentially  with  the 
Secretary  of  War,  and  engage  him  to  suspend  the 
march.  Matters  in  eight  or  ten  days  will  explain 
themselves. 

How  are  things  truly  in  Philadelphia?  I  have 
good  reason  to  believe  that  the  President,  before  he 
left  Philadelphia,  had  concluded  to  ratify  the  treaty 
according  to  the  advice  of  the  Senate.  Has  any 
thing  finally  been  done,  or  are  we  where  we  were? 


TO   OLIVER   WOLCOTT 

NEW  YORK,  August  5,  1795. 

DEAR  SIR: 

I  have  received  yours  of  the  3d  instant.  You 
make  no  mention  of  having  received  one  from  me, 
enclosing  another  for  the  Attorney-General,  in  which 
I  tell  him  that  I  will  attend  the  cause  which  involves 
the  question  respecting  direct  taxes  when  notified  of 
the  time  it  will  come  on. 


Private  Correspondence  113 

The  silence  of  your  letter  makes  me  fear  it  may 
have  miscarried. 

I  do  not  wonder  at  what  you  tell  me  of  the  author 
of  a  certain  piece.1  That  man  is  too  cunning  to  be 
wise.  I  have  been  so  much  in  the  habit  of  seeing 
him  mistaken,  that  I  hold  his  opinion  cheap.2 


TO   OLIVER   WOLCOTT 

NEW  YORK,  August  10,  1795. 

DEAR  SIR: 

I  have  received  your  letter  by  Saturday's  post. 
The  one  you  enquire  about  was  received. 

I  incline  very  much  to  the  opinion  that  this  will 
be  the  proper  course  of  conduct  in  reference  to  the 
order  to  seize  our  vessels  with  provisions — viz.,  to 
send  to  our  agent  the  treaty  ratified  as  advised  by 
the  Senate,  with  this  instruction:  that  if  the  order 
for  seizing  provisions  is  in  force  when  he  receives  it, 
he  is  to  inform  the  British  ministry  that  he  has  the 
treaty  ratified,  but  that  he  is  instructed  not  to  ex 
change  the  ratification  till  that  order  is  rescinded, 
since  the  United  States  cannot  ever  give  an  implied 
sanction  to  the  principle.  At  the  same  time  a  re 
monstrance  ought  to  go  from  this  country,  well 
considered  and  well  digested,  even  to  a  word,  to  be 
delivered  against  the  principle  of  the  order. 

My  reasons  for  this  opinion  are  summarily  these: 

1  Note  by  Oliver  Wolcott:    "Tench  Coxe,  author  of  a  piece  signed 
Juriscola."     Tench  Coxe  was  commissioner  of  revenue,  and,  as  has 
appeared  above,  had  already  made  charges  against  and  attempted  to 
injure  both  Hamilton  and  Wolcott. 

2  Now  first  printed  from  the  Wolcott  papers,  in  the  possession  of  the 
Connecticut  Historical  Society. 


VOL.  x.— 8. 


H4  Alexander  Hamilton 

Firstly. — That  in  fact  we  are  too  much  interested 
in  the  exemption  of  provisions  from  seizure  to  give 
even  an  implied  sanction  to  the  contrary  pretensions. 

Secondly. — That  the  exchange  of  ratifications 
pending  such  an  order  would  give  color  to  an  abusive 
construction  of  the  eighteenth  article  of  the  treaty> 
as  though  it  admitted  of  the  seizure  of  provisions. 

Thirdly. — That  this  would  give  cause  of  umbrage 
to  France,  because  it  would  be  more  than  merely  to 
refrain  from  resisting  by  force  an  innovation  injurious 
to  her,  but  it  would  be  to  give  a  sanction  to  it  in  the 
midst  of  a  war. 

Fourthly. — It  would  be  thus  construed  in  our 
country,  and  would  destroy  confidence  in  the  gov 
ernment. 

Fifthly. — It  would  scarcely  be  reputable  to  a  na 
tion  to  conduct  a  treaty  with  a  Power  to  heal  past 
controversies,  at  the  very  moment  of  a  new  and 
existing  violation  of  its  rights. 

P.  S. — Deliver  the  enclosed  as  soon  as  it  gets 
to  hand.  If  an  order  has  existed,  and  has  been 
rescinded,  the  remonstrance  ought  still  to  be  pre 
sented,  after  the  exchange  of  ratifications,  as  a  pro 
test  against  the  principle,  etc. 


TO    OLIVER   WOLCOTT 

NEW  YORK,  Sept.  20,  1795. 

MY  DEAR  SIR: 

A  slight  indisposition  prevented  my  meeting  you 
at  E.  Town,  which  I  should  otherwise  have  done 
with  great  pleasure. 


Private  Correspondence  115 

It  is  wished  for  a  particular  purpose  to  know  who 
are  the  writers  of  Valerius,  Hancock,  Belisarius,  At- 
ticus.  If  any  thing  about  them  is  known  in  a  manner 
that  can  be  depended  upon,  I  will  thank  you  for  it  in 
confidence. 

The  fever  in  this  town  has  become  serious.  The 
alarm,  however,  exceeds  the  quantum  of  disease  and 
danger.  It  is  not  ascertained  that  the  fever  is  con 
tagious.  It  is  clearly  traced  to  local  causes,  but  it 
is  sufficiently  mortal.  Bleeding  is  found  fatal.  Most 
of  our  physicians  purge  more  or  less,  some  with 
calomel,  I  fear  more  than  does  good;  bark,  wine, 
etc.,  plentifully  used,  and  with  good  effect.  They, 
however,  all  behave  well,  and  shrink  not  from  their 
duty. 

Show  the  last  paragraph  of  this  letter  to  Doctor 
Stevens,  from  whom,  though  I  have  written  to  him, 
I  have  not  received  a  line  since  I  came  to  New  York.1 


TO   OLIVER  WOLCOTT 

NEW  YORK,  Oct.  3,  1795. 

MY  DEAR  SIR: 

I  have  received  your  letter  of  the ,  and  thank 

you  for  the  information.  As  to  Randolph,  I  shall 
be  surprised  at  nothing,  but  if  the  facts  come  out, 
his  personal  influence  is  at  all  events  damned.  No 
coloring  will  remove  unfavorable  impressions.  To 
do  mischief,  he  must  work  in  the  dark. 

What  you  say  respecting  your  own  department 

1  Now  first  printed  from  the  Wolcott  papers,  in  the  possession  of  the 
Connecticut  Historical  Society. 


n6  Alexander  Hamilton 

disquiets  me,  for  I  think  we  shall,  for  the  present, 
weather  all  storms  but  those  from  real  deficiencies 
in  our  public  arrangements.  Not  knowing  details,  I 
can  attempt  to  suggest  nothing,  except  the  general 
observation,  that  if  the  means  heretofore  provided, 
are  seriously  likely  to  prove  inadequate,  Congress 
ought  to  be  explicitly  told  so,  in  order  to  a  further 
provision.  It  was  a  maxim  in  my  mind,  that  ex 
ecutive  arrangements  should  not  fail  for  want  of  full 
disclosure  to  the  Legislature.  Then,  if  adequate 
provision  be  not  made,  the  responsibility  is  theirs. 
The  worst  evil  we  can  struggle  with  is  inefficiency  in 
the  measures  of  government. 

If  I  remember  right,  it  never  appeared  that 
Fauchet  had  any  power  to  make  a  commercial 
treaty  with  us,  and  the  late  Attorney-General 
(Bradford)  informed  me  that  Adet  had  power  only 
to  treat,  none  to  conclude.  How  are  these  things?  I 
ask  for  special  reasons.1 

What  is  the  object  of  the  dispatch-boat  from 
France?  Nothing  menacing,  I  hope. 

1  Col.  Pickering  writes  Wolcott  in  reference  to  the  above: 

"  October  6,  1795. 

"DEAR  SIR: — Mr.  Taylor  informs  me  that  Mr.  Fauchet  never  to  his 
knowledge  made  even  any  overtures  relative  to  a  treaty  of  any  kind. 
I  have  cast  my  eye  over  those  of  Mr.  Adet,  by  which  it  appears,  that 
he  is  authorized  to  digest  with  the  American  Government  a  new  treaty 
of  commerce  and  a  new  consular  convention,  but  not  to  conclude  any 
thing.  Mr.  Randolph  agreed  to  meet  him  on  this  ground.  If  the 
articles  digested  should  meet  the  approbation  of  the  respective  govern 
ments,  they  might  give  full  powers  to  constitute  of  these  articles  the 
proposed  new  treaties. 

"Sincerely  yours, 

"  T.  PICKERING." 


Private  Correspondence  117 

TO    OLIVER   WOLCOTT 

NEW  YORK,  Oct.  3,  1795. 

DEAR  SIR: 

I  have  received  your  letter  of  the  6th  instant. 

I  am  of  opinion  that  the  commissioners  to  be  ap 
pointed  under  the  seventh  article  are  competent  to 
grant  relief,  in  all  cases  of  captures  and  condemna 
tions  of  our  property,  during  the  present  war,  and 
antecedent  to  the  treaty,  which  were  contrary  to  the 
laws  of  nations,  and  in  which  there  is  adequate  evi 
dence  (of  which  they  are  to  judge  bona  fide),  that 
compensation  could  not,  at  the  time  of  the  treaty, 
for  whatever  reason,  be  actually  obtained.  I  think 
their  power  competent  to  relief,  after  a  decision,  in 
the  last  resort;  that  is,  by  the  Lords  Commissioners 
of  Appeals,  and  if  the  proper  steps  have  been  taken 
to  ascertain  that  justice  cannot  be  had,  in  the  ordin 
ary  course  of  justice,  before  and  without  such  decision. 

This  opinion  is  founded  upon  the  following  reasons : 

Firstly. — The  subject  of  complaint  to  be  redressed 
is  irregular  or  illegal  captures  or  condemnations.  The 
word  "  condemnations "  is  general.  It  is  not  re 
stricted  to  condemnations  in  the  inferior  courts,  or  in 
the  final  Court  of  Appeals.  It  may  then  apply  to 
either.  Condemnation  in  the  last  resort  may  have 
been  had  prior  to  the  treaty.  There  being  no  re 
striction,  they,  like  those  in  inferior  tribunals,  were 
equally  within  the  terms  of  complaint.  But  could 
they  be  illegal?  Yes,  in  controversies  between  na 
tions,  respecting  the  application  of  the  rules  of  the 
laws  of  nations,  decisions  of  the  highest  court  of  one 
of  the  parties,  if  contrary  to  those  rules,  are  illegal. 


n8  Alexander  Hamilton 

In  other  words,  they  are  contrary  to  that  law,  which 
is  the  standard  of  legality  and  illegality  between  na 
tions;  and,  if  manifestly  so,  are  a  cause  of  war. 
Moreover,  this  rule  of  legality  or  illegality,  is  recog 
nized  by  the  article  itself,  in  that  part  which  au 
thorizes  the  commissioners  to  decide  according  to 
the  merits  of  the  several  cases,  to  justice,  equity,  and 
the  law  of  nations. 

Secondly. — The  article  contemplates  that  "  various 
circumstances11  may  obstruct  compensation  in  the 
ordinary  course  of  justice.  These  terms  would  not  be 
fully  satisfied  by  tying  the  article  down,  as  has  been 
attempted,  to  cases  of  insolvency  and  absconding. 

Thirdly. — The  article  expressly  declares,  that  when 
compensation  cannot,  "for  whatever  reason,"  be  had 
in  the  ordinary  course  of  justice,  it  shall  be  made 
by  the  British  Government  upon  the  award  of  the 
commissioners.  It  is  inadmissible  to  narrow  down 
these  very  comprehensive  terms  to  the  two  cases  of 
insolvency  or  absconding.  They  are  commensurate 
with  every  cause  of  irregularity  or  illegality,  pro 
nounced  such  by  the  laws  of  nations.  The  excep 
tions  of  manifest  delay,  or  negligence,  or  willful 
omission,  confirm  the  extensive  interpretation. 

Fourthly. — The  commissioners  are  not  restricted 
in  the  description  of  cases  they  are  to  take  up;  and 
they  are  to  decide  them  according  to  their  merits,  to 
justice,  equity,  and  the  laws  of  nations.  These  terms 
are  as  latitudinary  as  they  could  be  made.  They 
seemed  formed  on  purpose  to  overrule  any  technical 
difficulties,  with  regard  to  local  tribunals,  or  positive 
rules  of  decision  in  those  tribunals. 


Private  Correspondence  119 

Fifthly. — The  nature  of  the  circumstance  which 
led  to  the  article,  and  which  involved  a  controversy 
between  the  two  nations,  respecting  the  rules  of  the 
laws  of  nations,  as  well  as  the  application  of  those 
rules.  The  natural  presumption  is  that  it  was  meant 
to  refer  this  controversy,  in  all  its  latitude,  to  the 
extraordinary  tribunal  created;  to  transfer  the  right 
of  judgment  of  each  nation,  which,  being  exercised 
differently,  might  have  ended  in  war,  to  that  tribunal. 
Any  thing  less  than  this  would  be  inadequate  to  the 
origin  of  the  business,  to  the  solemnity  of  the  pro 
vision,  or  to  the  views  which,  from  the  facts,  must 
be  conceived  to  have  governed  the  parties. 

All  this  appears  so  clear  to  me  that  I  confess  I  am 
confounded  at  an  opinion  which  I  have  seen  of 
Messrs.  Lewis  and  Rawle.  They  seem  to  pare  away 
the  object  of  the  articles  to  the  two  cases  mentioned 
above,  founding  their  opinion  upon  the  maxim  that 
the  courts  of  the  belligerent  power  are  the  com 
petent  tribunals  to  decide  similar  questions  between 
that  power  and  a  neutral  nation. 

This  maxim  is  true,  but  how  can  it  be  deemed  to 
apply  to  the  instance  of  a  controversy  between  two 
nations  about  the  interpretation  of  the  laws  of  na 
tions,  and  about  the  decisions  of  courts  founded  upon 
an  interpretation  concerning  which  they  disagreed? 
And  this  when  an  extraordinary  tribunal  has  been 
constituted  by  the  joint  acts  of  the  two  parties,  to 
decide  their  differences  plainly  as  a  substitute  for  a 
controversy  by  arms?  Is  not  the  constitution  of 
such  a  tribunal  by  the  two  parties  a  manifest  aban 
donment  of  the  pretension  of  one  to  administer 


I2O  Alexander  Hamilton 

justice  definitely  through  its  tribunals?  How  can  it 
be  presumed,  after  such  a  proceeding,  that  the  neu 
tral  power  meant  to  be  concluded  by  the  decisions  of 
those  tribunals?  Is  not  the  reverse  the  obvious  pre 
sumption?  Why  else  was  it  not  left  to  the  British 
Courts  of  Admiralty  to  liquidate  the  damages  in 
the  admitted  cases  of  insolvency  and  absconding  to 
be  paid  by  the  government?  These  circumstances 
could  call  for  a  substitute  only  in  the  person  to  pay, 
not  in  the  person,  or  tribunal,  which  was  to  liquidate. 
There  was  no  need,  on  the  principle  set  up,  for  an  ex 
traordinary  tribunal  to  liquidate  and  award  damages. 

I  confess  that  the  opinion  referred  to  appears  to 
me  destitute  of  color;  contrary  to  the  antecedent 
course  of  the  transaction,  contrary  to  the  positive 
expressions  of  the  article,  and  to  what  can  reason 
ably  be  presumed  to  be  the  intention  of  the  parties. 
It  fritters  away  to  nothing  a  very  solemn  and  im 
portant  act  between  two  contending  nations. 

The  exception  of  the  cases  in  which  justice  might 
be  obtained,  in  the  ordinary  course,  appears  to  me  to 
decide  nothing.  It  might  be  unobtainable  in  that 
course  as  well  from  the  obstructions  of  positive  regu 
lations  of  the  belligerent  parties  controlling  the 
courts,  and  from  false  principles  adopted  by  the 
courts,  as  from  the  inability  or  default  of  the  captors. 
The  commissioners,  who  are  the  court  of  the  two  na 
tions,  are  to  pronounce  whether  justice  is  unobtain 
able  in  the  ordinary  course  for  any  of  these  reasons. 
As  the  tribunals  of  both  parties,  they  are  necessarily 
superior  to  the  tribunals  of  either.  And  they  are  the 
judges,  in  their  own  way,  and  upon  their  own  grounds, 


Private  Correspondence  121 

of  the  question  whether  and  when  justice  can  or 
cannot  be  obtained  in  the  ordinary  course. 

But  they  ought  to  exercise  their  discretion  reason 
ably — not  to  abuse  it,  otherwise  they  may  release  the 
party  injured  from  the  obligation  to  perform. 

Hence,  though  it  is  not  necessary  that  every  indi 
vidual  case  of  capture  should  be  prosecuted  to  a 
decision  in  the  last  resort,  it  appears  to  me  proper  that, 
by  such  prosecution  of  some  one  case  of  the  several 
classes  of  cases,  it  may  be  ascertained,  by  a  final 
decision  on  the  principle  of  each  class,  that  redress 
cannot  be  obtained.  Else  the  commissioners  may 
object  that  there  has  been  a  neglect  to  procure  for 
them  satisfactory  evidence  that  justice  could  not 
be  had  in  the  ordinary  course. 

I  would  advise,  then,  that  our  agent  be  instructed 
to  lay  all  the  cases,  with  the  evidence,  before  our 
counsel,  and  to  desire  them  to  make  a  selection  of 
one  of  each  class  in  which  a  defence  can  be  made 
with  probability  of  success,  on  some  difference  of 
principle;  to  have  these  cases  prosecuted  to  an 
ultimate  decision,  and  to  leave  all  the  rest  pending, 
if  possible,  undecided  in  a  course  of  appeal.  This 
will  give  reasonable  evidence  to  the  commissioners, 
strengthened,  in  view  of  those  appointed  by  the  other 
party,  by  the  character  of  our  counsel,  who,  I  learn, 
are  every  way  men  of  respectability. 

The  other  points  in  your  letter  I  shall  pursue 
hereafter. 

P.  S. — In  a  consultation  on  an  insurance  case  be 
tween  our  district  attorney,  Mr.  Burr,  B.  Livingston, 


122  Alexander  Hamilton 

and  myself,  the  above  points  incidentally  occurred, 
and  I  understood  all  these  gentlemen  as  agreeing  in 
the  opinion  I  have  stated.  You  are  at  liberty  to 
communicate  this  to  Mr.  Pickering. 


TO   WASHINGTON 

NEW  YORK,  Oct.  16,  1795. 

SIR: 

About  a  fortnight  since  arrived  here  Mr.  Frestel, 
with  G.  W.  Fayette,  the  son  of  the  marquis.  The 
former,  who  is  in  capacity  of  tutor  to  the  latter,  re 
quested  me  to  mention  their  arrival  to  you,  and  that 
they  meant  to  retire  to  some  place  in  the  neighbor 
ing  country  until  they  should  receive  some  direction 
from  you.  Thus,  at  least,  I  understood  him,  and 
accordingly  they  are  gone  to  a  house  between  Hack- 
ensack  and  Ramapo,  in  the  Jerseys,  to  which  may  be 
conveyed  any  letter  you  may  confide  to  me  for  them. 
They  are  incog. 

Having  been  informed  you  were  speedily  ex 
pected  from  Philadelphia,  and  being  oppressed  with 
occupation,  I  delayed  writing  till  this  time. 

Mr.  Frestel,  who  appears  a  very  sedate,  discreet 
man,  informs  me  that  they  left  France  with  permis 
sion,  though  not  in  their  real  characters,  but  in  fact 
with  the  privity  of  some  members  of  the  Committee 
of  Safety  who  were  disposed  to  shut  their  eyes  and 
facilitate  their  departure. 

The  young  Fayette  also  appears  to  me  very  ad 
vantageously  modest,  of  very  good  manners,  and 
expressing  himself  with  intelligence  and  propriety. 

Shall  I  trespass  on  your  indulgence  by  hazarding  a 


Private  Correspondence  123 

sentiment  upon  the  subject  of  this  young  gentleman? 
If  I  do,  let  it  be  ascribed  to  the  double  interest  I  take 
in  the  son  of  the  marquis,  and  in  whatever  interests 
the  good  fame  and  satisfaction  of  him  to  whom  I  write. 

On  mature  reflection,  and  on  sounding  opinions  as 
far  as  opportunity  and  the  nature  of  the  case  have 
permitted,  I  fully  believe  that  the  President  need  be 
under  no  embarrassment  as  to  any  good  offices  his 
heart  may  lead  him  to  perform  towards  this  young 
man.  It  will  not,  I  am  persuaded,  displease  those 
in  possession  of  the  power  of  the  country  from  which 
he  comes,  and  in  ours  it  will  be  singularly  and 
generally  grateful.  I  am  even  convinced  that  the 
personal  and  political  enemies  of  the  President 
would  be  gratified,  should  his  ideas  of  the  policy  of 
the  case  restrain  him  from  that  conduct  which  his 
friendship  to  the  marquis  and  his  feelings  otherwise 
would  dictate.  The  youth  of  this  person,  joined  to 
the  standing  of  his  father,  make  the  way  easy. 

I  even  venture  to  think  it  possible  that  the  time 
is  not  very  remote  when  the  marquis  will  again  re 
cover  the  confidence  and  esteem  of  his  country,  when 
perhaps  the  men  in  power  may  be  glad  to  glorify 
themselves  and  their  cause  with  his  alliance.  This, 
however,  is  supposition,  merely  to  be  indulged  as  a 
reflection,  not  to  be  counted  upon  as  a  fact. 

There  is  another  subject  upon  which  I  will  hazard 
a  few  words.  It  is  that  of  Mr.  Randolph.  I  have 
seen  the  intercepted  letter,  which,  I  presume,  led  to 
his  resignation.  I  read  it  with  regret,  but  without 
much  surprise,  for  I  never  had  any  confidence  in  Mr. 
Randolph,  and  I  thought  there  were  very  suspicious 


124  Alexander  Hamilton 

appearances  about  him  on  the  occasion  to  which  the 
letter  particularly  refers. 

I  perceive  that,  rendered  desperate,  he  meditates 
as  much  mischief  as  he  can.  The  letter  he  calls  for, 
I  presume,  is  that  above  alluded  to.  His  object  is, 
if  he  obtains  it,  to  prejudice  others;  if  any  part  is 
kept  back,  to  derive  advantage  to  his  cause  from  the 
idea  that  there  may  be  some  thing  reserved  which 
would  tend  to  his  exculpation,  and  to  produce  the 
suspicion  that  there  is  some  thing  which  you  are  in 
terested  to  keep  from  the  light. 

Though,  from  the  state  of  public  prejudices,  I 
shall  probably  for  one  be  a  sufferer  by  the  publica 
tion;  yet,  upon  the  whole,  I  incline  to  the  opinion 
that  it  is  most  advisable  the  whole  should  come  be 
fore  the  public.  I  acknowledge  that  I  do  not  ex 
press  this  opinion  without  hesitation,  and  therefore 
it  will  deserve,  as  it  will  no  doubt  engage,  your  ma 
ture  reflection;  but  such  is  the  present  bias  of  my 
judgment.  I  am  the  more  inclined  to  the  opinion, 
as  I  presume  that  the  subject  being  in  part  before  the 
public,  the  whole  letter  will  finally  come  out  through 
the  quarter  by  which  it  was  written,  and  then  it  would 
have  additional  weight  to  produce  ill  impressions. 

With  great  respect  and  affectionate  attachment,  I 
have  the  honor  to  be,  etc. 

TO   WASHINGTON 

NEW  YORK,  Oct.  26,  1795. 

SIR: 

I  have  noticed  a  piece  in  the  Aurora,  under  the 
signature  of  the  "  Calm  Observer,"  which  I  think  re- 


Private  Correspondence  125 

quires  explanation,  and  I  mean  to  give  one  with  my 
name.1  I  have  written  to  Mr.  Wolcott  for  material 
from  the  books  of  the  treasury. 

Should  you  think  it  proper  to  meet  the  vile  in 
sinuation  in  the  close  of  it,  by  furnishing  for  one 
year  the  account  of  expenditure  of  the  salary,  I  will 
with  pleasure  add  what  may  be  proper  on  that  point. 
If  there  be  any  such  account  signed  by  Mr.  Lear,  it 
may  be  useful. 

I  wrote  to  you  some  days  since,  directed  to  you 
at  Philadelphia,  chiefly  on  the  subject  of  young  La 
Fayette.  I  mention  it  merely  that  you  may  have 
knowledge  that  there  is  such  a  letter,  in  case  it  has 
not  yet  come  to  hand. 

I  touched  in  it  upon  a  certain  intercepted  letter. 
The  more  I  have  reflected,  the  more  I  am  of  opinion 
that  it  is  advisable  the  whole  should  speedily  appear. 


TO    OLIVER   WOLCOTT 

NEW  YORK,  Oct.  26,  1795. 

DEAR  SIR: 

I  have  observed  in  the  Aurora,  a  piece  under  the 
signature  of  "A  Calm  Observer,"  which  I  think 
merits  attention.  It  is  my  design  to  reply  to  it, 
with  my  name,  but  for  this  I  wish  to  be  furnished,  as 
soon  as  possible,  with  the  account  of  the  President, 
and  of  the  appropriations  for  him,  as  it  stands  in  the 
Secretary's  office,  the  Comptroller's,  and  the  account 
rendered  to  Congress,  and  also  the  account  of  ap 
propriations  for  this  object.  Of  one  point  I  am 

1  This  reply  was  duly  published.  See  above,  "  The  Explanation," 
vol.  viii.,  p.  122. 


126  Alexander  Hamilton 

sure — that  we  never  exceeded  the  appropriations, 
though  we  may  have  anticipated  the  service.  Add 
any  remarks  you  may  judge  useful.  The  sooner  the 
better. 


TO   OLIVER  WOLCOTT 

NEW  YORK,  Oct.  27,  1795. 

DEAR  SIR: 

I  wish  the  statements  requested  in  my  letter 
of  yesterday  may  contain  each  particular  payment, 
not  aggregates  for  periods.  It  runs  in  my  mind  that 
once,  there  being  no  appropriation,  I  procured  an 
informal  advance  for  the  President  from  the  bank. 
If  this  is  so,  let  me  know  the  time  and  particulars.  If 
the  account  has  been  wound  up  to  an  exact  adjust 
ment,  since  the  period  noticed  by  the  "Calm  Ob 
server,"  it  may  be  useful  to  carry  it  down  to  that 
period. 

I  should  like  to  have  a  note  of  other  instances  of 
advances  on  account  of  salaries. 


TO    OLIVER   WOLCOTT 

NEW  YORK,  Oct.  30,  1795. 

DEAR  SIR: 

I  wrote  you  yesterday  for  a  statement  of  the 
advances  and  appropriations  for  the  Department  of 
State. 

I  am  very  anxious  that  Fauchet's  whole  letter 
should  appear  just  as  it  is.  Strange  whispers  are 
in  circulation  of  a  nature  foreign  to  truth,  and  im- 


Private  Correspondence  127 

plicating  honest  men  with  rascals.  Is  it  to  come 
out  ?  Can't  you  send  me  a  copy  ?  I  will  observe  any 
condition  you  annex. 

The  secret  journals,  and  other  files  of  the  Depart 
ment  of  State,  will  disclose  the  following  facts : 

That  during  the  war  a  commission  to  negotiate  a 
treaty  of  commerce  with  Great  Britain,  was  given 
to  Mr.  Adams,  and  afterwards  revoked. 

That  our  commissioners  for  making  peace  were  in 
structed  to  take  no  step  whatever,  without  a  previous 
consultation  with  the  French  ministry,  though  there 
was  at  that  time  reason  to  believe  that  France 
wished  us  to  make  peace,  or  truce,  with  Great  Brit 
ain,  without  an  acknowledgment  of  our  indepen 
dence,  that  she  favored  a  sacrifice  to  Spain  of  our 
pretensions  to  the  navigation  of  the  Mississippi,  and 
the  relinquishment  of  a  participation  in  the  fisheries. 

It  will  appear  that  instructions  were  actually  given 
to  Mr.  Jay  to  yield  the  navigation  of  the  Mississippi 
to  Spain,  in  consideration  of  an  acknowledgment 
of  our  independence;  that  Mr.  Jay  made  a  proposal 
accordingly,  but  clogged  with  some  condition  or 
qualification  to  bring  it  back  to  Congress  before 
a  final  conclusion,  and  expostulated  with  Congress 
against  the  measure. 

It  will  appear  that  this  was  effected  by  a  Southern 
party,  who  would  also  have  excluded  the  fisheries 
from  being  an  ultimatum,  in  which  they  were  op 
posed  by  the  North,  who  equally  contended  for  Mis 
sissippi  and  fisheries. 

It  will  appear  that  Chancellor  Livingston,  as 
Secretary  of  State,  reported  a  censure  on  our 


128  Alexander  Hamilton 

commissioners  for  breaking  their  instructions  in  the 
negotiations  for  peace. 

It  will  appear  that  shortly  after  the  arrival  in  this 
country  of  the  preliminary  articles,  I  made  a  motion 
in  Congress  to  renew  the  commission  to  negotiate  a 
treaty  of  commerce  with  Great  Britain,  that  a  com 
mittee  was  appointed  to  prepare  one,  with  instruc 
tions,  of  which  Mr.  Madison  was  one,  and  that  the 
committee  never  reported. 

Thus  stand  the  facts  in  my  memory. 

It  is  very  desirable,  now  that  a  free  access  to  the 
files  of  the  department  can  give  the  evidence,  to 
examine  them  accurately;  noting  times,  places,  cir 
cumstances,  actors,  etc.  I  want  this  very  much  for 
a  public  use,  in  my  opinion  essential. 

It  would  also  be  useful  to  have  a  copy  of  Mr.  Jef 
ferson's  letter  to  Congress  concerning  the  transfer  of 
the  French  debt  to  private  money-lenders,  on  which 
the  report  of  the  Board  of  Treasury  is  founded. 

Nov.  1 2th.  This  letter,  by  accident,  has  lain  in 
my  desk  since  it  was  written.  I  send  it  still.  B ache's 
paper  of  the  eleventh  has  a  VALERIUS,  which  I  think 
gives  an  opportunity  of  oversetting  him.  The  lead 
ing  ideas  may  be : 

Firstly. — He  discloses  the  object  of  the  party  to 
place  Mr.  Jefferson  in  contrast  with  the  President. 

Secondly. — He  discloses  the  further  object — an  in 
timate  and  close  alliance  with  France — to  subject  us 
to  the  vortex  of  European  politics,  and  attributes  it 
to  Mr.  Jefferson. 

Thirdly. — He  misrepresents  totally  Mr.  Jefferson's 
returning  from  France. 


Private  Correspondence  129 

A  solid  answer  to  this  paper,  with  facts,  would  do 
great  good. 


TO   WASHINGTON 

NEW  YORK,  Nov.  5,  1795. 

SIR: 

I  received  on  the  second  instant  your  two  letters 
of  the  2 Qth  of  October  with  the  enclosures.  An  an 
swer  has  been  delayed  to  ascertain  the  disposition  of 
Mr.  King,  who,  through  the  summer,  has  resided  in 
the  country,  and  is  only  occasionally  in  town.  I  am 
now  able  to  inform  you  he  would  not  accept.  Cir 
cumstances  of  the  moment  conspire  with  the  dis 
gust  which  a  virtuous  and  independent  mind  feels 
at  placing  itself  en  but  to  the  foul  and  venomous 
shafts  of  calumny  which  are  continually  shot  by  an 
odious  confederacy  against  virtue,  to  give  Mr.  King 
a  decided  disinclination  to  the  office. 

I  wish,  sir,  I  could  present  to  you  any  useful  ideas 
as  a  substitute;  but  the  embarrassment  is  extreme 
as  to  the  Secretary  of  State.  An  Attorney-General, 
I  believe,  may  easily  be  fixed  upon  by  a  satisfactory 
choice.  Either  Mr.  Dexter  or  Mr.  Gore  would  an 
swer.  They  are  both  men  of  undoubted  probity. 
Mr.  -Dexter  has  most  natural  talent,  and  is  strong 
in  his  particular  profession.  Mr.  Gore,  I  believe,  is 
equally  considered  in  his  profession,  and  has  more 
various  information.  No  good  man  doubts  Mr. 
Gore's  purity,  but  he  has  made  money  by  agencies 
for  British  houses  in  the  recovery  of  debts,  etc.,  and 
by  operations  in  the  funds,  which  a  certain  party 

VOL.  X.— Q. 


130  Alexander  Hamilton 

object  to  him.  I  believe  Mr.  Dexter  is  free  from 
every  thing  of  this  kind.  Mr.  King  thinks  Gore 
on  the  whole  preferable.  I  hesitate  between  them. 
Either  will,  I  think  be  a  good  appointment. 

But  for  a  Secretary  of  State,  I  know  not  what  to 
say.  Smith,  though  not  of  full  size,  is  very  respect 
able  for  talent,  and  has  pretty  various  information.  I 
think  he  has  more  real  talent  than  the  last  incumbent 
of  the  office.  But  there  are  strong  objections  to  his 
appointment.  I  fear  he  is  of  an  uncomfortable  tem 
per.  He  is  popular  with  no  description  of  men, 
from  a  certain  hardness  of  character;  and  he,  more 
than  most  other  men,  is  considered  as  tinctured  with 
prejudices  towards  the  British.  In  this  particular 
his  ground  is  somewhat  peculiar.  It  may  suit  party 
views  to  say  much  of  other  men,  but  more  in  this 
respect  is  believed  with  regard  to  Smith.  I  speak 
merely  as  to  bias  and  prejudice.  There  are  things, 
and  important  things,  for  which  I  would  recommend 
Smith — thinking  well  of  his  abilities,  information, 
industry,  and  integrity;  but,  at  the  present  junc 
ture,  I  believe  his  appointment  to  the  office  in  ques 
tion  would  be  unadvisable. 

Besides,  it  is  very  important  that  he  should  not 
now  be  removed  from  the  House  of  Representatives. 

I  have  conferred  with  Mr.  King  with  respect  to 
Mr.  Potts.  We  both  think  well  of  his  principles  and 
consider  him  as  a  man  of  good  sense.  But  he  is  of  a 
cast  of  character  ill-suited  to  such  an  appointment, 
and  is  not  extensive  either  as  to  talents  or  information. 
It  is  also  a  serious  question  whether  the  Senate  at 
this  time  ought  to  be  weakened. 


Private  Correspondence  131 

Mr.  Innis,  I  fear,  is  too  absolutely  lazy  for  Secre 
tary  of  State.  The  objection  would  weigh  less  as 
Attorney-General. 

The  following  characters,  in  the  narrowness  of  the 
probable  circle  as  to  willingness,  have  occurred  to  me. 
Judge  Pendleton,  of  Georgia;  Mr.  Desaussure  (late 
Director  of  the  Mint),  of  South  Carolina;  Governor 
Lee,  or  Mr.  Lee,  late  Collector  of  Alexandria,  of  Vir 
ginia;  McHenry,  of  Maryland — /  mean  the  Doctor. 

Judge  Pendleton  writes  well,  is  of  respectable 
abilities,  and  a  gentleman-like,  smooth  man.  If  I 
were  sure  of  his  political  views,  I  should  be  much 
disposed  to  adopt  his  appointment  under  the  cir 
cumstances,  but  I  fear  he  has  been  somewhat  tainted 
with  the  prejudices  of  Mr.  Jefferson  and  Mr.  Madison, 
and  I  have  afflicting  suspicions  concerning  these 
men.  Desaussure,  I  believe,  has  considerable  tal 
ents,  is  of  gentleman-like  manners,  good  views,  and 
only  wants  sufficient  standing  to  put  him  upon  a 
footing  with  any  attainable  man. 

Governor  Lee1  has  several  things  for  him  and 
several  against  him.  He  ought  to  have  a  good 
secretary  under  him.  His  brother  I  only  know 
enough  of  to  think  him  worth  considering. 

McHenry  you  know.  He  would  give  no  strength 
to  the  administration,  but  he  would  not  disgrace 
the  office.  His  views  are  good.  Perhaps  his  health, 
etc.,  would  prevent  his  accepting. 

I  do  not  know  Judge  Bee.  I  have  barely  thought 
of  him. 

In  fact,  a  first-rate  character  is  not  attainable.     A 

1  "Light-Horse  Harry,"  of  Virginia. 


132  Alexander  Hamilton 

second-rate  must  be  taken  with  good  dispositions  and 
barely  decent  qualifications.  I  wish  I  could  throw 
more  light.  T  is  a  sad  omen  for  the  government. 

By  the  fifteenth  I  will  carefully  attend  to  the  other 
parts  of  your  letters.  I  regret  that  bad  health  and 
a  pressure  of  avocations  will  permit  nothing  earlier. 


TO   WASHINGTON 

NEW  YORK,  Nov.  19,  1795. 

SIR: 

Your  letters  of  the  i6th  and  i8th  instant,  with 
the  enclosures,  are  received. 

An  extraordinary  pressure  of  professional  busi 
ness  has  delayed  my  reply  on  the  subject  of  young 
La  Fayette,  in  which  another  cause  co-operated.  I 
wished,  without  unveiling  the  motives  incidentally, 
to  sound  the  impressions  of  other  persons  of  judg 
ment,  who,  I  know,  had  been  apprised  of  his  being 
in  the  country. 

The  bias  of  my  inclination  has  been  that  you 
should  proceed  as  your  letter  of  yesterday  proposes, 
and  I  cannot  say  it  is  changed,  though  it  is  weak 
ened.  For  I  find  that  in  other  minds,  and  judicious 
ones,  a  doubt  is  entertained,  whether  at  the  actual 
crisis  it  would  be  prudent  to  give  publicity  to  your 
protection  of  him.  It  seems  to  be  feared  that  the 
factious  might  use  it  as  a  weapon  to  represent  you 
as  a  favorer  of  the  anti-revolutionists  of  France; 
and  it  is  inferred  that  it  would  be  inexpedient  to 
furnish  at  this  moment  any  aliment  to  their  slanders. 

These  ideas  have  enough  of  foundation  and  im- 


Private  Correspondence  133 

portance  to  make  me  question  my  own  impressions, 
which,  from  natural  disposition,  are  in  similar  cases 
much  to  be  distrusted. 

I  shall  therefore  do  nothing  more  at  present  than 
write  to  La  Fayette  and  his  preceptor  to  come  to 
New  York,  and  I  shall  forbear  any  definite  com 
munication  to  them  till  I  hear  further  from  you, 
after  you  have  reflected  on  the  information  I  now 
give. 

Should  you  on  reconsideration  conclude  on  yield 
ing  to  the  doubt  as  a  matter  of  greater  caution, 
perhaps  it  will  be  then  left  for  you  to  write  to  La  Fay 
ette  a  letter,  affectionate  as  your  feelings  will  natur 
ally  lead  you  to  make  it,  announcing  your  resolution 
to  be  to  him  a  parent  and  friend,  but  mentioning, 
that  very  peculiar  circumstances  of  the  moment  im 
pose  on  you  the  necessity  of  deferring  the  gratifica 
tion  of  your  wishes  for  a  personal  interview,  desiring 
him  at  the  same  time  to  concert  with  me  a  plan  of 
disposing  of  himself  satisfactorily  and  advantage 
ously  in  the  meantime.  I  shall  with  pleasure 
execute  any  commands  you  may  give  me  on  the 
subject.  The  papers  respecting  this  matter  are 
herewith  returned.  I  shall  without  delay  attend  to 
all  the  others. 


TO   PICKERING 

NEW  YORK,  Nov.  20,  1795. 

MY  DEAR  SIR: 

I  duly  received  your  letter  of  the  i7th,  which 
needed  no  apology  as  it  will  always  give  me  pleasure 


i$4  Alexander  Hamilton 

to  comply  with  any  wish  of  yours  connected  with  the 
public  service,  or  your  personal  satisfaction. 

Good  men,  in  the  idea  of  your  appointment  to  the 
office  of  Secretary  of  State,  will  find  many  consola 
tions  for  your  removal  from  one  in  which  your  use 
fulness  was  well  understood. 

I  wish  it  was  easy  to  replace  you  in  the  depart 
ment  you  will  leave.  But  this  is  a  most  difficult 
point. 

I  consider  it  as  absolutely  necessary  that  the 
person  shall  come  from  some  State  south  of  Penn 
sylvania.  All  the  great  offices  in  the  hands  of  men 
from  Pennsylvania  northward,  would  do  the  lord 
knows  what  mischief.  I  speak  as  to  public  opinion. 
Hence  I  forbear  any  remarks  on  characters  from  that 
quarter. 

Of  those  South,  notwithstanding  there  are  real  and 
weighty  objections,  I  incline  on  the  whole  to  Lee.1 

Of  the  others  whom  you  present  (and  none  others 
have  occurred  to  me),  whose  qualifications  are 
known  to  me,  I  believe  I  should  prefer  Howard.3 

Yet  I  speak  with  hesitation,  for  I  am  afraid  he  is 
not  enough  a  man  of  sense  or  business.  But  he  is 
of  perfect  worth,  is  respectable  in  the  community, 
and  has  reputation  as  a  soldier. 

There  are  others  who  would  stand  better  as  to 
talents,  but  temper  or  fairness  of  character  is  wanted. 
I  do  not  know  enough  of  Winden. 

Since  writing  the   above,   Judge   Pendleton,   of 

1  Henry  Lee,  of  Virginia. 

a  John  Eagar  Howard,  a  soldier  of  the  Revolution,  and  Governor  of 
Maryland.  The  Secretaryship  of  War  was  offered  to  him,  and  he 
declined. 


Private  Correspondence  135 

Georgia,  has  occurred  to  me.  He  was  a  military 
man,  Aide  to  General  Greene,  and  esteemed  by  him. 
He  is  certainly  a  man  of  handsome  abilities.  I  have, 
however,  within  a  few  days,  heard  that  he  had  some 
agency  in  the  purchase  of  the  Georgia  lands.  If  he 
has  had  any  interested  concern  in  this  transaction, 
it  would  be  an  immense  objection.  Otherwise,  if 
he  would  accept,  all  things  considered,  I  should 
prefer  him.  He  is  tinctured  with  Jeffersonian  poli 
tics,  but  I  should  be  mistaken  if,  among  good  men 
and  better  informed,  he  did  not  go  right. 

I  have  received  the  French  copy  of  a  certain  paper, 
and  thank  you  for  it.  The  translation  you  men 
tion  has  not  yet  come  to  hand.  I  will  with  pleasure 
revise,  if  requisite,  and  correct  it.  I  even  wish  for 
the  opportunity;  for,  as  you  say,  it  much  concerns 
me,  and  it  is  also  very  important  to  the  public,  and 
there  are  many  nice  turns  of  expression,  which,  to 
be  rendered  perfectly,  demand  a  very  critical  know 
ledge  of  the  language.1 


TO   RUFUS   KING 

December  14,  1795. 

MY  DEAR  SIR: 

An  extraordinary  press  of  occupation  has  delayed 
an  answer  to  your  letter  on  the  subject  of  Mr.  R.2 
Though  it  may  come  too  late,  I  comply  with  your 
request  as  soon  as  I  can. 

1  Now  first  printed  from  the  Pickering  papers,  in  the  possession  of 
the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society. 

3  John  Rutledge,  of  South  Carolina,  nominated  by  Washington  for 
Chief-Justice  of  the  United  States,  and  rejected  by  the  Senate  on  ac 
count  of  his  habits  and  consequent  mental  condition. 


136  Alexander  Hamilton 

The  subject  is  truly  a  perplexing  one;  my  mind 
has  several  times  fluctuated.  If  there  was  nothing 
in  the  case  but  his  imprudent  sally  upon  a  certain 
occasion,  I  should  think  the  reasons  for  letting  him 
pass  would  outweigh  those  for  opposing  his  passage. 
But  if  it  be  really  true  that  he  is  sottish,  or  that  his 
mind  is  otherwise  deranged,  or  that  he  has  exposed 
himself  by  improper  conduct  in  pecuniary  transac 
tions,  the  bias  of  my  judgment  would  be  to  nega 
tive.  And  as  to  the  fact,  I  would  satisfy  myself  by 
careful  inquiry  of  persons  of  character  who  may  have 
had  an  opportunity  of  knowing. 

It  is  now,  and,  in  certain  probable  events,  will  still 
more  be  of  infinite  consequence  that  our  judiciary 
should  be  well  composed.  Reflection  upon  this  in 
its  various  aspects  weighs  heavily  upon  my  mind 
against  Mr.  R.  upon  the  accounts  I  have  received  of 
him,  and  balances  very  weighty  considerations  the 
other  way. 

P.  S. — From  what  a  Mr.  Wadsworth,  lately  in 
Philadelphia  tells  me  of  a  conversation  between 
Burr,  Baldwin,  and  Gallatin,  it  would  seem  that  the 
two  last  gentlemen  have  made  up  their  minds  to 
consider  the  treaty,  if  ratified  by  Great  Britain, 
as  conclusive  upon  the  House  of  Representatives.  I 
thought  it  well  this  should  be  known  to  you,  if  not 
before  understood  from  any  other  quarter. 


Private  Correspondence  137 

TO   WASHINGTON 

NEW  YORK,  Dec.  24,  1795. 

SIR: 

I  have  received  your  letter  of  the . 

Young  La  Fayette  is  now  with  me.  I  had  before 
made  an  offer  of  money  in  your  name,  and  have  re 
peated  it;  but  the  answer  is,  that  they  are  not  as  yet 
in  want,  and  will  have  recourse  when  needed. 

Young  La  Fayette  appears  melancholy,  and  has 
grown  thin.  A  letter  lately  received  from  his 
mother,  which  speaks  of  some  thing  which  she  wishes 
him  to  mention  to  you  (as  I  learn  from  his  preceptor), 
has  quickened  his  sensibility  and  increased  his  re 
gret.  If  I  am  satisfied  that  the  present  state  of  things 
is  likely  to  occasion  a  durable  gloom,  endangering 
the  health,  and  in  some  sort  the  mind  of  the  young 
man,  I  shall  conclude,  on  the  strength  of  former  per 
mission,  to  send  him  to  you  for  a  short  visit;  the 
rather,  as  upon  repeated  reflection,  I  am  not  able  to 
convince  myself  that  there  is  any  real  inconvenience 
in  the  step,  and  as  there  are  certainly  delicate  oppo 
site  sides.  But  it  will  be  my  endeavor  to  make  him 
content  to  remain  away. 

I  have  read  with  care  Mr.  Randolph 's  pamphlet.  It 
does  not  surprise  me.  I  consider  it  as  amounting  to  a 
confession  of  guilt;  and  I  am  persuaded  this  will  be 
the  universal  opinion.  His  attempts  against  you  are 
viewed  by  all  whom  I  have  seen,  as  base.  They  will 
certainly  fail  of  their  aim,  and  will  do  good,  rather  than 
harm,  to  the  public  cause  and  to  yourself.  It  appears 
to  me  that,  by  you,  no  notice  can  be,  or  ought  to  be, 
taken  of  the  publication.  It  contains  its  own  antidote. 


Alexander  Hamilton 

I  perceive  that  Mr.  Fauchet,  and  with  him  Mr. 
Randolph,  have  imputed  to  me  the  having  asked 
to  accompany  you  on  the  Western  expedition. 

The  true  course  of  the  fact  was  as  follows:  You 
had  mentioned,  and  that  early  in  the  affair,  as  a 
question  for  consideration,  the  propriety  and  ex 
pediency  of  your  going  out  with  the  militia.  But 
no  opinion  had  been  given  to  you,  and  you  had  not 
announced  any  determination  on  the  point  when  my 
letter  to  you,  of  the  igth  of  September,  was  written. 
That  letter  does  not  ask  to  accompany  you,  but  to  be 
permitted  to  go  on  the  expedition.  A  short  time 
after  it  was  sent,  you  mentioned  to  me  that  you  had 
concluded  to  go  as  far  as  Carlisle  in  the  first  in 
stance,  and  to  take  your  ulterior  determination  ac 
cording  to  circumstances,  and  proposed  to  me  to 
accompany  you. 

My  request  was  independent  of  your  going  or  not 
going.  Its  objects  were — ist.  That  mentioned  in 
my  letter.  2d.  An  anxious  desire  that,  by  being 
present,  I  might  have  in  my  power,  in  a  case  very 
interesting  to  my  department,  as  well  as  the  govern 
ment  generally,  to  promote,  in  the  event  of  your  not 
going  on  the  expedition,  a  course  of  conduct  the  best 
calculated  to  obviate  impediments,  and  secure  its 
object.  I  had  serious  fears  of  treachery  in  Governor 
Mifflin,  and  I  thought  that  even  Lee  might  miss  the 
policy  of  the  case  in  some  particulars,  etc.,  etc. 

These  were  the  considerations  that  determined 
me,  and  not  the  little  cunning  policy  by  which  Mr. 
Fauchet  supposes  me  to  have  been  governed. 

I  greatly  miscalculate  if  a  strong  and  general  cur- 


Private  Correspondence  139 

rent  does  not  now  set  in  favor  of  the  government  on 
the  question  of  the  treaty. 


TO   TIMOTHY   PICKERING 

NEW  YORK,  Dec.  26,  1795. 

DEAR  SIR: 

Mr.  Cutting  has  given  to  me  a  perusal  of  his  papers, 
respecting  his  agency  in  relieving  our  seamen  from 
British  impress.  He  wished  my  opinion  profession 
ally  respecting  the  validity  of  his  claim,  which  I  de 
clined  to  give,  because  it  would  contradict  certain 
maxims  I  have  prescribed  to  myself  with  regard 
to  public  questions  pending  while  I  was  part  of  the 
administration. 

But  there  are  reasons  which  induce  me  to  convey 
to  you  privately  my  view  of  the  subject. 

It  appears  to  me  clearly  established  that  Mr.  Cut 
ting  rendered  a  very  meritorious  and  an  important 
service  to  the  United  States.  Its  value  is  not  to  be 
estimated  merely  by  the  number  of  persons  re 
lieved,  but  by  the  influence  of  the  exertion  upon 
other  cases — indeed,  upon  our  trade  generally  with 
the  English  ports  at  the  juncture.  It  is  also  a  ser 
vice  very  interesting  to  the  feelings  of  all  our  citi 
zens — and  there  was  certainly  much  good  zeal  and 
address  displayed  upon  the  occasion.  It  sufficiently 
appears,  too,  that  the  nature  of  the  case  must  have 
involved  considerable  expense,  and  in  ways  which 
frequently  would  not  admit  of  after  authentication. 

Under  these  circumstances  I  feel  a  strong  impres 
sion  that  it  is  of  the  policy,  as  well  as  of  the  justice 


140  Alexander  Hamilton 

of  the  government,  to  go  lengths  in  giving  satisfac 
tion  to  Mr.  Cutting.  Tis  a  case  which  calls  for 
liberality,  not  scrupulous  or  prying  investigation. 
Mr.  Cutting's  own  testimony  from  necessity  ought  to 
be  received  as  to  expenditures.  This  observation,  to 
be  sure,  has  reasonable  limits.  But  still  the  case 
demands  that  the  testimony  should  be  received  with 
influential  effect. 

Mr.  Dorhman  is  an  example  of  similar  compensa 
tion  in  circumstances  not  unlike.  Our  own  citizen 
has  not  an  inferior  claim. 

What  has  been  hitherto  done  for  Mr.  Cutting  ap 
pears  to  be  manifestly  inadequate.  If  it  could  be 
supposed  that  there  was  risk  of  doing  too  much,  it  is 
of  the  reputation  of  the  government  that  the  error 
should  be  on  that  side.  Care  ought  to  be  taken  that 
a  zealous  citizen,  who  has  rendered  real  service, 
should  not  be  out  of  pocket,  and  out  of  reputation, 
too,  by  his  bargain.  I  include  a  reasonable  com 
pensation  for  service,  as  well  as  reimbursement  of 
expenses. 

These  ideas  will,  I  am  sure,  be  received  as  they  are 
intended. 


TO   WASHINGTON 

December,  1795. 

SIR: 

I  have  the  pleasure  to  send  you  enclosed  two  let 
ters — one  from  young  Lafayette,  the  other  from  his 
preceptor.  They  appear  reconciled  to  some  further 
delay. 

I  take  the  liberty  to  enclose  a  copy  of  a  letter  to 


Private  Correspondence  141 

the  Secretary  of  State  respecting  Mr.  Cutting.  I  do 
not  know  upon  the  whole  what  sort  of  a  man  Mr. 
Cutting  is;  but  as  to  the  particular  subject  of  his 
claim,  I  really  think  it  deserves  an  indulgent  consid 
eration,  and  that  it  is  expedient  and  right  to  favor  it 
to  a  liberal  extent.  Some  reflections  have  made  me 
think  it  advisable  to  place  the  matter  under  your 
eye.  Neither  the  Secretary  of  State  nor  Mr.  Cutting 
will  be  informed  of  this. 

I  wrote  you  a  few  lines  two  or  three  days  ago  in 
answer  to  your  letter  concerning  Mr.  Randolph's 
pamphlet. 

TO   RUFUS   KING 

January,  1796. 

MY  DEAR  SIR: 

If  the  newspapers  tell  truth,  it  would  appear  that 
Massachusetts  has  anticipated  New  York.  But  it  is 
intended  by  our  friends  in  the  Legislature  to  give 
some  pointed  discountenance  to  the  propositions. 
It  was  expected  that  it  would  have  been  done  to-day, 
but  by  the  divergings  of  some  men  who  seek  popu 
larity  with  both  sides,  they  have  gotten  into  an 
unnecessary  debate  upon  the  proposition  in  detail, 
which  will  lose  time;  but  in  the  result  a  handsome 
majority  will  do  right. 

Lawrence  is  hurt,  and  as  far  as  I  see,  not  without 
some  reason,  from  particular  circumstances,  at  being 
left  out  of  the  direction  of  the  bank.  It  will  be  balm 
to  his  feelings  to  be  put  into  the  direction  of  the 
office  here,  and  I  believe  it  will  be  an  improve 
ment  of  the  direction  to  do  it.  I  wish  you  would 


142  Alexander  Hamilton 

endeavor  to  bring  it  about.  Speak  to  Bayard  of  our 
city  and  to  Wharton  of  Philadelphia.  This  is  a  sug 
gestion  of  my  own,  for  Lawrence  rather  rides  a  high 
horse  upon  the  occasion.  Yours  truly. 


TO     WASHINGTON 

Jan.  19,  1796. 

SIR: 

The  bearer  of  this  letter  is  Doctor  Bollman,1  whom 
you  have  heard  of  as  having  made  an  attempt  for 
the  relief  of  the  Marquis  La  Fayette,  which  very 
nearly  succeeded.  The  circumstances  of  this  affair, 
as  stated  by  Doctor  Bollman  and  Mr.  Huger,2  son  of 
B.  Huger,  of  South  Carolina,  deceased,  who  assisted, 
do  real  credit  to  the  prudence,  management,  and 
enterprise  of  the  doctor,  and  show  that  he  is  a  man 
of  sense  and  energy. 

He  appears  to  have  been  induced  to  think  that 
he  attempted  a  service  which  would  strongly  recom 
mend  him  to  the  favor  of  this  country,  in  which  idea 
I  have  reason  to  believe  that  Mr.  Pinckney,  among 
others,  encouraged  him,  and,  as  a  consequence  of  it, 
he  hopes  for  some  civil  employment  under  our  gov 
ernment.  His  expectations  of  what  he  may  begin 
with  are  not  high,  it  being  principally  his  object  to 

1  Eric  Bollman,  M.D.,  a  Hanoverian  by  birth,  concerned,  as  here 
stated,  in  the  effort  to  liberate  La  Fayette.  Banished  for  this,  he  came 
to  the  United  States,  and  was  a  friend  of  Burr,  and  mixed  up  in  his 
conspiracy,  after  which  he  returned  to  Europe. 

a  Francis  Kinloch  Huger,  whose  father,  Col.  Benj.  Huger,  was  killed 
in  the  war,  at  Charleston,  in  1780.  He  returned  after  the  affair  at 
Olmutz  and  entered  the  army.  He  died  in  1855,  aged  81. 


Private  Correspondence  143 

obtain  some  present  provision  in  a  way  which  may 
lead  him,  if  he  discovers  talents,  to  some  thing  bet 
ter.  He  appears  to  be  a  man  of  education,  speaks 
several  languages,  converses  sensibly,  is  of  polite 
manners,  and,  I  dare  say,  has  the  materials  of  future 
advancement. 

I  have  not  left  him  unapprised  of  the  difficulties  in 
his  way,  but  he  concludes  to  go  to  Philadelphia  to 
ascertain  what  is,  or  is  not  possible,  relying  at  least 
on  a  kind  reception  from  you. 

He  brought  me  letters  from  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Church, 
which  speak  handsomely  of  him.  I  believe  they  had 
a  chief  agency  in  promoting  his  undertaking. 

P.  S. — The  doctor  is  a  German. 


TO   WASHINGTON 

NEW  YORK,  Feb.  25,  1796. 

SIR: 

The  evening  I  had  last  the  pleasure  of  seeing  you, 
you  asked  my  opinion  whether  any  and  what  meas 
ures  might  be  taken  with  the  Senate  with  reference 
to  the  treaty  with  Great  Britain,  in  the  event  of  its 
not  arriving  before  the  adjournment  of  the  Legis 
lature. 

I  mentioned  as  a  hasty  thought,  that  I  feared  it 
would  be  impossible  to  detain  them  long  in  expecta 
tion  of  a  treaty  not  arrived,  but  that  it  might  be 
advisable,  immediately  after  the  adjournment,  to 
notify  another  meeting,  as  little  distant  as  might  be 
compatible  with  reasonable  time  of  notice. 


144  Alexander  Hamilton 

On  reflection  this  opinion  appears  to  me  not  to  be 
well  founded  as  to  the  last  point.  I  fear  the  first 
part  will  be  found  true,  and  that  the  body  would  not 
upon  casualty  remain  many  days  together  after  the 
expiration  of  the  session. 

In  place  of  the  course  which  I  at  first  mentioned 
I  submit  the  following: 

"  That  the  Secretary  of  State  write  a  letter  to  each 
member  present  and  absent,  announcing  the  expec 
tation  of  the  treaty,  and  that,  when  arrived,  the 
Senate  will  be  convened  by  a  proclamation  for  a  time 
not  exceeding  six  weeks." 

The  letter  of  the  Secretary  of  State  to  be  sent  by 
land,  and  by  water  also,  to  the  most  remote  mem 
bers,  and  when  the  proclamation  for  convening  the 
Senate  issues,  the  same  be  done,  upon  special  ex 
presses  for  the  land  conveyance,  and  having  ready 
some  swift-sailing  vessel  for  the  water  conveyance. 

With  these  precautions,  I  think  six  weeks*  notice 
will  be  enough. 

The  President  cannot  specially  convene  the  Sen 
ate  without  announcing  that  an  extraordinary  occa 
sion  exists.  He  had,  when  I  left  Philadelphia,  no 
such  advice  of  the  treaty  as  would  warrant  the  as 
sertion,  and  even  if  he  had,  until  it  arrives  there  is 
a  possibility  of  a  miscarriage,  which  might  prevent 
his  having  it  ready  to  lay  before  the  Senate  at  the 
time  of  meeting,  if  they  should  be  convened  upon 
contingency.  These  reflections  have  led  to  the 
change  of  opinion. 


Private  Correspondence  145 

TO   OLIVER   WOLCOTT 

March,  1796. 

DEAR  SIR: 

Enclosed  are  two  letters  which  I  will  thank  you 
to  send  on.  I  have  just  seen  Livingston's  motion 
concerning  instructions,1  etc.  My  first  impression 
is  that  the  propriety  of  a  compliance  with  the  call, 
if  made,  is  extremely  doubtful.  But  much  careful 
thought  on  the  subject  is  requisite. 

P.  S. — I  send  you  also  a  letter  from  Mrs.  Church  to 
Mr.  Beaumete,  which  I  will  thank  you  to  send  to  Mr. 
Talleyrand.2 


TO   WASHINGTON 

NEW  YORK,  March  7,  1796. 

SIR: 

I  found  young  La  Payette  here,  and  delivered  him 
your  letter,  which  much  relieved  him.  I  fancy  you 
will  see  him  on  the  first  day  of  April. 

Mr.  Livingston's  motion  in  the  House  of  Repre 
sentatives  concerning  the  production  of  papers,  has 
attracted  much  attention.  The  opinion  here  of  those 
who  think,  is  that  if  the  motion  succeeds,  it  ought 
not  to  be  complied  with.  Besides,  that  in  a  matter 
of  such  a  nature  the  production  of  the  papers  cannot 
fail  to  start  new  and  unpleasant  game.  It  will  be 
fatal  to  the  negotiating  power  of  the  government  if 

1  This  was  the  demand  for  papers  relating  to  the  Jay  treaty  which 
caused  so  much  discussion,  and  with  which  Washington  finally  declined 
to  comply. 

2  Reprinted  from  Administrations  of  Washington  and  Adams,  i.t  310. 

VOL.  X.— 10. 


146  Alexander  Hamilton 

it  is  to  be  a  matter  of  course  for  a  call  of  either  House 
of  Congress  to  bring  forth  all  the  communications, 
however  confidential. 

It  seems  to  me  that  some  thing  like  the  following 
answer  by  the  President  will  be  advisable: 

"A  right  in  the  House  of  Representatives  to  de 
mand  and  have,  as  a  matter  of  course,  and  without 
specification  of  any  object,  all  communications  re 
specting  negotiations  with  a  foreign  power,  cannot 
be  admitted  without  danger  of  much  inconvenience. 
A  discretion  in  the  executive  department  how  far  and 
when  to  comply  in  such  cases  is  essential  to  the  due 
conduct  of  foreign  negotiations  and  is  essential  to 
preserve  the  limits  between  the  legislative  and. 
executive  departments.  The  present  call  is  alto 
gether  indefinite,  and  without  any  declared  purpose. 
The  Executive  has  no  basis  on  which  to  judge  of  the 
propriety  of  a  compliance  with  it,  and  cannot,  there 
fore,  without  forming  a  very  dangerous  precedent, 
comply. 

"It  does  not  occur  that  the  view  of  the  papers 
asked  for  can  be  relative  to  any  purpose  of  the  com 
petency  of  the  House  of  Representatives  but  that 
of  an  impeachment.  In  every  case  of  a  foreign 
treaty,  the  grounds  for  an  impeachment  must  pri 
marily  be  deduced  from  the  nature  of  the  instrument 
itself,  and  from  nothing  extrinsic.  If  at  any  time  a 
treaty  should  present  such  grounds,  and  it  shall  have 
been  so  pronounced  by  the  House  of  Representatives 
and  a  further  inquiry  shall  be  necessary  to  ascertain 
the  culpable  person,  there  being  then  a  declared 
and  ascertained  object,  the  President  would  attend 


Private  Correspondence  147 

with  due  respect  to  any  application  for  necessary 
information." 

This  is  but  a  hasty  and  crude  outline  of  what  has 
struck  me  as  an  eligible  course.  For,  while  a  too 
easy  compliance  will  be  mischievous,  a  too  per 
emptory  and  unqualified  refusal  might  be  liable  to 
just  criticism. 

TO   WILLIAM   SMITH1 

March  10,  1796. 

DEAR  SIR: 

I  observe  Madison  brings  the  power  of  the  House 
of  Representatives  in  the  case  of  the  treaty  into 
question.  Is  the  agency  of  the  House  of  Representa 
tives  on  the  subject  deliberative  or  executive?  On  the 
sophism  that  the  Legislature,  and  each  branch  of  it, 
is  essentially  deliberative,  and  consequently  must  have 
discretion,  will  he,  I  presume,  maintain  the  freedom 
of  the  House  to  concur  or  not. 

But  the  sophism  is  easily  refuted.  The  Legisla 
ture,  and  each  branch  of  it,  is  deliberative,  but  with 
various  restrictions;  not  with  unlimited  discretion. 
All  the  injunctions  and  restrictions  of  the  Constitu 
tion,  for  instance,  abridge  its  deliberative  faculty, 
and  leave  it  quoad  hoc,  merely  executive.  Thus  the 
constitution  enjoins  that  there  shall  be  a  fixed  allow 
ance  for  the  judges,  which  shall  not  be  diminished. 
The  Legislature  cannot,  therefore,  deliberate  whether 
they  will  make  a  permanent  provision,  and  when  the 
allowance  is  fixed,  they  cannot  deliberate  whether 
they  will  appropriate  and  pay  the  money.  So  far 

1  William  Smith,  Member  of  Congress  from  South  Carolina. 


148  Alexander  Hamilton 

their  deliberative  faculty  is  abridged.  The  mode  of 
raising  and  appropriating  the  money  only  remains 
matter  of  deliberation. 

So,  likewise,  the  constitution  says  that  the  Presi 
dent  and  Senate  shall  make  treaties,  and  that  these 
treaties  shall  be  supreme  laws.  It  is  a  contradiction 
to  call  a  thing  a  law  which  is  not  binding.  It  fol 
lows  that  by  constitutional  injunction  the  House  of 
Representatives  quoad  the  stipulations  of  treaties, 
as  in  the  case  cited,  respecting  the  judges,  are  not 
deliberative,  but  merely  executive,  except  as  to  the 
means  of  executing. 

Any  other  doctrine  would  vest  the  Legislature  and 
each  House  with  unlimited  discretion,  and  destroy 
the  very  idea  of  a  constitution  limiting  its  discretion. 
The  constitution  would  at  once  vanish. 

Besides,  the  legal  power  to  refuse  the  execution  of 
a  law  is  a  power  to  repeal  it.  Thus,  the  House  of 
Representatives  must,  as  to  treaties,  concentre  in 
itself  the  whole  legislative  power,  and  undertake, 
without  the  Senate,  to  repeal  a  law.  For  the  law  is 
complete  by  the  action  of  the  President  and  Senate. 

Again.  A  treaty,  which  is  a  contract  between 
nation  and  nation,  abridges  even  the  legislative  dis 
cretion  of  the  whole  Legislature  by  the  moral  obliga 
tion  of  keeping  its  faith ;  a  fortiori,  that  of  one  branch. 
In  theory,  there  is  no  method  by  which  the  obliga 
tions  of  a  treaty  can  be  annulled  but  by  mutual 
consent  of  the  contracting  parties,  by  ill-faith  in  one 
of  them,  or  by  a  revolution  of  government,  which  is 
of  a  nature  so  to  change  the  condition  of  parties  as 
to  render  the  treaty  inapplicable. 


Private  Correspondence  149 

TO   RUFUS   KING 

NEW  YORK,  March  16,  1796. 

MY  DEAR  SIR: 

I  thank  you  for  your  letter  of  the  .     My 

opinion  on  the  resolution  when  it  first  appeared  was 
that  the  President  should  answer  in  substance  as 
follows,  viz.: 

"  That  it  could  not  be  admitted  as  a  right  of  course 
in  the  House  of  Representatives  to  call  for  and  have 
papers  in  the  Executive  department,  especially  those 
relating  to  foreign  negotiations,  which  frequently 
embrace  confidential  matters.  That,  under  all  the 
circumstances,  upon  so  indefinite  a  call,  without  any 
declared  specific  object,  he  did  not  think  it  proper 
nor  consistent  with  what  he  owed  to  a  due  separation 
of  the  respective  powers  to  comply  with  the  call. 
That  if,  in  the  course  of  the  proceedings  of  the 
House,  a  question  of  their  competency  should  arise, 
for  which  any  of  the  papers  in  question  might  be 
necessary,  an  application  made  on  that  ground 
would  be  considered  with  proper  respect,"  etc. 

But  after  what  has  taken  place  in  the  discussion,  if 
it  can  with  propriety  be  got  in  as  to  form,  I  think  a 
stand  ought  to  be  made  by  the  President  against  the 
usurpation.  The  following  propositions  comprise  an 
obvious  ground. 

L— The  Constitution  empowers  the  President, 
with  the  Senate,  to  make  treaties. 

II. — A  treaty  is  a  perfected  compact  between  two 
nations,  obligatory  on  both. 

III. — That  cannot  be  a  perfect  contract  or  treaty 
to  the  validity  of  which  the  concurrence  of  any  other 


Alexander  Hamilton 

power  in  the  State  is  constitutionally  necessary. 
Again: 

IV. — The  Constitution  says  a  treaty  is  a  law . 

V. — A  law  is  an  obligatory  rule  of  action  pre 
scribed  by  the  competent  authority.  But — 

VI. — That  cannot  be  such  a  rule  of  action,  or  law, 
to  the  validity  of  which  the  assent  of  any  other 
person  is  requisite.  Again: 

VII. — The  object  of  the  legislative  power  is  to  pre 
scribe  a  rule  of  action  for  our  own  nation,  which 
includes  foreigners  coming  among  us. 

VIII. — The  object  of  the  treaty  power  is,  by 
agreement,  to  settle  a  rule  of  action  between  two 
nations,  binding  on  both. 

IX. — These  objects  are  essentially  different  and, 
in  a  constitutional  sense,  cannot  interfere. 

X. — The  treaty  power  binding  the  will  of  the 
nation,  must,  within  its  constitutional  limits,  be 
paramount  to  the  legislative  power,  which  is  that 
will;  or,  at  least,  the  last  law  being  a  treaty  must 
repeal  an  antecedent  contrary  law.  And, 

XI. — If  the  legislative  power  is  competent  to  re 
peal  this  law  by  a  subsequent  law,  this  must  be  the 
whole  legislative  power,  by  a  solemn  act  in  the  forms 
of  the  Constitution,  not  one  branch  of  the  legislative 
power  by  disobeying  the  law. 

XII. — The  foregoing  construction  reconciles  the 
two  powers,  and  assigns  them  distinguishable  spheres 
of  action ;  while 

XIII. — The  other  construction,  that  claiming  that 
a  right  of  assent  is  a  sanction  for  the  House  of 
Representatives,  destroys  the  treaty,  making  power- 


Private  Correspondence  151 

less  and  negative  two  propositions  in  the  Constitu 
tion,  to  wit:  i.  That  the  President,  with  the  Senate, 
is  competent  to  make  treaties.  2.  That  a  treaty  is 
a  law. 

On  these  grounds,  with  the  President's  name  a 
bulwark  not  to  be  shaken  is  erected.  The  propo 
sitions,  in  my  opinion,  amount  to  irresistible  demon 
stration. 


TO   WASHINGTON 

NEW  YORK,  March  24,  1796. 

SIR: 

I  had  the  honor  to  receive  yesterday  your  letter  of 
the  22d.  The  course  you  suggest  has  some  obvious 
advantages,  and  merits  careful  consideration.  I  am 
not,  however,  without  fear  that  there  are  things  in 
the  instructions  to  Mr.  Jay — which  good  policy,  con 
sidering  the  matter  externally  as  well  as  internally, 
would  render  it  inexpedient  to  communicate.  This 
I  shall  ascertain  to-day.  A  middle  course  is  under 
consideration — that  of  not  communicating  the  papers 
to  the  House,  but  of  declaring  that  the  Secretary  of 
State  is  directed  to  permit  them  to  be  read  by  the 
members  individually.  But  this  is  liable  to  a  great 
part  of  the  objections  which  militate  against  a  full 
public  disclosure.  I  throw  it  out,  however,  here, 
that  you  may  be  thinking  of  it,  if  it  has  not  before 
occurred.  In  the  course  of  this  day,  I  shall  endeavor 
to  concentre  my  ideas,  and  prepare  some  thing,  the 
premises  of  which  may  be  in  any  event  proper, 
admitting  of  the  conclusion  being  modified  and 
adapted  to  your  eventual  determination. 


i52  Alexander  Hamilton 

TO   WASHINGTON 

March  26,  1796. 

SIR: 

I  perceive  by  the  newspaper  that  the  resolution  has 
been  carried.  I  have  not  been  idle  as  far  as  my 
situation  would  permit,  but  it  will  not  be  in  my 
power,  as  I  had  hoped,  to  send  you  what  I  am  pre 
paring  by  this  day's  post;  the  next  will  carry  it. 
It  does  not,  however,  appear  necessary  that  the 
Executive  should  be  in  a  hurry. 

The  final  result,  in  my  mind,  for  reasons  I  shall 
submit  in  my  next,  is  that  the  papers  ought  all  to 
be  refused.  I  am  persuaded  that  the  communication 
of  the  instructions  in  particular  would  do  harm  to  the 
President  and  to  the  government. 


TO   WASHINGTON 

March  28,  1796. 

SIR: 

I  am  mortified  at  not  being  able  to  send  you 
by  this  post  a  certain  draft.  But  the  opinion  that 
reasons  ought  to  be  given,  and  pretty  fairly,  has 
extended  it  to  considerable  length  and  a  desire  to 
make  it  accurate  as  to  idea  and  expression  keeps  it 
still  upon  the  anvil.  But  it  is  so  far  prepared  that 
I  can  assure  it  by  to-morrow's  post.  Delay  is  always 
unpleasant.  But  the  case  is  delicate  and  important 
enough  to  justify  it. 

I  mentioned  as  my  opinion,  that  the  instructions  to 
Mr.  Jay,  if  published,  would  do  harm.  The  truth, 
unfortunately,  is  that  it  is  in  general  a  crude  mass, 
which  will  do  no  credit  to  the  administration.  This 


Private  Correspondence  153 

was  my  impression  of  it  at  the  time,  but  the  delicacy 
of  attempting  too  much  reformation  in  the  work  of 
another  head  of  department,  the  hurry  of  the  mo 
ment,  and  a  great  confidence  in  the  person  to  be  sent, 
prevented  my  attempting  that  reformation. 

There  are  several  particular  points  in  it  which 
would  have  a  very  ill  effect  to  be  published. 

I. — There  is  a  part  which  seems  to  admit  the  idea 
that  an  adjustment  might  be  made  respecting  the 
spoliations  which  should  leave  that  matter  finally  to 
the  ordinary  course  of  the  British  courts.  This  is 
obscurely  and  ambiguously  expressed,  but  the  least 
color  for  such  a  construction  would  give  occasion  for 
infinite  clamor. 

II. — The  negotiator  is  expressly  instructed  to  ac 
cede  to  the  entire  abolition  of  alienism  as  to  inheri 
tances  of  land.  You  have  seen  what  clamor  has  been 
made  about  the  moderate  modification  of  this  idea 
in  the  treaty,  and  can  thence  judge  what  a  load 
would  fall  on  this  part  of  the  instructions. 

III. — He  is  instructed  to  enter  into  an  article 
against  the  employment  of  privateers  in  war.  This 
is  manifestly  against  the  policy  of  a  country  which 
has  no  navy  in  a  treaty  with  a  country  which  has  a 
large  navy.  For  it  is  chiefly  by  privateers  that  we 
could  annoy  the  trade  of  Great  Britain.  Some  would 
consider  this  as  a  philosophic  whim;  others  as  an 
intentional  sacrifice  of  the  interests  of  this  country 
to  Great  Britain. 

IV. — There  are  several  parts  which  hold  up  the  dis 
reputable  and  disorganizing  idea  of  not  being  able 
to  restrain  our  own  citizens. 


154  Alexander  Hamilton 

V. — There  are  parts  the  publication  of  which, 
though  proper  to  our  own  agent,  would  be  a  viola 
tion  of  decorum  towards  Great  Britain,  after  an 
amicable  termination  of  the  affair,  and  offensive  be 
cause  contrary  to  the  rules  of  friendly  and  respectful 
procedure. 

VI. — The  instructions  have  too  little  point  (in  the 
spirit  of  the  framer,  who  was  in  the  habit  of  saying 
much  and  saying  little),  and  would  be  censured  as 
altogether  deficient  in  firmness  and  spirit. 

On  the  whole,  I  have  no  doubt  that  the  publication 
of  these  instructions  would  do  harm  to  the  Executive, 
and  to  the  character  and  interest  of  the  government. 

The  draft  will  be  so  prepared  as  to  admit  of  this 
conclusion. 

If  the  President  concludes  to  send  papers,  they 
ought  only  to  be  the  commissions,  and  Mr.  Jay's 
correspondence,  saying  that  these  are  all  that  it  ap 
pears  to  him  for  the  public  interest  to  send. 

But  he  may  be  then  prepared  for  as  much  clamor 
as  if  he  had  sent  none.  It  would  be  said  that  what 
was  done  showed  that  the  principle  had  not  been  the 
obstacle — and  that  the  instructions  were  withheld 
because  they  would  not  bear  the  light.  Or,  at  most, 
only  that  part  of  the  instructions  should  go  which 
begins  at  these  words,  "4.  This  enumeration  pre 
sents,  generally,  the  objects  which  it  is  desirable  to 
comprise  in  a  commercial  treaty/'  etc.,  to  the  end  of 
the  instructions. 

But  after  the  fullest  reflection  I  have  been  able  to 
give  the  subject  (though  I  perceive  serious  degrees  of 
inconveniencies  in  the  course),  I  entertain  a  final 


Private  Correspondence  155 

opinion  that  it  will  be  best,  after  the  usurpation 
attempted  by  the  House  of  Representatives,  to  send 
none,  and  to  resist  in  totality. 


TO   WASHINGTON 

March  29,  1796. 

DEAR  SIR: 

I  wish  the  enclosed x  could  have  been  sent  in  a  more 
perfect  state.  But  it  was  impossible.  I  hope,  how 
ever,  it  can  be  made  out  and  may  be  useful.  It 
required  some  time  to  say  all  that  was  proper  in  a 
more  condensed  form.  In  considering  the  course  to 
be  pursued  by  the  President,  it  may  be  well  he  should 
be  reminded,  that  the  same  description  of  men  who 
call  for  the  papers  have  heretofore  maintained,  that 
they  were  not  bound  by  any  communication  in  con 
fidence,  but  were  free  afterwards  to  do  as  they 
pleased  with  papers  sent  them.2 


TO   WASHINGTON 

NEW  YORK,  April  2,  1796. 

SIR: 

The  express  is  this  morning  gone  off  with  your 
letter  to  young  La  Fayette.  I  foresaw  when  in 
Philadelphia  a  certain  machination  on  the  subject. 

I  rejoice  at  the  decision  you  have  come  to  in  regard 
to  the  papers.  Whatever  may  happen,  it  is  right 
in  itself,  will  elevate  the  character  of  the  President, 

1  Draft  of  an  answer  to  the  request  of  the  House  of  Representatives 
for  papers.     See  above,  vol.  viii.,  p.  161. 

2  Reprinted  from  the  History  of  the  Republic,  vi.,  377. 


156  Alexander  Hamilton 

and  inspire  confidence  abroad.  The  contrary  would 
have  encouraged  a  spirit  of  usurpation,  the  bounds 
of  which  could  not  be  foreseen. 

If  there  is  time,  I  should  like  to  have  back  the 
paper  lately  sent  to  correct,  prune,  guard,  and 
strengthen — I  have  no  copy.  But  of  the  expediency 
of  this  the  circumstances  on  the  spot  will  decide. 
There  is  great  fitness  in  the  message  to  the  House.  I 
see  only  one  point  the  least  vulnerable,  the  too  direct 
notice  of  the  debate  in  the  House — which  may  be 
attacked  as  contrary  to  parliamentary  usage.  I  hear 

the  criticism  here  among  the  L s.1     But  this 

cannot  be  very  material. 


TO   RUFUS   KING 

April  2,  1796. 

Thank  you  for  yours  of  yesterday.  I  have  no  copy 
of  the  paper  sent:  the  greatest  part  went  in  the 
original  draft,  though  considerably  reformed  accord 
ing  to  joint  ideas,  and  somewhat  strengthened  by 
new  thoughts.  A  letter  I  have  received  tells  me 
that  it  came  to  hand  after  the  ground  which  was 
acted  upon  had  been  formally  considered  and  taken 
in  council,  and  that  it  is  referred  for  future  use  in  the 
event  of  an  expected  criticism  of  the  message. 

I  have  asked  for  it  conditionally,  to  prune,  correct, 
etc.  If  I  get  it  you  shall  have  a  copy.  But  you 
must  take  care  that  there  is  no  crossing  of  paths. 

1  Livingstons. 


Private  Correspondence  157 

TO   WASHINGTON 

NEW  YORK,  April  9,  1796. 

SIR: 

It  gives  me  great  pleasure  to  have  the  opportunity 
of  announcing  to  you  one  whom  I  know  to  be  in 
teresting  to  you  as  a  bearer  of  this — Mr.  Motier  La 
Fayette.  I  allow  myself  to  share,  by  anticipation, 
the  satisfaction  which  the  meeting  will  afford  to 
all  parties — the  more,  as  I  am  persuaded,  that  time 
will  confirm  the  favorable  representation  I  have 
made  of  the  person,  and  justify  the  interest  you  take 
in  him. 

I  have  pleasure,  also,  in  presenting  to  you  Mr. 
Frestel,  who  accompanies  him,  and  who  more  and 
more  convinces  me  that  he  is  entirely  worthy  of  the 
charge  reposed  in  him,  and  every  way  entitled  to 
esteem. 


TO   RUFUS   KING 

NEW  YORK,  April  15,  1796. 

MY  DEAR  SIR: 

A  letter  by  yesterday's  post  from  our  friend  Ames,1 
informed  me  that  the  majority  (fifty-seven  concur 
ring)  had  resolved  in  a  private  meeting  to  refuse 
appropriation  for  the  treaty.  A  most  important 
crisis  ensues.  Great  evils  may  result,  unless  good 
men  play  their  card  well  and  with  promptitude  and 
decision.  For  we  must  seize  and  carry  along  with  us 
the  public  opinion,  and  loss  of  time  may  be  loss  of 
every  thing. 

1  Fisher  Ames,  of  Massachusetts. 


158  Alexander  Hamilton 

To  me  our  true  plan  appears  to  be  the  following  (I 
pre-suppose  that  a  certain  communication  has  been 
made) : 

i  st.  The  President  ought,  immediately  after  the 
House  has  taken  the  ground  of  refusal,  to  send  them 
a  solemn  protest.  This  protest  ought  to  contain 
reasons  in  detail  against  the  claim  of  the  House  in 
point  of  constitutional  right,  and  ought  to  suggest 
summarily,  but  with  solemnity  and  energy,  the 
danger  to  the  interest  and  peace  of  the  country  from 
the  measures  of  the  House,  the  certainty  of  a  deep 
wound  to  our  character  with  foreign  nations,  and 
essential  destruction  of  their  confidence  in  the  gov 
ernment,  concluding  with  an  intimation  that  in  such 
a  state  of  things  he  must  experience  extreme  em 
barrassment  in  proceeding  in  any  pending  or  future 
negotiations  which  the  affairs  of  the  United  States 
may  require,  inasmuch  as  he  cannot  look  for  due 
confidence  from  others,  nor  give  them  the  requisite 
expectation  that  stipulations  will  be  fulfilled  on  our 
part. 

A  copy  of  this  protest  to  be  sent  to  the  Senate 
for  their  information.  The  Senate,  by  resolutions  to 
express  strongly  their  approbation  of  his  principles, 
to  assure  him  of  their  firm  support,  and  to  advise  him 
to  proceed  in  the  execution  of  the  treaty  on  his  part 
in  the  confidence  that  he  will  derive  from  the  virtue 
and  good  sense  of  the  people,  constitutionally  exerted, 
eventual  and  effectual  support,  and  may  still  be  the 
instrument  of  preserving  the  Constitution,  the  peace, 
and  the  honor  of  the  nation. 

Then  the  merchants  to  meet  in  the  city,  and 


Private  Correspondence  159 

second  by  their  resolutions  the  measures  of  the 
President  and  Senate,  further  addressing  their  fellow- 
citizens  to  co-operate  with  them.  Petitions  after 
wards  to  be  handed  throughout  the  United  States. 

The  Senate  to  hold  fast,  and  consent  to  no  ad 
journment  till  the  expiration  of  the  term  of  service 
of  the  present  House,  unless  provision  made. 

The  President  to  cause  a  confidential  communi 
cation  to  be  made  to  the  British  minister,  stating 
candidly  what  has  happened,  his  regrets,  his  adher 
ence  nevertheless  to  the  treaty,  his  resolution  to 
persist  in  the  execution,  as  far  as  depends  on  the 
Executive,  and  his  hope  that  the  faith  of  the  coun 
try  will  be  eventually  preserved. 

I  prefer  that  measures  should  begin  with  a  protest 
of  the  President,  as  it  will  be  in  itself  proper,  and 
there  will  be  more  chance  of  success  if  the  contest 
appears  to  be  with  him  and  the  Senate  auxiliaries 
than  in  the  reverse. 

But  in  all  this  business,  celerity,  decision,  and  an 
imposing  attitude  are  indispensable.  The  glory  of 
the  President,  the  safety  of  the  Constitution — the 
greatest  interests — depend  upon  it.  Nothing  will  be 
wanting  here.  I  do  not  write  to  the  President  on 
the  subject. 

An  idea  has  come  from  Cooper  of  an  intention  in 
our  friends  in  the  House  of  Representatives  to  resist 
the  execution  of  the  other  treaties — the  Spanish  and 
Algerine — unless  coupled  with  the  British.  But  this 
will  be  altogether  wrong  and  impolitic.  The  mis 
conduct  of  the  other  party  cannot  justify  in  us  an 
imitation  of  their  principles.  'T  is  best,  I  think,  that 


160  Alexander  Hamilton 

the  first  course  should  be  given  to  the  other  treaties. 
Or  at  most,  if  a  feint  of  opposition  is  deemed  advis 
able,  it  ought  to  be  left  to  the  Senate  by  postpone 
ment,  etc.  But  even  this  is  very  delicate  and  very 
questionable. 

Let  us  be  right,  because  to  do  right  is  intrinsically 
proper,  and  I  verily  believe  it  is  the  best  means  of 
securing  final  success.  Let  our  adversaries  have  the 
whole  glory  of  sacrificing  the  interests  of  the  nation. 

P.  S. — If  the  treaty  is  not  executed,  the  President 
will  be  called  upon,  by  regard  to  his  character  and 
the  public  good,  to  keep  his  post  till  another  House 
of  Representatives  has  pronounced. 


TO   RUFUS   KING 

NEW  YORK,  April  18,  1796. 

DEAR  SIR: 

I  thank  you  for  your  letter  received  to-day.  Our 
merchants  here  are  not  less  alarmed  than  those  of 
Philadelphia,  and  will  do  all  they  can.  All  the  in 
surance  people  meet  to-day.  The  merchants  and 
traders  will  meet  to-morrow  or  the  next  day.  A 
petition  willlbe  prepared  and  circulated  among  the 
other  citizens. 

I  regret  that  a  certain  communication  was  not 
made.  Indeed,  I  think  that  the  Executive  will  be 
hereafter  blamed  for  keeping  back  the  fact  in  so 
critical  a  posture  of  things. 


Private  Correspondence  161 

TO   RUFUS   KING 

April  20,  1706. 

DEAR  SIR: 

Yesterday's  post  brought  me  a  letter  from  you, 
which  gave  me  pleasure.  The  papers  will  apprise 
you  of  the  proceedings  of  the  merchants  and  traders 
here  on  yesterday.  There  is  among  them,  also, 
"unexampled  unanimity,"  and,  as  far  as  I  can 
judge,  the  current  is  in  our  favor  throughout  the 
city.  Persons  to-day  are  going  through  the  different 
wards. 

P.  S. — Our  friends  in  the  House  will  do  well  to  gain 
time. 


TO   OLIVER   WOLCOTT 

NEW  YORK,  April  20,  1796. 

DEAR  SIR: 

I  have  received  your  letter  of  the  eighteenth  in 
stant.  The  money  paid  me  for  you  shall  be  placed 
to  your  credit  in  the  office  of  discount  and  deposit, 
as  you  desire. 

The  British  ministry  are  as  great  fools  or  as  great 
rascals  as  our  Jacobins,  else  our  commerce  would  not 
continue  to  be  distressed  as  it  is  by  their  cruisers; 
nor  would  the  Executive  be  embarrassed  as  it  now 
is  by  the  new  proposition. 

Not  knowing  the  precise  form  of  that  proposition, 
I  cannot  have  an  opinion  what  is  right  on  the  part 
of  the  Executive.  But,  if  I  understand  it,  it  ought  to 
be  sufficient  for  the  Executive  to  declare  that  the 
article  in  the  treaty  with  the  Indians  can  never 


VOL.  X.— II. 


1 62  Alexander  Hamilton 

operate,  nor  will  be  permitted  to  operate,  in  contra 
vention  with  the  treaty  of  Great  Britain.  It  relates 
to  a  right  reserved  for  our  benefit,  which  we  can  and 
will  waive;  and,  being  in  a  treaty  of  subsequent 
date,  it  naturally  gives  way  to  another  of  prior  date, 
with  which  it  is  consistent.  The  Executive  ought  to 
be  careful  about  admitting  the  propriety  of  a  new 
condition,  though  it  ought  to  be  ready  to  give  all  due 
satisfaction.  It  should  not  even  shun  a  new  ex 
planatory  article,  if  reasonable  in  itself,  but  should 
agree  to  it  upon  the  strength  of  its  own  reasonable 
ness,  not  as  a  new  condition  foreign  to  the  treaty. 
This  affair  requires  great  caution;  but,  as  I  said,  I 
do  not  know  enough  to  give  advice  worth  much. 

Yet  the  government  must  take  care  not  to  appear 
pusillanimous.  I  hope  a  very  serious  remonstrance 
has  long  since  gone  against  the  wanton  impressment 
of  our  seamen.  It  will  be  an  error  to  be  too  tame 
with  this  overbearing  Cabinet. 

Our  city  is  in  motion  against  the  plan  of  the 
majority  in  the  House  of  Representatives  with  regard 
to  the  treaty.  The  current  appears  to  be  strong 
with  us.  The  papers  will  tell  you  the  measures  in 
contemplation. 

But  I  was  sorry  to  learn  that  a  proper  qualified 
communication  was  made  to  the  House  of  Repre 
sentatives  of  the  late  communication  from  the 
British  agent.  The  Executive  may  hereafter  be 
blamed  for  withholding  so  important  a  fact;  yet,  not 
knowing  the  whole  affair,  I  cannot  judge  well  on  this 
point  more  than  on  the  other. 


Private  Correspondence  163 

TO    RUFUS   KING 

April  23,  1796. 

DEAR  SIR: 

I  have  received  your  two  letters,  and  shall  this  day 
attend  to  the  one  which  requires  it.  I  see,  however, 
no  objection  to  it  as  it  stands,  and  I  do  not  now  per 
ceive  how  the  further  object  you  aim  at  could  be 
accomplished  in  the  manner  you  seem  to  desire. 

I  have  written  to  Ames  this  day  concerning  the 
course  of  things  in  our  city.  He  will  communicate  to 
you,  as  I  have  not  time  to  repeat.  We  are  decidedly 
well.  But  it  is  intended  to-day  to  continue  the 
petition  in  circulation,  and  to-morrow  it  will  be  sent. 
I  have  thought  it  advisable  to  publish  an  extract 
from  your  letter  without  naming  you. 


TO   RUFUS   KING 

May  4,  1796. 

DEAR  SIR: 

Since  my  last  I  have  received  two  or  three  letters 
from  you.  The  late  turn  of  the  treaty  question  makes 
us  all  very  happy.  I  hope  no  future  embarrassment 
will  arise. 

I  am  entirely  of  opinion  that,  Patrick  Henry  de 
clining,  Mr.  Pinckney  I  ought  to  be  our  man.  It  is 
even  an  idea  of  which  I  am  fond  in  various  lights. 
Indeed,  on  latter  reflection,  I  rather  wish  to  be  rid  of 
Patrick  Henry,  that  we  may  be  at  full  liberty  to  take 
up  Pinckney. 

1  Thomas  Pinckney,  of  South  Carolina.  He  was  Minister  to  Eng 
land,  and  had  just  concluded  a  treaty  with  Spain,  securing  the  free 
navigation  of  the  Mississippi. 


1 64  Alexander  Hamilton 

In  the  event  of  Pinckney 's  return  to  this  country,  I 
am  of  opinion,  all  circumstances  considered,  it  is 
expedient  you  should  replace  him.  I  hope  no  great 
question  will  in  a  short  period  agitate  our  councils, 
and  I  am  sure  you  will  do  much  good  on  the  scene  in 
question.  I  have  called  on  Jay,  but  happened  not 
to  find  him  disengaged.  I  shall  quickly  see  him,  and 
shall,  with  great  pleasure,  do  every  thing  requisite 
on  my  part. 

We  believe,  confidently,  our  election  in  the  city 
has  succeeded;  the  other  party,  however,  also  claims 
success.  Our  Senator  ticket  seems  admitted  on  both 
sides  to  have  prevailed,  and  all  accounts  assure  us  of 
great  success  throughout  the  State.  The  vile  affair 
of  whipping  Burke  and  McCredy  made  our  election, 
in  the  view  of  the  common  people,  a  question  be 
tween  the  rich  and  the  poor.  You  will  easily  con 
ceive  how  much  this  must  have  embarrassed  and 
jeoparded. 


TO   TIMOTHY    PICKERING 

May  10,  1796. 

DEAR  SIR: 

Inclosed  is  a  letter  which  I  will  thank  you  to  hand 
to  its  destination. 

While  I  have  my  pen  in  my  hand,  give  me  leave  to 
mention  a  particular  subject  to  you.  Mr.  Pinckney, 
it  is  said,  desires  to  return  to  the  United  States.  In 
this  case  a  successor  will  be  wanted.  If  we  had 
power  to  make  a  man  for  the  purpose,  we  could  not 
imagine  a  fitter  than  Mr.  King.1  He  is  tired  of  the 

1  Rufus  King,  who  was  appointed  and  accepted. 


Private  Correspondence  165 

Senate,  and  I  fear  will  resign  at  all  events.  I  pre 
sume  he  would  accept  the  mission  to  England.  Can 
there  be  a  doubt  that  it  will  be  wise  to  offer  it  to 
him? * 


TO   WASHINGTON 

NEW  YORK,  May  10,  1796. 

SIR: 

When  last  in  Philadelphia  you  mentioned  to  me 
your  wish  that  I  should  re-dress  a  certain  paper  which 
you  had  prepared.  As  it  is  important  that  a  thing 
of  this  kind  should  be  done  with  great  care,  and 
much  at  leisure,  touched  and  re-touched,  I  submit  a 
wish  that  as  soon  as  you  have  given  it  the  body  you 
mean  it  to  have,  it  may  be  sent  to  me.  2 


TO   WASHINGTON 

NEW  YORK,  May  20,  1796. 

SIR: 

A  belief  that  the  occasion  to  which  they  may  be 
applicable  is  not  likely  to  occur,  whatever  may  have 
been  once  intended,  or  pretended  in  terrorem,  has 
delayed  the  following  observations  in  compliance 
with  your  desire,  and  which  are  now  the  result  of 
conferences  with  the  gentlemen  you  named. 

The  precise  form  of  any  proposition  or  demand 

1  Now  first  printed  from  the  Pickering  papers  in  possession  of  the 
Massachusetts  Historical  Society. 

2  "Copied  from  Writings  of  Washington.      Whether  it  is  an  extract 
from,  or  the  entire  letter,  is  unknown  to  the  editor."     (Note  by  J.  C. 
Hamilton.)     The  paper  referred  to  is  the  "Farewell  Address." 


1 66  Alexander  Hamilton 

which  may  be  made  to  or  of  the  government,  must  so 
materially  influence  the  course  proper  to  be  pursued 
with  regard  to  such  proposition  or  demand,  that  it  is 
very  difficult  to  judge  by  anticipation  what  would 
be  fit  and  right.  The  suggestions  which  can  be  sub 
mitted  must  therefore  be  very  general  and  liable  to 
much  modification,  according  to  circumstances. 

It  would  seem  in  almost  any  case  advisable  to  put 
forward  a  calm  exhibition  of  the  views  by  which  our 
government  has  been  influenced  in  relation  to  the 
present  war  of  Europe, — making  prominent  the  great 
interest  we  have  in  peace,  in  our  present  infant  state; 
the  limitedness  of  our  capacity  for  external  effort; 
the  much  greater  injury  we  should  have  suffered  than 
good  we  could  have  done  to  France,  by  taking  an 
active  part  with  her ;  the  probability  that  she  would 
have  derived  more  advantage  from  our  neutrality 
than  from  our  direct  aid;  the  promptitude  with 
which,  while  all  the  world  was  combined  against  her, 
we  recognized  the  new  order  of  things  and  the  con 
tinuance  of  our  treaties,  and  before  any  other  power 
had  done  so;  the  danger  to  which  we  exposed  our 
selves  in  so  doing;  the  fidelity  with  which  we  have 
adhered  to  our  treaties,  notwithstanding  formal  vio 
lations  of  certain  parts  of  them  on  the  other  side; 
our  readiness,  to  the  utmost  extent  of  our  abilities,  to 
discharge  our  debt  without  hesitation  in  the  earliest 
period  of  the  revolution,  and  latterly  having  facilitated 
an  anticipated  enjoyment  of  the  balance;  the  zeal 
and  confidence  of  our  merchants,  by  which  they  are 
now  creditors  for  very  large  sums  to  France;  the 
patience  with  which  we  have  seen  infractions  of  our 


Private  Correspondence  167 

rights ;  the  peculiar  nature  of  the  war  as  it  regarded 
the  origin  of  our  relations  to  France  (quare  ?) ;  the 
declaration  of  the  war  by  France  against  the  mari 
time  powers;  her  incapacity  for  maritime  effort  and 
to  supply  our  deficiency  in  that  particular  so  as  to 
render  a  war  not  absolutely  ruinous  to  us ;  the  early 
expectations  given  to  us  by  her  agents  that  we  were 
not  expected  to  become  parties ;  the  exposed  state  of 
our  commerce  at  this  time  with  an  immense  property 
of  our  merchants  afloat,  relying  on  the  neutral  plan 
which  they  have  understood  our  government  to  be 
pursuing,  even  with  the  concurrence  of  France,  at 
least  without  its  opposition;  the  extreme  mischiefs 
to  us  of  a  sudden  departure  from  the  plan,  and  the 
little  advantage  to  France  from  our  aid;  the  merely 
peace  views  which  influenced  our  treaty  with  Great 
Britain;  the  nature  of  that  treaty  involved  no  in 
gredient  of  political  connection  reserving  the  obliga 
tion  of  our  prior  treaties;  the  commercial  articles 
terminating  in  two  years  after  the  present  war;  no 
thing  in  it  to  change  the  nature  of  our  relations  with 
France.  All  this  will,  of  course,  require  great  caution 
and  delicacy,  so  as  not  to  compromise  the  dignity  of 
the  country  or  give  umbrage  elsewhere,  and  I  think 
the  observations  ought  to  hold  out  the  idea  that, 
under  all  the  circumstances  of  the  case,  the  govern 
ment  of  the  country  thought  itself  at  full  liberty 
consistently  with  its  treaties  with  France,  to  pursue 
a  neutral  plan.  And  they  ought  to  hold  up  strongly 
our  desire  to  maintain  friendship  with  France;  our 
regret  that  any  circumstance  of  dissatisfaction 
should  occur;  our  hope  that  justice  and  reason  will 


1 68  Alexander  Hamilton 

prevail,  and  preserve  the  good  understanding,  etc. 
The  conclusion  of  this  preliminary  exposition  will  be 
according  to  the  nature  of  the  proposition. 

If  it  should  claim  a  renunciation  of  the  British 
treaty,  the  answer  will  naturally  be  that  this  sacrifice 
of  the  positive  and  recent  engagements  of  the  country 
is  pregnant  with  consequences  too  humiliating  and 
injurious  to  allow  us  to  believe  that  the  expectation 
can  be  persisted  in  by  France,  since  it  is  to  require  a 
thing  impossible,  and  to  establish,  as  a  price  of  the 
continuance  of  friendship  with  us,  the  sacrifice  of 
our  honor  by  an  act  of  perfidy  which  would  destroy 
the  value  of  our  friendship  to  any  nation.  That, 
besides,  the  Executive,  if  it  were  capable  of  comply 
ing  with  a  demand  so  fatal  to  us,  is  not  competent  to 
it,  it  being  the  province  of  Congress,  by  a  declaration 
of  war,  or  otherwise,  in  the  proper  cases,  to  annul  the 
operation  of  treaties. 

If  it  should  claim  the  abandonment  of  the  articles 
of  the  present  treaty  respecting  free  ships,  free  goods, 
etc.,  the  answer  may  be  that  our  treaties  with  France 
are  an  entire  work,  parts  of  a  whole;  that  neverthe 
less  the  Executive  is  disposed  to  enter  into  a  new 
negotiation  by  a  new  treaty  to  modify  them,  so  as 
may  consist  with  a  due  regard  to  mutual  interest 
and  the  circumstances  of  parties,  and  may  even  tend 
to  strengthen  the  relations  of  friendship  and  good 
understanding  between  the  two  countries. 

If  the  guaranty  of  the  West  Indies  should  be 
claimed,  the  answer  may  be,  "that  the  decision  of 
this  question  belongs  to  Congress,  who,  if  it  be  de 
sired,  will  be  convened  to  deliberate  upon  it. "  I  pre- 


Private  Correspondence  169 

sume  and  hope  they  will  have  adjourned — for  to  gain 
time  is  every  thing. 

The  foregoing  marks  the  general  course  of  our 
reflections.  They  are  sketched  hastily,  because  they 
can  only  be  general  ideas,  and  much  will  depend  on 
minute  circumstances. 

I  observe  what  you  say  on  the  subject  of  a  certain 
diplomatic  mission.  Permit  me  to  offer  with  frank 
ness  the  reflections  which  have  struck  my  mind. 

The  importance  of  our  security,  and  commerce, 
and  good  understanding  with  Great  Britain,  renders 
it  very  important  that  a  man  able  and  not  disagreeable 
to  that  government,  should  be  there.  The  gentle 
man  in  question,  equally  with  any  who  could  go,  and 
better  than  any  willing  to  go,  answers  this  descrip 
tion.  The  idea  hinted  in  your  letter  will  apply  to 
every  man  fit  for  the  mission,  by  his  conspicuousness, 
talents,  and  dispositions.  'T  is  the  stalking-horse  of 
a  certain  party,  and  is  made  use  of  against  every  man 
who  is  not  in  their  views  and  of  sufficient  consequence 
to  attract  their  obloquy.  If  listened  to,  it  will  de 
prive  the  government  of  the  services  of  the  most  able 
and  faithful  agents.  Is  this  expedient?  What  will 
be  gained  by  it?  Is  it  not  evident  that  this  party 
will  pursue  its  hostility  at  all  events  as  far  as  public 
opinion  will  permit?  Does  policy  require  any  thing 
more  than  that  they  shall  have  no  real  cause  to  com 
plain?  Will  it  do,  in  deference  to  their  calumniating 
insinuations,  to  forbear  employing  the  most  compe 
tent  men,  or  to  entrust  the  great  business  of  the 
country  to  unskilful,  unfaithful,  or  doubtful  hands?  I 
really  feel  a  conviction  that  it  will  be  very  dangerous 


170  Alexander  Hamilton 

to  let  party  insinuations  of  this  kind  prove  a  serious 
obstacle  to  the  employment  of  the  best  qualified 
characters.  Mr.  King  is  a  remarkably  well-informed 
man,  a  very  judicious  one,  a  man  of  address,  a  man 
of  fortune  and  economy,  whose  situation  affords  just 
ground  of  confidence ; — a  man  of  unimpeached  prob 
ity  where  he  is  best  known,  a  firm  friend  to  the  gov 
ernment,  a  supporter  of  the  measures  of  the  President 
— a  man  who  cannot  but  feel  that  he  has  strong  pre 
tensions  to  confidence  and  trust. 

I  might  enlarge  on  these  topics,  but  I  have  not 
leisure,  neither  can  it  be  necessary.  I  have  thrown 
out  so  much  in  the  fulness  of  my  heart,  and  too  much 
in  a  hurry  to  fashion  either  the  idea  or  the  expression 
as  it  ought  to  be.  The  President,  however,  will,  I 
doubt  not,  receive  what  I  have  said — as  it  is  meant, 
as  dictated  by  equal  regard  to  the  public  interest  and 
to  the  honorable  course  of  his  administration. 


TO   OLIVER   WOLCOTT 

May  30,  1796. 

DEAR  SIR: 

I  perceive  Congress  are  invading  the  Sinking  Fund 
system.  If  this  goes  through,  and  is  sanctioned  by  the 
President,  the  fabric  of  public  credit  is  prostrate,  and 
the  country  and  the  President  are  disgraced.  Treas 
ury  bills,  and  every  expedient,  however  costly,  to 
meet  exigencies,  must  be  preferable,  in  the  event,  to 
such  an  overthrow  of  system. 


Private  Correspondence  171 

TO  JAMES  McHENRY « 

NEW  YORK,  June  i,  1796. 

MY  DEAR  Me.: 

I  am  told  the  Executive  Directory  have  com 
plained  of  Mr. ,  our  consul  at .      Perhaps 

the  complaint  may  be  ill-founded,  but  perhaps 
also  he  was  indiscreet  in  giving  color  for  it.  Admit 
too  that  he  is  a  good  man,  yet  we  must  not  quarrel 
with  France  for  pins  and  needles.  The  public  temper 
would  not  bear  any  umbrage  taken,  where  a  trifling 
concession  might  have  averted  it.  'T  is  a  case  for 
temporizing,  reserving  our  firmness  for  great  and 

necessary  occasions.     Let  Mr.  be  superseded 

with  a  kind  letter  to  him.  I  do  not  write  to  Picker 
ing,  or  the  President,  because  I  am  not  regularly 
possessed  of  the  information,  but  I  hope  you  will 
attend  to  the  matter,  even  at  the  expense  of  being  a 
little  officious. 


TO   WASHINGTON 

NEW  YORK,  June  i,  1796. 

SIR: 

Your  letter  of  the  2pth  was  delivered  me  by  Mr. 
King  yesterday  afternoon.  I  thought  I  had  acknow 
ledged  the  receipt  of  the  paper  inquired  for  in  a  letter 
written  speedily  after  it — or  in  one  which  transmitted 
you  a  draft  of  a  certain  letter  by  Mr.  Jay.  I  hope  this 
came  to  hand. 

I  am  almost  afraid  to  appear  officious  in  what  I  am 
going  to  say ;  but  the  matter  presses  so  deeply  on  my 

1  James  McHenry,  of  Maryland,  Secretary  of  War. 


Alexander  Hamilton 

mind,  that  fearing  you  may  not  recollect  the  situa 
tion  of  the  thing,  and  that  it  may  happen  not  to  be 
brought  fully  under  your  eye,  I  cannot  refrain  from 
making  the  suggestion  to  you.  It  regards  a  bill 
which,  I  am  told,  has  lately  passed  the  two  Houses 
of  Congress,  authorizing  a  sale  of  bank  stock,  for 
paying  off  a  sum  due  to  the  bank.  You  will  perceive 
by  the  8th  and  Qth  sections  of  the  act  entitled,  "An 
Act  making  further  provision  for  the  support  of  the 
public  credit/'  and  for  the  redemption  of  the  public 
debt,  passed  the  3d  of  March,  1795,  that  the  dividends 
of  the  bank  stock  are  appropriated  to  the  sinking 
fund,  with  all  the  force  and  solemnity  of  which  the 
language  is  capable,  and  that  to  divert  them  in  the 
manner  proposed  (and  this  too  without  any  substi 
tute  in  the  act  which  so  diverts)  will  be  a  formal, 
express,  and  unequivocal  violation  of  the  public 
faith,  will  subvert  the  system  of  the  sinking  fund, 
and  with  it  all  the  security  which  is  meant  to  be 
given  to  the  people  for  the  redemption  of  the  public 
debt,  and,  violating  the  sanctity  of  an  appropriation 
for  the  public  debt,  will  overturn  at  once  the  founda 
tion  of  the  public  credit.  These  are  obvious  and  tin- 
deniable  consequences ;  and  though  I  am  aware  that 
great  embarrassments  may  ensue  to  the  Treasury  if 
the  bill  by  the  objection  of  the  President  is  lost, 
and  no  substitute  for  it  takes  place  towards  the 
reimbursement  of  the  bank;  yet  I  am  sure  no 
consequences  can  ensue  of  equal  moment  from  the 
rejection  as  from  the  principle  of  the  bill  going  into 
execution. 

All  the  President's  administration  has  effected  for 


Private  Correspondence  173 

establishing  the  credit  of  the  country  will  be  pros 
trate  at  a  single  blow.  He  will  readily  make  all 
necessary  comments  upon  this  position.  It  grieves 
my  heart  to  see  so  much  shocking  levity  in  our 
representative  body. 


TO   OLIVER   WOLCOTT 

NEW  YORK,  June  9,  1796. 

DEAR  SIR: 

I  called  at  your  house  the  morning  of  my  depart 
ure,  but  you  were  not  then  up.  While  I  was  in  the 
city,  we  had  a  little  conversation  concerning  an  affair 
of  an  arrangement  with  Swan  *  for  effecting  a  remit 
tance  to  Holland.  I  intended  to  resume  it  for  two 
reasons:  one,  because  it  has  been  represented  to  the 
disadvantage  of  the  conduct  of  the  Treasury;  an 
other  because  Swan,  who  lodged  at  the  same  house 
with  me,  begged  me  to  converse  with  you  on  the 
subject,  and  give  my  opinion  both  to  you  and  him  of 
what  I  thought  of  the  matter.  The  latter  I  should 
of  course  have  managed  with  due  regard  to  all 
prudential  considerations. 

But  I  wished  chiefly  to  apprise  you  that  it  is  in 
dustriously  circulated  that  Monroe  and  Skipwith,  as 

1  Colonel  James  Swan,  of  Boston.  He  had  a  most  romantic  and 
adventurous  life,  beginning  as  one  of  the  Boston  Tea-Party,  and  a 
soldier  of  the  Revolution.  In  1 787 ,  he  went  to  Paris  a  bankrupt,  where 
he  speculated  successfully,  and  whence  he  returned  with  a  fortune  in 
1795.  He  went  back  to  Europe  in  1798,  engaged  in  still  larger  enter 
prises,  and  failed.  At  the  suit  of  a  creditor  he  was  thrown  into  Ste. 
Pelagic  in  1815,  and  remained  there  fifteen  years,  litigating  constantly 
in  French  courts.  He  died  in  1831. 


174  Alexander  Hamilton 

agents  for  the  Treasury,  received  Swan's  money  at 
Paris  to  remit  to  Holland,  that  they  mismanaged  the 
fund,  produced,  besides,  delay  and  loss,  and  that  the 
Treasury  now  endeavors  to  turn  the  loss  on  Swan. 
If  you  have  not  been  apprised  of  this,  it  is  requisite 
you  should  be.1 


TO    OLIVER   WOLCOTT 

June  15,  1796. 

DEAR  SIR: 

The  post  of  to-day  brought  me  a  letter  from  you. 
From  some  recent  information  which  I  have  ob 
tained  here,  I  have  scarcely  any  doubt  that  the  plan 
of  the  French  is — 

Firstly. — To  take  all  enemy  property  in  our  ships 
contrary  to  the  treaty  between  the  two  countries. 

Secondly. — To  seize  and  carry  in  all  our  vessels 
laden  with  provisions  for  any  English  port. 

Among  this,  all  that  they  choose  to  think  enemy 
property  will  be  seized,  and  for  the  residue  they  will 
promise  to  pay. 

This  state  of  things  is  extremely  serious.  The 
government  must  play  a  skilful  card,  or  all  is  lost. 
No  doubt  an  explanation  has  been  asked  of  Mr.  Adet. 
There  is  room  enough  for  asking  it,  and  the  result, 
if  explanatory,  ought,  in  some  convenient  way,  to  be 
made  known. 

Moreover,  the  government  must  immediately  set 
in  earnest  about  averting  the  storm.  To  this  end,  a 
person  must  be  sent  in  place  of  Monroe.  General 

1  Now  first  printed  from  the  Wolcott  papers  in  the  possession  of  the 
Connecticut  Historical  Society. 


Private  Correspondence  175 

Pinckney,  John  Marshall,  Mr.  Desattssure,  of  South 
Carolina,  young  Washington,  the  lawyer,  McHenry, 
Secretary  at  War,  Judge  Peters,  occur  as  eligible  in 
different  degrees,  either  of  them  far  preferable  to 
Monroe.  It  may  be  understood  that  the  appoint 
ment  is  permanent  or  temporary,  at  the  choice  of  the 
person  sent.  Under  this  idea,  perhaps  Pinckney 
may  be  prevailed  upon,  perhaps  Marshall,  it  being 
well  urged  as  a  matter  of  great  importance  to  the 
country. 

I  mentioned  to  Colonel  Pickering  an  idea,  which 
has  since  dwelt  powerfully  on  my  mind.  Mr.  King 
ought  not  to  be  empowered  to  do  any  thing  to 
prolong  the  treaty  beyond  the  two  years  after  the 
war.  This  will  afford  the  government  a  strong 
argument.  I  earnestly  hope  this  idea  will  prevail  in 
the  instructions. 

P.  S. — After  turning  the  thing  over  and  over  in 
my  mind,  I  know  of  nothing  better  that  you  have  in 
your  power  than  to  send  McHenry.  He  is  not  yet 
obnoxious  to  the  French,  and  has  been  understood 
formerly  to  have  had  some  kindness  towards  their 
revolution.  His  present  office  would  give  a  sort  of 
importance  to  the  mission.  If  he  should  incline  to 
an  absolute  relinquishment,  his  mission  might  be 
temporary,  and  Colonel  Pickering  could  carry  on  his 
office  in  his  absence.  He  is  at  hand,  and  might  de 
part  immediately,  and  I  believe  he  would  explain 
very  well,  and  do  no  foolish  thing.  Though  unusual, 
perhaps  it  might  be  expedient  for  the  President  to 
write,  himself,  a  letter  to  the  Executive  Directory, 


176  Alexander  Hamilton 

explaining  the  policy  by  which  he  has  been  governed, 
and  assuring  of  the  friendship.  But  this  would 
merit  great  consideration.  Our  measures,  however, 
should  be  prompt. 

Sometimes  I  think  of  sending  Pinckney,  who  is 
in  England;  but  various  uncertainties  and  possible 
delays  deter  one  from  this  plan. 

Remember  always,  as  a  primary  motive  of  action, 
that  the  favorable  opinion  of  our  country  is  to  be 
secured. 

A  frigate  or  two  to  serve  as  convoys  would  not  be 
amiss.  If  the  English  had  been  wise,  they  would 
neither  have  harassed  our  trade  themselves,  nor  suf 
fered  their  trade  with  us  to  be  harassed.  They 
would  see  this  a  happy  moment  for  conciliating  us 
by  a  clever  little  squadron  in  our  ports  and  on  our 
coast. 

A  hint  might  not  perhaps  do  harm. 


TO   OLIVER   WOLCOTT 

June  1 6,  1796. 

DEAR  SIR: 

It  appears  to  me  material,  under  our  present  pro 
spects,  to  complete  three  frigates  without  delay. 
They  may  be  useful  with  reference  to  the  Algerines. 
They  may  be  useful  to  convoy  our  vessels  out  of  the 
reach  of  picaroon  privateers  hovering  on  our  coast. 
I  know  you  want  money;  but  could  not  the  mer 
chants,  by  secret  movements,  be  put  in  motion  to 
make  you  a  loan?  I  think  some  thing  of  this  kind 
may  be  done  here,  and  I  should  presume  at  Phila 
delphia,  etc.  The  sole  ostensible  object  may  be  the 


Private  Correspondence  177 

Algerines,  but  the  second  object  may  circulate  in 
whispers.  If  you  conclude  on  any  thing,  I  will 
second  you. 

Perhaps  no  bad  form  of  the  thing  may  be  to  place 
in  the  hands  of  your  agents  for  building,  Treasury 
bills  from  one  hundred  to  one  thousand  dollars,  pay 
able  in  a  year  with  interest;  and  to  let  it  be  known 
among  the  merchants  that  they  are  lodged  exclu 
sively  to  facilitate  the  equipment  of  the  ships.  But 
a  more  direct  operation  may  be  attempted,  and  I 
should  hope  with  success,  for  the  sum  you  may 
want  for  the  frigates. 


TO   WASHINGTON 

June,  1796. 

SIR: 

I  have  received  information  this  morning  of  a  na 
ture  which,  I  think,  you  ought  to  receive  without 
delay.  A  Mr.  Le  Guen,1  a  Frenchman — a  client  of 
mine,  and  in  whom  I  have  inspired  confidence,  and 
who  is  apparently  a  discreet  and  decent  man — called 
on  me  this  morning  to  consult  me  on  the  expediency 
of  his  becoming  naturalized,  in  order  that  certain 
events  between  France  and  the  United  States  might 
not  prejudice  him  in  a  suit  which  I  am  directed  to 
bring  for  him  for  a  value  of  160,000  dollars.  I  asked 

1  Louis  Le  Guen  brought  suit  to  recover  money  for  goods  sold  by  his 
factors,  a  Jewish  house  in  New  York.  The  first  verdict  was  for  the 
factors  and  was  set  aside.  The  verdict  on  the  new  trial  was  for 
Le  Guen  for  $120,000,  and  this  was  affirmed  in  the  Court  of  Errors 
(February,  1800)  after  a  great  argument  by  Hamilton.  The  case  was 
a  famous  one.  Gouverneur  Morris  appeared  for  the  factors  and  Burr 
was  associated  with  Hamilton. 

VOL.  X.— 12. 


178  Alexander  Hamilton 

him  what  the  events  to  which  he  alluded  were.  He 
made  me  the  following  reply  tinder  the  strictest  in 
junctions  of  confidence :  "  I  have  seen  a  letter  from  St. 
Thomas  to  Mr.  Labagarde  of  this  city,  informing  him 
that  a  plan  was  adopted  to  seize  all  American  vessels 
carrying  to  any  English  port  provisions  of  any  kind, 
to  conduct  them  into  some  French  port;  if  found  to 
be  British  property,  to  condemn  them;  if  American, 
to  take  them  on  the  accountability  of  the  government ; 
adding  that  he  must  not  thence  infer  that  it  was  the 
intention  to  make  war  upon  the  United  States,  but 
it  was  with  a  view  to  retaliate  the  conduct  of  Great 
Britain,  to  keep  supplies  from  her,  and  to  obtain 
them  for  themselves,  and  was  also  bottomed  on 
some  political  motives  not  necessary  to  be  explained. " 
"That  it  was  also  in  contemplation  when  Admiral 
Richery  arrived,  if  the  ships  could  be  spared,  to  send 
five  sail  of  the  line  to  this  country."  Fearing,  he 
said,  that  this  might  produce  a  rupture  between  the 
two  countries,  he  had  called  to  consult  me  on  the 
subject,  etc. 

I  asked  his  permission  to  make  the  communica 
tion  to  you.  He  gave  me  leave  to  do  it,  but  with 
the  absolute  condition  that  the  knowledge  of  names 
was  on  no  account  to  go  beyond  you  and  myself.  I 
must  therefore  request,  sir,  that  this  condition  be 
exactly  observed.  He  has  promised  me  further  in 
formation. 

I  believe  the  information,  as  well  because  the 
source  of  it  under  all  the  circumstances  engages  my 
confidence,  as  because  the  thing  appears  in  itself 
probable.  France  wants  supplies,  and  she  has  not 


Private  Correspondence  179 

the  means  of  paying,  and  our  merchants  have  done 
crediting. 

It  becomes  very  material  that  the  real  situation 
should  as  soon  as  possible  be  ascertained,  and  that 
the  merchants  should  know  on  what  they  have  to 
depend.  They  expect  that  the  government  will  ask 
an  explanation  of  Mr.  Adet,  and  that  in  some  proper 
way  the  result  will  be  made  known. 

It  seems  to  become  more  and  more  urgent  that  the 
United  States  should  have  some  faithful  organ  near 
the  French  government  to  explain  their  real  views 
and  ascertain  those  of  the  French.  It  is  all  important 
that  the  people  should  be  satisfied  that  the  govern 
ment  has  made  every  exertion  to  avert  a  rupture,  and 
as  early  as  possible. 


TO    OLIVER   WOLCOTT 

June  26,  1796. 

DEAR  SIR: 

I  learn  from  a  gentleman  of  character,  that  a  prize, 
brought  into  Boston  by  a  French  privateer,  is  about 
to  be  sold.  This  being  in  direct  breach  of  our  treaty 
with  Great  Britain,  how  does  it  happen?  Though 
no  particular  law  passed,  the  treaty  being  the  law  of 
the  land,  our  custom-houses  can,  and  ought  to,  pre 
vent  the  entry  and  sale  of  prizes,  upon  Executive  in 
struction.  If  any  thing  is  wanting  to  this  end,  for 
God's  sake,  my  dear  sir,  let  it  be  done,  and  let  us  not 
be  disgraced. 

Considering  what  is  going  on,  and  may  go  on,  in 
the  West  Indies,  it  appears  to  me  essential  that  the 


180  Alexander  Hamilton 

President  should  be  empowered  to  lay  embargoes  in 
the  interval  between  the  present  and  the  next  ses 
sion  of  Congress. 


TO   WASHINGTON 

July  5,  1796. 

DEAR  SIR: 

I  was  in  due  time  favored  with  your  letter  of  the 
26th  June,  and  consulted  the  gentleman  you  named 
on  the  subject  of  it.  We  are  both  of  opinion  there  is 
no  power  in  the  President  to  appoint  an  envoy  ex 
traordinary,  without  the  concurrence  of  the  Senate, 
and  that  the  information  in  question  is  not  a  suffi 
cient  ground  for  extraordinary  convening  the  Senate. 
If,  however,  the  President  from  his  information  col 
lectively  be  convinced  that  a  dangerous  state  of 
things  exists  between  us  and  France,  and  that  an 
envoy  extraordinary  to  avert  the  danger  is  a  neces 
sary  measure,  I  believe  this  would,  in  the  sense  of  the 
Constitution,  warrant  the  calling  of  the  Senate  for  the 
purpose.  But  this  measure  may  be  questionable  in 
point  of  expediency,  as  giving  a  stronger  appearance 
of  danger  than  facts  warrant.  If  further  depreda 
tions  on  our  commerce  take  place,  if  new  revivals  of 
the  principle  of  the  last  capture  should  appear,  it 
may  alter  the  case.  But  without  some  thing  more 
the  measure  would  scarcely  seem  advisable.  Mr. 
Jay  and  myself,  though  somewhat  out  of  your  ques 
tion,  talked  of  the  expediency  of  removing  Monroe, 
and  though  we  perceive  there  are  weighty  reasons 
against  it,  we  think  those  for  it  preponderate,  if  a 
proper  man  can  be  found.  But  here  we  feel,  both 


Private  Correspondence  181 

immense  embarrassment,  for  he  ought  to  be  at  the 
same  time  a  friend  to  the  government  and  understood 
to  be  not  unfriendly  to  the  French  Revolution. 
General  Pinckney  is  the  only  man  we  can  think  of 
who  fully  satisfies  the  idea,  and  unfortunately  every 
past  experiment  forbids  the  hope  that  he  would  ac 
cept,  though  but  for  a  short  time.  But  if  a  character 
of  tolerable  fitness  can  be  thought  of,  it  would  seem 
expedient  to  send  him.  At  any  rate,  it  is  to  be 
feared,  if  under  the  symptoms  of  discontent  which 
have  appeared  on  the  part  of  the  French  govern 
ment,  no  actual  and  full  explanation  takes  place,  it 
will  bring  serious  censure  upon  the  Executive.  It 
will  be  said  that  it  did  not  display  as  much  zeal  to 
avoid  misunderstanding  with  France  as  with  Great 
Britain;  that  discontents  were  left  to  rankle;  that 
if  the  agent  of  the  government  in  France  was  negli 
gent  or  unfaithful,  some  other  mode  ought  to  have 
been  found. 

As  to  your  resignation,  sir,  it  is  not  to  be  regretted 
that  the  declaration  of  your  intention  should  be  sus 
pended  as  long  as  possible,  and  suffer  me  to  add  that 
you  should  really  hold  the  thing  undecided  to  the 
last  moment.  I  do  not  think  it  is  in  the  power  of 
party  to  throw  any  slur  upon  the  lateness  of  your 
declaration.  And  you  have  an  obvious  justification 
in  the  state  of  things.  If  a  storm  gathers,  how  can 
you  retreat?  This  is  a  most  serious  question.  The 
proper  period  now  for  your  declaration  seems  to  be 
two  months  before  the  time  for  the  meeting  of  the 
electors.  This  will  be  sufficient.  The  parties  will 
in  the  meantime  electioneer  conditionally,  that  is  to 


1 82  Alexander  Hamilton 

say,  if  you  decline;  for  a  serious  opposition  to  you 
will,  I  think,  hardly  be  risked.  I  have  completed  the 
first  draft  (his  own  draft)  of  a  certain  paper,  and 
shall  shortly  transcribe,  correct,  and  forward  it.  I 
will  then  also  prepare  and  send  forward,  without 
delay,  the  original  paper  (Washington's  draft),  cor 
rected  upon  the  general  plan  of  it,  so  that  you  may 
have  both  before  you  for  a  choice  in  full  time,  and 
for  alteration  if  necessary.1 


TO   OLIVER   WOLCOTT 

July  7,  1796. 

DEAR  SIR: 

I  have  had  some  conversation  with  some  influen 
tial  members  of  the  Bank  of  New  York,  who  are  dis 
posed  to  do  all  that  shall  be  found  possible.  But  I 
wish  to  know  without  exaggeration  the  least  sum 
that  will  be  a  material  relief  to  you,  and  when  and 
how  the  payments  will  be  desired.2 


TO    ELIAS    BOUDINOT 

July  7,  1796. 

MY  DEAR  SIR: 

You  will  oblige  me  by  letting  me  have  an  extract 
from  that  part  of  your  mortgage  law  in  New  Jersey 
which  regulates  the  mode  of  cancelling  mortgages; 
also  an  extract  from  the  registering  book  of  the 
usual  manner  in  which  entries  for  cancelling  were 
made  about  the  years  1771,  1772,  and  1773,  and  by 

1  Reprinted  from  the  History  of  the  Republic,  ii.,  468,  522. 

2  Now  first  printed  from  the  Wolcott  papers  in  the  possession  of  the 
Connecticut  Historical  Society. 


Private  Correspondence  183 

informing  me  whether  these  entries  have  been  ad 
judged  conclusive — though  the  order  or  certificate 
of  the  mortgage  is  not  to  be  found,  the  mortgage 
money  not  paid,  and  the  fact  should  appear  that  the 
entry  was  a  fraudulent  act  of  the  registering  officer. 

Excuse  the  trouble  I  give  you,  and  use  me  freely 
in  a  like  case. 

How  are  your  election  prospects?  Do  not  let  the 
discontent  with  Dayton  x  hazard  the  main  point.  'T 
is  better  by  a  coalition  with  him  to  secure  that,  though 
you  make  some  sacrifice  of  opinion,  than  to  produce 
a  dangerous  schism. 

Our  affairs  are  critical,  and  we  must  be  dispassion 
ate  and  wise. 


TO    OLIVER   WOLCOTT 

July  15,  1796. 

DEAR  SIR: 

The  application  for  a  loan  from  the  Bank  of  New 
York,  though  powerfully  supported  by  some  of  the 
leading  directors,  labors,  owing  to  the  jealousy  and 
narrowness  of  certain  ones,  who  see  in  it  a  plan  to 
increase  the  active  capital  of  the  Branch  Bank,  and 
put  them  in  its  power.  Unluckily,  the  President 
suddenly  went  off  to  Rhode  Island  with  his  wife  and 
some  sick  children.  I  pursue  the  affair,  and  I  hope 
still  to  accomplish  it. 

There  will  be  no  difficulty  in  obtaining  a  postpone 
ment  of  the  existing  loan.  But  this  I  tell  them  will 
not  be  sufficient.2 

1  Jonathan  Dayton,  of  New  Jersey. 

2  Now  first  printed  from  the  Wolcott  papers  in  the  possession  of  the 
Connecticut  Historical  Society. 


184  Alexander  Hamilton 

TO   TIMOTHY   PICKERING 

July  31,  1796. 

DEAR  SIR: 

I  communicated  your  letter  to  Mr.  Jay,  and  now 
give  you  our  joint  sense. 

Considering  the  nature  of  the  transaction  and 
what  must  necessarily  have  been  presumed  to  be 
the  intent,  and  that  the  authority  is  on  a  public  sub 
ject,  and  between  two  nations,  we  think  that  a  de 
cision  by  two  out  of  three  commissioners  must  be 
sufficient. 

We  know  nothing  but  an  immediate  personal  in 
terest  in  property  which  may  be  affected  by  the 
decision,  that  can  be  a  conclusive  objection  to  the 
person  nominated — but  this  interest  must  be  known, 
not  suspected.  The  rest  must  be  matter  of  nego 
tiation.  In  point  of  property,  neither  government 
ought  to  name  a  person  liable  from  local  situation  to 
the  suspicion  of  particular  interest  or  bias.  But  one 
cannot  formally  object  to  the  nomination  of  the  other 
on  this  general  ground. 

Declarations  like  those  ascribed  to  Mr.  Barkely, 
if  well  authenticated  and  unequivocal,  importing 
clearly  that  he  thought  himself  at  liberty  to  gain 
advantages,  and  bound  not  to  act  impartially,  would 
justify  the  government  in  stopping,  and  represent 
ing  the  matter  to  the  British  Government.  But  we 
ought  to  act  with  great  caution  not  to  give  occasion 
to  impute  to  us  a  spirit  of  procrastination  or  subter 
fuge.  'T  is  so  much  more  important  that  the  dis 
pute  should  be  settled  than  how  it  is  settled  (at  least 
according  to  my  idea  of  the  object) ;  that  we  should 


Private  Correspondence  185 

by  no  means  seek  for  difficulties,  but  rather  facilitate 
than  impede.1 


TO   OLIVER  WOLCOTT 

July  28,  1796. 

DEAR  SIR: 

I  have  not  lost  sight  of  the  negotiation  with  the 
bank,  though  it  labors,  and  I  have  thought  it  best 
to  let  it  lie  by  till  the  President  returns.  Mr.  Mc- 
Cormick  is  violent  against  it,  and  plays  on  little 
jealousies  and,  what  is  still  more  efficacious,  private 
interests,  representing  the  consequent  inability  of 
the  bank  to  accommodate  the  merchants,  many  of 
whom,  from  the  unfortunate  issue  of  some  recent 
speculations,  are  likely  to  want  much  aid.3 


TO   OLIVER   WOLCOTT 

July  30,  1796. 

DEAR  SIR: 

I  have  written  you  a  short  line  previous  to  the 
receipt  of  your  letter  of  the  26th,  to  which,  indeed,  I 
can  add  nothing  material. 

It  will,  as  things  stand,  be  imprudent  to  push  the 
point  of  a  further  loan  till  the  President  arrives — 
for,  though  a  majority  of  the  directors  are  well  dis 
posed  to  the  thing,  they  are  afraid  of  Mr.  McCor- 
mick's  clamors  and  want  the  sanction  of  the  President 
to  control  and  counterbalance  him.  All,  I  am  told, 


ft 


Now  first  printed  from  the  Pickering  papers  in  the  possession  of  the 
Massachusetts  Historical  Society. 

2  Now  first  printed  from  the  Wolcott  papers  in  the  possession  of  the 
Connecticut  Historical  Society. 


1 86  Alexander  Hamilton 

that  can  now  be  relied  upon,  is  a  postponement  of 
the  payment  of  the  200,000  dollars  heretofore  lent, 
to  which  Mr.  McCormick  assents.1 


TO   WASHINGTON 

NEW  YORK,  July  30,  1796. 

SIR: 

I  have  the  pleasure  to  send  you  herewith  a  certain 
draft  which  I  have  endeavored  to  make  as  perfect 
as  my  time  and  engagements  would  permit.  It  has 
been  my  object  to  render  this  act  importantly  and 
lastingly  useful,  and,  avoiding  all  just  cause  of 
present  exception,  to  embrace  such  reflections  and 
sentiments  as  will  wear  well,  progress  in  approbation 
with  time,  and  redound  to  future  reputation.  How 
far  I  have  succeeded,  you  will  judge.  I  have  begun 
the  second  part  of  the  task — the  digesting  of  the 
supplementary  remarks  to  the  first  address, — which, 
in  a  fortnight,  I  hope  also  to  send  you;  yet  I  con 
fess  the  more  I  have  considered  the  matter,  the  less 
eligible  this  plan  has  appeared  to  me.  There  seems 
to  me  to  be  a  certain  awkwardness  in  the  thing,  and 
it  seems  to  imply  that  there  is  a  doubt  whether  the 
assurance  without  the  evidence  would  be  believed. 
Besides  that,  I  think  that  there  are  some  ideas  which 
will  not  wear  well  in  the  former  address,  and  I  do 
not  see  how  any  part  can  be  omitted,  if  it  is  to  be 
given  as  the  thing  formerly  prepared.  Nevertheless, 

1  Now  first  printed  from  the  Wolcott  papers  in  the  possession  of  the 
Connecticut  Historical  Society.  This  letter,  and  those  preceding  on 
the  same  subject,  give  a  curious  idea  of  the  conduct  of  the  government 
and  the  scale  of  financial  dealings  in  1796  as  compared  with  those  of 
to-day. 


Private  Correspondence 

when  you  have  both  before  you,  you  can  judge.  If 
you  should  incline  to  take  the  draft  now  sent,  and 
after  perusing  and  noting  any  thing  that  you  wish 
changed,  will  send  it  to  me,  I  will,  with  pleasure, 
shape  it  as  you  desire.  This  may  also  put  it  in  my 
power  to  improve  the  expression,  and  perhaps,  in 
some  instances,  condense.  I  rejoice  that  certain 
clouds  have  not  lately  thickened,  and  that  there  is  a 
prospect  of  a  brighter  horizon.1 


TO    GREENLEAF  2 

NEW  YORK,  July  30,  1796. 

DEAR  SIR: 

I  have  carefully  reflected  upon  the  subject  of  your 
letter  of  the  27th  instant. 

Though  the  data  which  it  presents  authorize  an 
expectation  of  large  pecuniary  advantage,  and 
though  I  discern  nothing  in  the  affair  which  an  in 
dividual  differently  circumstanced  might  not  with 
propriety  enter  into,  yet,  in  my  peculiar  situation, 
viewed  in  all  its  public,  as  well  as  personal  relations, 
I  think  myself  bound  to  decline  the  overture. 


TO   OLIVER   WOLCOTT 

August  3,  1796. 

DEAR  SIR: 

I  have  received  your  letter  of  the  ist.     I  deplore 
the  picture  it  gives,  and  henceforth  wish  to  forget 

1  Reprinted  from  the  History  of  the  Republic,  vi.,  523. 

2  Greenleaf  described  himself  as  worth  five  millions,  and  in  debt 
for  twelve  hundred  thousand  dollars.     He  offered,  if  Hamilton  would 
help  him,  and  lend  him  his  name,  to  give  a  third  of  his  property,  and 
make  him  his  partner  in  a  banking-house. 


1 88  Alexander  Hamilton 

there  is  a  bank  or  a  treasury  in  the  United  States, 
though  I  shall  not  forget  my  regard  to  individuals. 

I  do  not  see  one  argument  in  any  possible  shape 
of  the  thing,  for  the  sale  of  bank  stock,  or  against 
that  of  the  other  stock,  which  does  not  apply  vice 
versa,  and  I  shall  consider  it  as  one  of  the  most  in 
fatuated  steps  that  ever  was  adopted. 

It  will  be  known  on  Thursday  whether  any  thing 
is  to  be  expected  here. 


TO   OLIVER  WOLCOTT 

August  5,  1796. 

DEAR  SIR: 

The  Bank  of  New  York  is  willing  to  make  the  loan 
of  324,000  dollars  to  you  (I  mean  the  exact  sum  of 
about  this  amount,  if  you  desire  it,  which  one  of  the 
laws  you  mention  authorizes  to  borrow),  on  these 
terms:  to  advance  all  but  200,000  dollars  when  you 
please  to  advance  the  200,000  dollars,  by  way  of  re- 
loan,  when  that  sum,  payable  in  October,  becomes 
due.  The  term  of  credit  to  be,  in  each  case,  six 
months  from  the  time  of  the  advance.  The  interest, 
six  per  cent.,  with  a  deposit  of  stock  (6  per  cent.)  at 
par,  so  placed  as  to  permit  the  sale  of  it  at  the  market 
price,  if  there  be  a  failure  of  reimbursement  at  the 
stipulated  periods.  The  treasury,  upon  honor,  to 
draw  immediately  upon  the  bank  as  the  money  is 
wanted  for  expenditure,  not  to  transfer  it  before 
hand.  On  this  point,  sincerity  and  delicacy  will  be 
expected. 

It  was  mentioned,  too,  as  desirable,  though  not 


Private  Correspondence  189 

made  a  condition,  that  it  should  be  understood  that 
in  case  a  real  pressing  emergency  in  the  course  of  the 
winter  should  exist,  the  bank,  on  giving  previous 
notice  of  the  necessity  to  the  Treasury  might  be  at 
liberty  to  sell  the  stock  at  the  then  market  price. 
The  directors  to  be,  upon  honor,  not  to  use  this  per 
mission  but  in  case  of  real  necessity.  Their  honor, 
I  know,  may  be  entirely  relied  upon,  and  it  may  be 
well  to  gratify. 

The  deposit  of  stock  was  suggested  by  myself, 
upon  your  first  letter.  It  is  an  ingredient  in  the 
negotiation  which  the  bank  values.1 

The  bank  wishes  a  speedy  decision. 


, 

TO   WASHINGTON 

August  10,  1796. 

SIR: 

About  a  fortnight  ago  I  sent  you  a  certain  draft. 
I  now  send  you  another  on  the  plan  of  incorporation. 
Whichever  you  may  prefer,  if  there  be  any  part  you 
wish  to  transfer  from  one  to  another,  any  part  to  be 
changed,  or  if  there  be  any  material  idea  in  your 
own  draft  which  has  happened  to  be  omitted,  and 
which  you  wish  introduced,  in  short,  if  there  be  any 
thing  further  in  the  matter  in  which  I  can  be  of  any 
(service),  I  will,  with  great  pleasure,  obey  your 
commands.2 

1  Now  first  printed  from  the  Wolcott  papers  in  the  possession  of  the 
Connecticut  Historical  Society. 

2  Reprinted  from  the  History  of  ike  Republic,  vi.,  523.     This  letter, 
and  those  which  follow,  all  relate  to  the  preparation  of  the  farewell 
address  which  was  published  September  17,  1796. 


Alexander  Hamilton 

TO   WASHINGTON 

NEW  YORK,  Sept.  4,  1796. 

SIR: 

I  have  received  your  two  late  letters,  the  last  but 
one  transmitting  me  a  certain  draft.  It  will  be  cor 
rected  and  altered  with  attention  to  your  suggestions, 
and  returned  by  Monday's  or  Tuesday's  post.  The 
idea  of  the  University  is  one  of  those  which,  I  think, 
will  be  properly  reserved  for  your  speech  at  the  open 
ing  of  the  session.  A  general  suggestion  respecting 
education  will  very  fitly  come  into  the  address.1 


i 

TO   WASHINGTON 

NEW  YORK,  Sept.  4,  1796. 

SIR: 

I  return  the  draft,  corrected  agreeably  to  your 
intimations.  You  will  observe  a  short  paragraph 
added  respecting  education.  As  to  the  establish 
ment  of  a  university,  it  is  a  point  which,  in  connec 
tion  with  the  military  schools,  and  some  other  things, 
I  meant,  agreeably  to  your  desire,  to  suggest  to  you 
as  parts  of  your  speech  at  the  opening  of  the  session. 
There  will  several  things  come  there  much  better 
than  in  a  general  address  to  the  people,  which  like 
wise  would  swell  the  address  too  much.  Had  I 
health  enough,  it  was  my  intention  to  have  written 
it  over,  in  which  case  I  would  both  have  improved 
and  abridged.  But  this  is  not  the  case.  I  seem 
now  to  have  regularly  a  period  of  ill  health  every 
summer.  I  think  it  will  be  advisable  simply  to  send 

1  Reprinted  from  the  History  of  the  Republic,  vi.,  529. 


Private  Correspondence  191 

the  address  by  your  secretary  to  Dunlap.  It  will, 
of  course,  find  its  way  into  all  the  other  papers. 
Some  person  on  the  spot  ought  to  be  charged  with  a 
careful  examination  of  the  impression  by  the  proof- 
sheet.1 


TO   WASHINGTON 

NEW  YORK,  Sept.  8,  1796. 

SIR: 

I  have  received  your  letter  of  the  6th  by  the  bearer. 
The  draft  was  sent  forward  by  the  post  on  Tuesday. 

I  shall  prepare  a  paragraph  with  respect  to  the 
University  and  some  others  for  consideration  re 
specting  other  points  which  have  occurred.2 


TO    PHINEAS    BOND 

NEW  YORK,  Sept.  15,  1796. 

SIR: 

Two  days  since  a  letter  was  delivered  to  me  with 
a  declaration  of  the  bearer  that  it  came  from  Mr. 
Lyston.3  On  opening  the  cover  I  found  nothing  ex 
cept  a  letter  from  Captain  Cochran  (which,  though 
not  addressed,  would  appear  to  have  been  written 
to  some  public  agent  of  Great  Britain)  and  a  de 
claration  of  David  Wilson  and  Thomas  Marshall  re 
specting  the  ship  Eliza.  The  superscription  of  the 
packet  resembling  your  handwriting,  I  concluded 
that  it  might  have  come  from  you,  and  that  by  some 

1  Reprinted  from  the  History  of  the  Republic,  vi.,  530. 

2  Reprinted  from  the  History  of  the  Republic,  vi.,  531. 

3  The  British  minister. 


i92  Alexander  Hamilton 

mistake  the  letter  you  had  written  me  had  been 
omitted,  and  that  on  discovery  of  omission  it  would 
have  been  forwarded  by  another  opportunity.  Find 
ing  after  two  days'  waiting  that  the  expectation  has 
not  been  realized,  I  have  determined  to  write  to  you 
on  the  subject. 

Mr.  Charles  Wilkes  had  previously  applied  to  me 
concerning  this  affair,  and  had  submitted  to  my 
consideration  various  papers.  The  result  was  that 
I  discouraged  a  judicial  prosecution.  My  reasons 
are  these: 

Taking  it  to  be  true,  as  stated,  that  Captain  Huffey 
brought  from  the  shore  within  our  territory  persons 
who,  by  force,  aided  him  to  rescue  the  captured  ves 
sel,  I  am  of  opinion  that  this  circumstance  would  give 
jurisdiction  of  the  case  to  our  courts  on  the  applica 
tion  of  the  capturing  party. 

But  when  on  such  application  any  of  our  courts 
should  hold  jurisdiction,  it  would  in  my  judgment 
go  into  the  merits  and  examine  the  validity  of  the 
capture. 

Here  these  facts  occur:  that  the  Eliza,  being  a 
transport  vessel  in  the  service  of  Great  Britain,  was 
captured  by  a  French  privateer  fitted  out  of  some 
port  of  France  by  Barney,  an  American  citizen,  in 
quality  of  armateur — Levelle,  probably  a  French 
man,  captain  by  commission,  and  was  afterwards 
condemned  as  prize  by  the  sentence  of  a  Court  of 
Admiralty  at  Dunkirk;  and,  as  far  as  the  direct 
proof  goes,  purchased  in  virtue  of  that  sentence  by 
an  American  citizen. 

It  is  conjectured  that  two  thirds  of  the  vessel 


Private  Correspondence  193 

may  have  belonged  to  a  French  house — Messrs.  De 
Baques — because  it  appears  that  HufTey  paid  two 
thirds  of  the  purchase-money  in  a  bill  drawn  by  that 
house.  But  this  is  evidently  a  mere  circumstance  of 
suspicion,  and  wholly  inconclusive.  Why  may  not 
the  De  Baques  have  been  factors  or  agents  for 
Huffey?  Why  may  not  Huffey  have  purchased 
their  draft  towards  the  payment?  One  or  the  other 
of  the  two  latter  suppositions  would  no  doubt  pre 
vail  with  the  court  if  there  was  no  collateral  proof  to 
the  contrary. 

It  is  also  conjectured  that  the  Eliza  may  have 
continued  the  property  of  Barney,  but  all  the  docu 
ments  now  in  the  power  of  the  captor  speak  a  con 
trary  language.  This  suspicion,  then,  however  just 
it  may  be  in  fact,  cannot  be  supported. 

The  question  then  is,  would  the  equipment  of  the 
privateer  by  Barney  be  sufficient  to  invalidate  the 
purchase  by  a  neutral  citizen  under  the  sentence  of 
a  court  of  the  capturing  power? 

No  opinion  of  any  theoretic  writer,  nor,  as  I  be 
lieve,  any  usage  of  any  nation,  nor  the  decisions  of 
courts  of  admiralty,  will  authorize,  in  my  judgment, 
an  affirmative  answer  to  that  question. 

If  Mr.  Barney  comes  within  the  2ist  article  of  our 
treaty  with  Great  Britain,  it  would  make  him  liable, 
if  taken  by  Great  Britain,  to  be  punished  as  a  pirate. 
But  it  will  be  observed  that  the  stipulation  would 
not  oblige  the  United  States  to  treat  him  as  such. 
And  the  article  being  confined  to  personal  punish 
ment,  may  be  supposed  not  to  contemplate  the  con 
fiscation  of  property  captured  by  such  a  person. 


VOL.  X.— 13. 


Alexander  Hamilton 

But  it  would  be  to  go  an  unheard-of  length  to  pro 
nounce  null  the  prize  made  under  such  circumstances 
by  a  vessel  fitted  out  of  the  ports  of  the  belligerent 
power,  and  regularly  commissioned,  and  after  a  sen 
tence  of  condemnation. 

Therefore,  and  as  the  property  in  question  is  of 
little  value,  and  as  smart  damages  would  be  likely  to 
attend  a  failure  of  the  prosecution,  I  advised  against 
it,  as  I  now  still  do. 

Yet,  if  Captain  Cochran,  or  any  person  acting  on 
his  behalf,  shall  desire  the  experiment  to  be  made,  how 
ever  unpromising  in  my  view,  I  shall  esteem  it  a 
professional  duty,  and  due  to  justice  to  a  foreign 
power,  to  put  the  affair  in  a  course  of  judicial  in 
vestigation. 


TO   TIMOTHY   PICKERING 

NEW  YORK,  Sept.  21,  1796. 

DEAR  SIR: 

Some  time  since  Mr.  McCormick  spoke  to  me  about 
the  case  of  his  kinsman,  Mr.  Pitcairn,  whom  Mr. 
Monroe  had  prevented  from  exercising  the  functions 
of  consul.  I  can,  in  justice,  inform  you  that  this 
gentleman  is  well  considered  in  our  city,  and  that  his 
political  principles  have  been  understood  to  be  very 
friendly  to  the  French  Revolution;  nor  have  we  any 
doubts  that  his  sentiments  towards  our  own  govern 
ment  are  altogether  American,  so  that  in  truth  there 
can  be  no  shadow  of  political  objection  to  him  as  to 
the  office  for  which  he  was  intended.1 

1  Now  first  printed  from  the  Pickering  papers  in  the  possession  of  the 
Massachusetts  Historical  Society. 


Private  Correspondence  195 

TO  

1796. 

Our  excellent  President,  as  you  have  seen,  has 
declined  a  re-election.  'T  is  all-important  to  our 
country  that  his  successor  shall  be  a  safe  man.  But 
it  is  far  less  important  who  of  many  men  that  may 
be  named  shall  be  the  person,  than  that  it  shall  not 
be  Jefferson.  We  have  every  thing  to  fear  if  this 
man  comes  in,  and  from  what  I  believe  to  be  an 
accurate  view  of  our  political  map  I  conclude  that 
he  has  too  good  a  chance  of  success,  and  that  good 
calculation,  prudence,  and  exertion  were  never  more 
necessary  to  the  Federal  cause  than  at  this  very 
critical  juncture.  All  personal  and  partial  con 
siderations  must  be  discarded,  and  every  thing  must 
give  way  to  the  great  object  of  excluding  Jefferson. 
It  appears  to  be  a  common  opinion  (and  I  think  it  a 
judicious  one),  that  Mr.  Adams  and  Mr.  Pinckney 
(late  minister  to  England)  are  to  be  supported  on 
our  side  for  President  and  Vice-President.  New 
York  will  be  unanimous  for  both.  I  hope  New  Eng 
land  will  be  so  too.  Yet  I  have  some  apprehensions 
on  this  point,  lest  the  fear  that  he  may  outrun  Mr. 
Adams  should  withhold  votes  from  Pinckney.  Should 
this  happen,  it  will  be,  in  my  opinion,  a  most  unfor 
tunate  policy.  It  will  be  to  take  one  only  instead 
of  two  chances  against  Mr.  Jefferson,  and,  well 
weighed,  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  exclusion 
of  Mr.  Jefferson  is  far  more  important  than  any 
difference  between  Mr.  Adams  and  Mr.  Pinckney. 
At  foot,  is  my  calculation  of  chances  between  Adams 
and  Jefferson.  'T  is  too  precarious.  Pinckney  has 


196  Alexander  Hamilton 

the  chance  of  some  votes  southward  and  westward, 
which  Adams  has  not.  This  will  render  our  pros 
pect  in  the  main  point,  the  exclusion  of  Jefferson, 
far  better. 

Relying  on  the  strength  of  your  mind,  I  have  not 
scrupled  to  let  you  see  the  state  of  mine.  I  never 
was  more  firm  in  an  opinion  than  in  the  one  I  now 
express,  yet  in  acting  upon  it  there  must  be  much 
caution  and  reserve.1 


TO   OLIVER   WOLCOTT 

ALBANY,  Oct.  27,  1796. 

DEAR  SIR: 

Your  letter  of  the  i  yth  instant  found  me  at  Albany, 
attending  the  Supreme  Court.  I  have  no  copy  of  the 
treaty  with  Great  Britain  at  hand,  but  I  am  well 
satisfied,  from  memory,  that  the  true  interpretation 
of  the  treaty,  enforcing,  in  this  respect,  the  true  rule 
of  neutrality,  forbids  our  permitting  the  sale  of  a 
prize,  taken  and  brought  in  by  a  French  national  ship 
equally  as  if  by  a  privateer,  and  that  the  prize  vessel 
herself,  with  her  cargo,  ought  to  depart  our  ports.  I 
hasten  to  give  you  my  opinion  thus  far.  I  reserve 
to  consider  more  at  leisure  what  exceptions  absolute 
necessity  may  justify.  But  this  is  clear :  that  as  far 
as  it  may  admit  any,  the  exceptions  must  be  measured 
and  restricted  by  the  necessity,  and  as  soon  as  pos 
sible  you  must  return  into  the  path  of  the  treaty. 

Thus,  if  the  prize  vessel  was  absolutely  insufficient 
to  proceed  to  sea,  her  cargo  ought  to  be  sent  out  of 

1  Reprinted  from  the  History  of  the  Republic,  vi.,  538. 


Private  Correspondence  197 

the  country  in  another  vessel,  and  care  ought  to  be 
taken  that  it  does  not  go  out  under  false  colors.  Our 
own  officers,  no  doubt,  must  inspect  and  ascertain  any 
case  of  necessity  which  may  be  suggested. 

Pray,  my  good  friend,  let  there  be  no  evasions. 


TO   OLIVER   WOLCOTT 

November  i,  1796. 

DEAR  SIR: 

I  wrote  you  a  line  from  Albany,  expressing  an 
opinion  from  memory  that  our  treaty  with  Great 
Britain  prohibited  the  sale  of  prizes  made  by  French 
national  ships.  Being  just  returned  to  town,  I  have 
looked  into  the  article  which  related  to  the  point,  and 
I  fear  that  opinion  was  wrong.  In  a  day  or  two  I 
will  write  to  you  more  particularly. 

Adet's  late  communication  demands  a  very  careful 
and  well-managed  answer. 


TO   OLIVER   WOLCOTT 

November  3,  1796. 

DEAR  SIR: 

I  have  more  carefully  examined  our  treaty  with 
Great  Britain  and  I  return  to  the  opinion  given  you 
from  Albany.  My  hesitation  yesterday  arose  from 
the  terms  of  the  twenty-fourth  article,  which  were  con 
fined  to  privateers,  a  word  that  has  an  appropriate 
sense,  meaning  ships  of  private  persons  commis 
sioned  to  cruise.  But  the  following  article  contains 
the  equivalent  one  to  that  with  France,  upon 


198  Alexander  Hamilton 

which  we  refused  all  bringing  in  and  sale  of  prizes  by 
her  enemies.  The  words  are,  "no  refuge/'  etc.,  the 
major  including  the  minor.  And  though  France,  by 
our  treaty  with  her,  may  bring  in  prizes,  yet  the 
treaty  gives  her  no  right  to  sell.  The  clause  in  ques 
tion,  in  the  English  treaty,  cannot  take  away  the 
right  she  before  had  to  bring  in  her  prizes;  but  as  she 
had  not  a  positive  right  to  sell,  it  will  oblige  her  to 
depart  with  them :  in  other  words,  it  will  preclude  her 
from  whatever  she  has  not  a  positive  right  to.  This 
also  is  Mr.  Jay's  opinion,  and  it  is  certainly  agreeable 
to  the  whole  spirit  of  the  treaty. 


TO   WASHINGTON 

November  4,  1796. 

SIR: 

I  have  lately  been  honored  with  two  letters  from 
you,  one  from  Mount  Vernon,  the  other  from  Phila 
delphia,  which  came  to  hand  yesterday.  I  imme 
diately  sent  the  last  to  Mr.  Jay,  and  conferred  with 
him  last  night.  We  settled  our  opinion  on  one 
point,  viz.:  that  whether  Mr.  Adet  acted  with  or 
without  instruction  from  his  government  in  publish 
ing  his  communication,  he  committed  a  disrespect 
towards  our  government,  which  ought  not  io  pass 
unnoticed,  and  would  most  properly  be  noticed  to 
him  as  the  representative  or  agent.  That  the  man 
ner  of  noticing  it,  in  the  first  instance,  at  least,  ought 
to  be  negative;  that  is,  by  the  personal  conduct  of 
the  President  towards  the  Minister.  That  the  true 
rule  on  this  point  would  be  to  receive  the  Minister 


Private  Correspondence  199 

at  your  levees  with  a  dignified  reserve,  holding  an 
exact  medium  between  an  offensive  coldness  and  cor 
diality.  The  point  is  a  nice  one  to  be  hit,  but  no  one 
will  know  better  how  to  do  it  than  the  President. 

Self-respect  and  the  necessity  of  discouraging  fur 
ther  insult,  requires  that  sensibility  should  be  mani 
fested;  on  the  other  hand,  the  importance  of  not 
widening  a  breach,  which  may  end  in  rupture,  de 
mands  great  measure  and  caution  in  the  mode. 

Mr.  Jay  and  myself  are  both  agreed  also,  that  no 
immediate  publication  of  the  reply  which  may  be 
given  ought  to  be  made,  for  this  would  be  like  join 
ing  in  an  appeal  to  the  public — would  countenance 
and  imitate  the  irregularity,  and  would  not  be  digni 
fied;  nor  is  it  necessary  for  any  present  purpose  of 
the  government.  Mr.  Jay  inclined  to  think  that  the 
reply  ought  to  go  through  Mr.  Pinckney  to  the  Di 
rectory,  with  only  a  short  note  to  Adet,  acknowledg 
ing  the  reception  of  his  paper  and  informing  him  that 
this  mode  will  be  taken.  I  am  not  yet  satisfied  that 
this  course  will  be  best.  We  are  both  to  consider 
further,  and  confer.  You  will  shortly  be  informed 
of  the  result. 

But  whatever  be  the  mode  adopted,  it  is  certain 
that  the  reply  will  be  one  of  the  most  delicate  papers 
that  has  proceeded  from  our  government,  in  which 
it  will  require  much  care  and  nicety  to  steer  between 
sufficient  and  too  muck  justification,  between  self- 
respect  and  provocation  of  further  insult  or  injury; 
and  that  will  at  the  same  time  save  a  great  political 
interest  which  this  step  of  the  French  Government 
opens  to  us.  Did  I  not  know  how  guarded  you  will 


2OO  Alexander  Hamilton 

yourself  be,  I  should  be  afraid  of  Mr.  Pickering's 
warmth.  We  must,  if  possible,  avoid  a  rupture  with 
France,  who,  if  not  effectually  checked,  will,  in  the 
insolence  of  power,  become  no  less  troublesome  to 
us  than  to  the  rest  of  the  world. 

I  dedicate  Sunday  to  the  execution  of  your  com 
mands  in  preparing  certain  heads.  You  will  speedily 
hear  again  from  me. 


TO   WASHINGTON 

November  5,  1796. 

SIR: 

Yesterday,  after  the  departure  of  the  post,  I  re 
ceived  your  letter  of  the  3d.  I  have  since  seen  the 
answer  to  Adet.  I  perceive  in  it  nothing  intrinsically 
exceptionable,  but  some  thing  in  the  manner  a  little 
epigrammatical  and  sharp.  I  make  this  remark 
freely,  because  the  card  now  to  be  played  is  perhaps 
the  most  delicate  that  has  occurred  in  our  adminis 
tration,  and  nations,  like  individuals,  sometimes  get 
into  squabbles  from  the  manner  more  than  the  mat 
ter  that  passes  between  them.  It  is  all-important 
to  us — first,  if  possible,  to  avoid  rupture  with  France ; 
secondly,  if  that  cannot  be,  to  evince  to  the  people 
that  there  has  been  an  unequivocal  disposition  to 
avoid  it.  Our  discussions,  therefore,  ought  to  be 
calm,  smooth,  inclined  to  be  argumentative;  when 
remonstrance  and  complaint  are  unavoidable,  carry 
ing  upon  the  face  of  them  a  reluctance  and  regret, 
mingling  a  steady  assertion  of  our  rights  and  ad 
herence  to  principle  with  the  language  of  modera 
tion,  and,  as  long  as  it  can  be  done,  of  friendship. 


Private  Correspondence  201 

I  am  the  more  particular  in  these  observations, 
because  I  know  that  Mr.  Pickering,  who  is  a  very 
worthy  man,  has  nevertheless  some  thing  warm  and 
angular  in  his  temper,  and  will  require  much  a  vigil 
ant,  moderating  eye. 

I  last  evening  saw  Doctor  Bailey,  our  health 
officer,  who  tells  me  that  the  French  Consul  here,  in 
conversation  with  an  assistant  of  the  doctors,  who  is 
a  refugee  from  St.  Domingo,  expressed  a  desire  to 
make  arrangements  for  the  sick  of  a  French  fleet 
expected  shortly  to  arrive  at  this  port.  I  thought 
this  circumstance  worth  communication. 


TO   OLIVER  WOLCOTT 

November  9,  1796. 

DEAR  SIR: 

I  received  yesterday  your  letter  of  the  6th,  and 
immediately  wrote  some  additional  letters  to  the 
eastward,  enforcing  what  I  had  before  written. 
Pennsylvania  does  not  surprise  me. 

I  have  reconsidered  the  opinion  given  to  you  on 
the  third,  and  see  no  reason  to  change  it.  The 
reasoning  which  leads  me  to  the  conclusion,  has  not 
been  sufficiently  explained,  I  will  therefore  be  more 
particular. 

The  articles  in  our  treaty  with  France,  which  re 
spect  the  subject,  are  the  seventeenth  and  twenty- 
second. 

The  seventeenth  consists  of  two  parts. 

First. — It  grants  asylum  in  our  ports  for  French 
ships  of  war  and  privateers,  with  their  prizes;  and 


2O2  Alexander  Hamilton 

with  liberty  to  carry  them  freely  thence  to  their  own 
ports. 

Secondly. — It  prohibits  the  giving  refuge,  in  our 
ports,  to  such  as  shall  have  made  prize  of  the  subjects, 
or  property,  of  the  French.  It  grants  no  right  to  sell 
prizes  in  our  ports,  neither  does  the  letter  of  the 
article  prohibit  prizes,  made  of  the  French,  from 
coming  into  our  ports.  It  only  prohibits  the  in 
strument  of  making  the  prizes.  But  the  construc 
tion  justly  adopted  by  the  President  was,  that  the 
prohibition,  in  its  true  spirit,  excluded  the  bringing 
in  of  prizes,  whether  coming  with,  or  without,  the 
capturing  vessels.  T  is  upon  this  part  of  the  treaty, 
alone,  that  prizes  made  by  national  vessels  of  Great 
Britain,  were  excluded  from  our  ports.  For, — 

The  twenty-second  article  with  France  is  wholly 
confined  to  privateers;  prohibiting  those  of  other 
nations  to  fit  or  to  sell  their  prizes  in  our  ports. 

This  article,  had  it  stood  alone,  would  have  left  us 
as  free  to  admit  British  national  ships,  with  their 
prizes,  into  our  ports,  as  our  twenty-fourth  article 
with  Great  Britain  leaves  us  free  to  admit  French 
national  ships,  with  their  prizes.  For  these  articles 
are  the  exact  equivalents  of  each  other.  So  that,  as 
before  remarked,  the  prohibition  of  the  coming  in, 
or  sale  in,  our  ports,  of  prizes  made  upon  the  French 
by  British  national  ships,  was  derived,  by  construction 
and  implication,  from  the  seventeenth  article  of  our 
treaty  with  France. 

It  follows,  that  this  article  was  considered  as 
competent  to  prevent  the  coming  in  and  sale  of 
prizes. 


Private  Correspondence  203 

If  so,  the  same,  or  equivalent,  terms  in  the  British 
treaty,  must  be  competent  to  the  same  thing. 

Now  the  twenty-fifth  article  of  our  treaty  with 
Great  Britain  has  equivalent  terms.  We  there  read, 
that  "  no  shelter  or  refuge  shall  be  given  in  their  ports 
to  such  as  have  made  a  prize  upon  the  subjects,  or 
citizens,  of  either  of  the  contracting  parties;  but  if 
forced,  by  stress  of  weather  or  the  danger  of  the  sea, 
to  enter  therein,  particular  care  shall  be  taken  to 
hasten  their  departure;  and  to  cause  them  to  retire 
as  soon  as  possible. "  This  prohibition  includes  here, 
as  in  the  seventeenth  article  of  our  treaty  with 
France,  a  prohibition  to  sell  prizes  in  our  ports;  not 
the  prizes  of  privateers  only,  but  prizes  generally. 

But  France,  it  is  answered,  had  a  prior  right,  by 
the  seventeenth  article  of  our  treaty  with  her,  "to 
come  and  bring  prizes  into  our  ports." 

True,  she  had  this  right,  and  must  have  it  still, 
notwithstanding  the  twenty-fifth  article  of  our  treaty 
with  Great  Britain :  but  she  had  no  prior  right,  by 
treaty,  to  sell  prizes  in  our  ports;  and  consequently, 
as  the  twenty-fifth  article  of  our  treaty  with  Great 
Britain  excludes,  as  the  minor  of  a  major,  the  selling 
of  prizes  in  our  ports,  the  exclusion,  so  far,  is  in  force, 
because  it  contravenes  no  prior  right  of  France.  As 
far  as  the  treaty  with  France  gives  a  right,  incon 
sistent  with  the  above  twenty-fifth  article,  that  right 
forms  an  exception ;  but  the  exception  must  be  only 
co-extensive  with  the  right.  The  conclusion  is  that 
France  retains  the  right  of  asylum,  but  is  excluded 
from  the  right  of  selling.  This  gives  effect  to  the 
twenty-fifth  article  with  Great  Britain,  so  far  as 


204  Alexander  Hamilton 

the  treaty-right  of  France  does  not  require  an  ex 
ception. 

And  this  construction  ought  to  be  favored,  be 
cause  it  best  comports  with  the  rule  of  neutrality. 

It  will  also  best  agree  with  the  President's  former 
decisions.  He  permitted  France  to  sell  prizes;  not 
because  treaty  gave  her  a  right,  but  because  he  did 
not  see  clearly  any  law  of  the  country,  or  of  nations, 
that  forbids  it.  But  consistency  does  not  require 
that  this  permission  shall  continue,  if  there  be  any 
thing  in  the  treaty  with  Great  Britain  against  it. 
Consistency,  however,  does  require  that  the  same 
latitude  of  construction  should  be  given  to  the 
twenty-fifth  article  of  our  treaty  with  Great  Britain, 
as  was  before  given  to  the  seventeenth  article  of  our 
treaty  with  France.  The  same  latitude  will,  as  I  ap 
prehend,  exclude  the  sale  of  prizes,  by  France,  in  the 
case  in  question. 

I  regret  extremely  the  publication  of  the  reply  to 
Adet,  otherwise  than  through  the  channel  of  Con 
gress.  The  sooner  the  Executive  gets  out  of  the 
newspapers  the  better.  What  may  now  be  in  its 
power,  will  depend  on  circumstances  which  are  to 
occur. 


TO   WASHINGTON 

NEW  YORK,  Nov.  10,  1796. 


SIR: 

I  have  been  employed  in  making,  and  have  ac 
tually  completed  a  rough  draft  on  the  following 
heads:  "National  University;  Military  Academy; 


Private  Correspondence  205 

Board  of  Agriculture;  establishment  of  such  manu 
factories  on  public  account  as  are  relative  to  the 
equipment  of  army  and  navy,  to  ike  extent  of  the 
public  demand  for  supply,  and  excluding  all  the 
branches  already  well  established  in  the  country; 
the  gradual  and  successive  creation  of  a  navy; 
compensations  to  public  officers;  reinforcement  of 
provision  for  public  debt."  I  send  you  this  enumer 
ation,  that  you  may  see  the  objects  which  I  shall 
prepare  for.  But  I  must  beg  your  patience  till  the 
beginning  of  the  next  week  for  the  transmission  of 
the  draft,  as  I  am  a  good  deal  pressed  for  time. 

The  Legislature  having  appointed  Mr.  Lawrence 
district  judge,  a  successor  will  of  course  be  to  be  pro 
vided.  A  conviction  of  his  competency,  a  high 
opinion  of  his  worth,  and  a  long-established  personal 
friendship,  induce  me  to  take  the  liberty  of  pre 
cipitating  a  recommendation  to  you  of  Mr.  Troup, 
the  present  clerk  of  the  District  and  Circuit  Court 
(the  attorney  of  the  district  being  known  to  be  dis 
inclined  to  the  office).  Mr.  Troup  is  a  lawyer,  pro 
fessionally  very  respectable,  so  that  his  practice  is 
inferior  in  productiveness  to  no  other;  but  he  has  by 
the  most  unexceptionable  means  acquired  a  property 
sufficient  to  make  it  reasonable  in  him  to  withdraw 
from  practice,  upon  a  salary  such  as  that  of  the  dis 
trict  judge,  and  latterly  his  health  has  somewhat 
suffered  from  a  long  course  of  excessive  application. 
His  moral  character  is  without  an  imputation  of  any 
sort;  indeed,  no  man  in  the  State  is  better  esteemed 
than  this  gentleman;  so  that,  I  believe  the  appoint 
ment  would  be  considered  as  altogether  fit.  I  trust, 


206  Alexander  Hamilton 

however,  that  in  expressing  myself  thus  strongly,  it 
will  not  occasion  to  you  a  moment's  embarrassment, 
if  any  candidate  more  agreeable  to  you  shall  occur. 


TO   WASHINGTON 

November  u,  1796. 

SIR: 

My  anxiety  for  such  a  course  of  things  as  will  most 
promise  a  continuance  of  peace  to  the  country,  and 
in  the  contrary  event  a  full  justification  of  the 
President,  has  kept  my  mind  dwelling  on  the  late 
reply  to  Mr.  Adet;  and,  though  it  is  a  thing  that 
cannot  be  undone,  yet,  if  my  ideas  are  correct,  the 
communication  of  them  may  not  be  wholly  useless 
for  the  future.  The  more  I  have  considered  the 
paper,  the  less  I  like  it. 

I  think  it  is  to  be  regretted  that  answers  were  not 
given  to  the  preceding  communications  of  Mr.  Adet. 
For  silence  commonly  carries  with  it  the  appearance 
of  hauteur  and  contempt.  And  even  if  the  paper  to 
be  answered  is  offensive,  't  is  better  and  less  hazard 
ous  to  harmony  to  say  so,  with  calmness  and  modera 
tion,  than  to  say  nothing.  Silence  is  only  then  to  be 
adopted  when  things  have  come  to  such  a  state  with 
a  minister,  that  it  is  the  intention  to  break  with  him. 
And  even  in  this  case,  if  there  is  still  a  disposition 
to  maintain  harmony  with  his  government,  a  reply 
ought  to  go  through  our  own  organ  to  it,  so  as  to  dis 
tinguish  between  the  minister  and  the  government. 

The  reason  given  for  not  having  answered  the  in 
quiry  respecting  the  impressment  of  our  seamen  is 


Private  Correspondence  207 

too  broad.  When  two  nations  have  relations  to 
each  other,  and  one  is  at  war,  the  other  at  peace,  if 
the  one  at  peace  suffers  liberties  to  be  taken  with  it 
by  the  enemy  of  the  one  at  war,  which  turns  to  the 
detriment  of  the  latter,  it  is  a  fair  subject  of  inquiry 
and  discussion.  The  questions  may  be  asked:  How 
does  this  happen?  What  measures  are  taken  to 
prevent  a  repetition  or  continuance  ?  There  is  always 
possibility  of  connivance,  and  this  possibility  gives 
a  right  to  inquire,  and  imposes  an  obligation  to  enter 
into  friendly  explanation.  'T  is  not  a  matter  of  in 
difference  to  our  friend,  what  conduct  of  its  enemy 
we  permit  towards  ourselves.  Much  indeed  in  all 
these  cases  depends  on  the  manner  of  the  inquiry; 
but  I  am  satisfied  the  principle  is  as  I  state  it,  and 
the  ground  assumed  by  Mr.  Pickering,  in  the  latitude 
of  the  expression,  untenable. 

These  opinions  are  not  confined  to  me.  Though 
most  people  like  the  air  of  what  is  called  spirit  in 
Mr.  Pickering's  letter,  yet  some  of  the  best  friends 
of  the  cause  whisper  cautiously  remarks  similar  to 
the  above. 

It  is  a  question  now  well  worth  considering, 
whether,  if  a  handsome  opportunity  of  rectifying 
should  not  occur  with  Mr.  Adet,  it  may  not  be  ex 
pedient,  specially  to  instruct  Mr.  Pinckney,  to  make 
the  explanations,  putting  our  backwardness  here  to 
the  score  of  the  manner  of  the  inquiry,  and  qualify 
ing  the  generality  of  our  principle — without  giving  up 
our  right  of  judging  of  the  measure  of  our  compliance 
in  similar  cases. 

I  know  you  will  so  well  appreciate  the  motives  to 


208  Alexander  Hamilton 

these  observations,  that  I  run  no  risk  in  being  thought 
officious,  and  I  therefore  freely  transmit  them,  being 
always,  etc. 

TO   WASHINGTON 

NEW  YORK,  Nov.  19,  1796. 

SIR: 

I  duly  received  your  letter  of  the  i2th  instant. 
My  avocations  have  not  permitted  me  sooner  to 
comply  with  your  desire.  I  have  looked  over  the 
papers,  and  suggested  alterations  and  corrections; 
and  I  have  also  numbered  the  paragraphs,  I.,  II., 
III.,  etc.,  in  the  order  in  which  it  appears  to  me 
eligible  they  should  stand  in  the  speech. 

I  thought,  upon  full  reflection,  you  could  not 
avoid  an  allusion  to  your  retreat,  in  order  to  express 
your  sense  of  the  support  of  Congress,  but  that  the 
simplest  manner  of  doing  it  was  to  be  preferred.  A 
paragraph  is  offered  accordingly. 

I  believe  the  commencement  of  a  navy  ought  to 
be  contemplated.  Our  fiscal  concerns,  if  Congress 
please,  can  easily  be  rendered  efficient;  if  not,  't  is 
their  fault,  and  ought  not  to  prevent  any  suggestion 
which  the  interest  of  the  country  may  require. 

The  paragraph  in  your  letter  respecting  our 
Mediterranean  commerce  may  well  be  incorporated 
in  this  part  of  the  communication. 

You  will  observe  a  paragraph  I  have  framed  con 
templates  a  full  future  communication  of  our  situa 
tion  with  France.  At  present  it  seems  to  me  that 
this  will  be  effected  in  the  following  mode: 

Let  a  full  reply  to  Mr.  Adet's  last  communication 


Private  Correspondence  209 

be  made,  containing  a  particular  review  of  our  con 
duct  and  motives  from  the  commencement  of  the 
Revolution.  Let  this  be  sent  to  Mr.  Pinckney,  to 
be  imparted  to  the  Directory;  and  let  a  copy  of  it, 
with  a  short  auxiliary  statement  of  facts,  if  neces 
sary,  be  sent  to  the  House  of  Representatives.  As 
Mr.  Adet  has  suspended  his  functions,  I  presume  no 
reply  can  be  made  to  him;  but,  not  having  seen  his 
paper,  I  cannot  judge. 

The  crisis  is  immensely  important  to  the  glory  of 
the  President,  and  to  the  honor  and  interest  of  the 
country. 

It  is  all-important  that  the  reply  to  Adet's  last 
communication,  to  whomsoever  made,  should  be 
managed  with  the  utmost  possible  prudence  and 
skill,  so  that  it  may  be  a  solid  justification — an  in 
offensive  remonstrance — the  expression  of  a  dignified 
seriousness — reluctant  to  quarrel,  but  resolved  not 
to  be  humbled.  The  subject  excites  the  greatest 
anxiety. 

TO   OLIVER   WOLCOTT 

November  22,  1796. 

DEAR  SIR: 

I  thank  you  for  your  note  sending  me  Adet's  letter. 
The  present  is,  in  my  opinion,  as  critical  a  situation 
as  our  government  has  been  in,  requiring  all  its  pru 
dence,  all  its  wisdom,  all  its  moderation,  all  its 
firmness. 

Though  the  thing  is  now  passed,  I  do  not  think  it 
useless  to  say  to  you  that  I  was  not  well  pleased  with 
the  Secretary  of  State's  answer  to  Adet's  note 

VOL.  X.— 14. 


2io  Alexander  Hamilton 

communicating  the  order  respecting  neutral  vessels. 
There  was  some  thing  of  hardness  and  epigrammatic 
sharpness  in  it.  Neither  did  I  think  the  position 
true  that  France  had  no  right  to  inquire  respecting 
the  affair  of  seamen.  I  am  of  opinion  that  whenever 
a  neutral  power  suffers  liberties  to  be  taken  with  it 
by  a  belligerent  one,  which  turns  to  the  detriment  of 
the  other  party,  as  the  acquiring  strength  by  impressing 
our  seamen,  there  is  a  good  ground  of  inquiry,  de 
manding  candid  explanation. 

My  opinion  is,  that  our  communication  should  be 
calm,  reasoning,  and  serious,  showing  steady  resolu 
tion  more  than  feeling,  having  force  in  the  idea  rather 
than  in  the  expression. 

I  am  very  anxious  that  our  government  should  do 
right  on  the  present  occasion. 

My  ideas  are  these: 

As  Adet  has  declared  his  functions  suspended,  the 
reply  ought  not  to  be  to  him,  but  through  Mr.  Pinck- 
ney  to  the  Directory. 

It  ought  to  contain  a  review  of  our  conduct  from 
the  beginning,  noticing  our  first  and  full  acknow 
ledgment  of  the  Republic,  and  the  danger  we  ran  by 
it.  Also  the  dangers  we  incurred  by  other  large  in 
terpretations  of  the  treaty  in  favor  of  France,  ad 
verting  to  the  sale  of  prizes. 

It  should  meet  all  the  suggestions  of  the  Minister, 
correct  his  misstatements  of  facts,  and  meet,  argu- 
mentatively,  his  principles.  Where  arguments  al 
ready  used  are  repeated,  it  ought  to  be  in  a  new 
language,  or  by  quotations  in  the  body  of  the  reply, 
not  by  reference  to  other  communications  annexed, 


Private  Correspondence  211 

or  otherwise,  which  embarrass  the  reading  and 
attention. 

It  should  review  calmly  the  conduct  of  France 
and  her  agents,  pointing  out  fully  and  clearly  the 
violations  of  our  rights,  and  the  spirit  which  was 
manifested,  but  in  terms  the  most  cautious  and  in 
offensive. 

It  should  advert  to  the  policy  of  moderation 
towards  the  enemies  of  France,  which  our  situation 
and  that  of  France,  especially  as  to  maritime  power, 
imposed  upon  us. 

It  should  briefly  recapitulate  the  means  of  obtain 
ing  redress  from  Great  Britain  employed  by  our 
government,  and  the  effects  they  have  produced. 

It  should  explain  why  the  government  could  not 
adopt  more  expeditious  modes;  why  the  Executive 
could  not  control  the  Judiciary,  and  should  show 
that,  in  effect,  the  opposite  party,  as  well  as  France, 
suffered  the  inconveniences  of  delay. 

It  should  make  prominent  the  consequences  upon 
the  peace  and  friendship  of  governments,  if  all  acci 
dental  infractions  from  situation,  from  the  negli 
gences,  etc.,  of  particular  officers,  are  to  be  imputed 
with  severity  to  the  government  itself,  and  should 
apply  the  remark  to  the  case  of  the  injuries  we  have 
suffered,  in  different  ways,  from  the  officers  and 
agents  of  France. 

It  should  make  prominent  two  ideas:  the  situa 
tion  in  which  we  were  with  Great  Britain  prior  to 
the  last  treaty,  so  as  to  show  that,  by  the  laws  of 
nations,  as  admitted  to  us  and  declared  to  France 
and  the  world,  prior  to  that  treaty,  all  the  things 


212  Alexander  Hamilton 

complained  of  as  resulting  from  that  treaty  pre 
viously  existed.  And  it  should  dwell  on  the  ex 
ception,  in  that  treaty,  of  prior  treaties. 

It  should  point  out  strongly  the  idea  that  the  in 
convenience  at  particular  junctures  of  particular  stip 
ulations  is  no  reason  for  one  party  superseding  them, 
but  should  intimate  that  the  President  is  willing  to 
review  the  relations  between  the  two  countries,  and, 
by  a  new  treaty,  if  the  same  shall  be  approved  by 
the  Senate,  to  readjust  the  terms  of  those  relations. 

The  article  in  the  treaty  with  France  respecting  an 
admission  of  the  same  privileges  which  are  granted 
to  other  powers  should  be  examined.  This  plainly 
means  where  there  is  any  concession  of  a  positive 
privilege  which  the  United  States  were  free  to  re 
fuse,  not  where  there  is  a  mere  recognition  of  the 
principles  of  the  laws  of  nations. 

It  should  be  made  prominent  that  the  United 
States  have  always  wished,  and  still  wish,  to  culti 
vate  the  most  amicable  relations,  and  are  still  dis 
posed  to  evince  this  disposition  by  every  method  in 
their  power;  that  in  what  they  said  they  mean  only 
to  show  that  they  have  acted  in  sincerity  and  good 
faith,  and  have  rather  received  than  given  cause  to 
complain;  that  they  have  been  disposed  to  make  a 
candid  construction  of  circumstances  which  might 
seem  inconsistent  with  a  friendly  conduct  in  France, 
and  claim  a  similar  candor  in  the  estimate  of  their 
situation  and  conduct. 

There  should  be  an  animadversion  upon  the  unfit- 
ness  of  looking  beyond  the  government  to  the  citizens. 

And  there  should  be  these  ideas,  properly  couched : 


Private  Correspondence  213 

that  the  United  States  cannot  admit  that  a  just 
cause  of  resentment  has  been  given;  that  they  ap 
peal  from  the  misapprehension  which  dictated  this 
sentiment  to  the  justice  and  magnanimity  of  France, 
for  a  retraction  of  it,  and  for  meeting  them  freely  in 
the  complete  restoration  of  a  friendly  intercourse; 
that  France  will  not  deliberately  expect  that  they 
could  make  a  sacrifice  of  self-respect,  since  she  must 
be  sensible  that  a  free  people  ought,  in  every  event, 
to  cherish  it  as  a  sacred  duty,  and  to  encounter  with 
firmness  every  danger  and  calamity  which  an  at 
tempt  to  make  them  forget  it,  or  degrade  them  from 
their  independent  character,  may  involve. 

This  would  be  the  general  complexion  of  the  reply 
which  I  would  give.  The  manner  should  be  ex 
tremely  cautious,  smooth,  even  friendly,  but  yet 
solemn  and  dignified. 

The  alliance,  in  its  future  operation,  must  be 
against  our  interest.  The  door  to  escape  from  it  is 
opened.  Though  we  ought  to  maintain  with  good 
faith  our  engagements,  if  the  conduct  of  the  other 
party  releases  us,  we  should  not  refuse  the  release, 
so  far  as  we  may  accept  without  compromising  our 
peace.  This  idea  is  very  important. 

TO   OLIVER  WOLCOTT 

December  6,  1796. 

DEAR  SIR: 

The  president  of  the  Bank  of  New  York  called  upon 
me  yesterday  and  manifested  considerable  anxiety 
about  the  state  of  the  bank.  It  seems  the  course 
of  things  lately  and  their  large  accommodations  to 


214  Alexander  Hamilton 

the  Government  have  produced  a  balance  against 
them  in  favor  of  the  office  of  discount  at  this  place, 
which  has  lately  called  for  100,000  dollars  in  specie 
and  it  is  apprehended  may  speedily  call  for  more. 

The  president  mentioned  this  situation  generally, 
with  only  this  view,  to  show  that  the  bank  would 
probably  be  under  the  necessity  of  selling  the  stock 
pledged  with  them,  if  the  government  should  not  be 
punctual.  It  was  at  the  same  time  declared  that 
nothing  but  necessity  would  lead  to  any  measure  in 
convenient  to  the  government,  yet  it  was  thought 
advisable  to  admonish  of  the  probable  necessity. 

A  director  two  or  three  days  since  also  mentioned 
to  me  that  there  was  a  sum  of  about  26,000  dollars  of 
interest  due  to  the  bank,  of  which  an  account  had 
been  rendered,  but  which  was  not  paid,  adding  that 
in  the  present  situation  every  little  would  help.  Ob 
servations  like  these  are  of  course  confidential.  But 
the  situation  requires,  and  it  will  make  it  good 
policy  that,  if  in  your  power,  you  should  come  to  the 
aid  of  the  Bank  of  New  York.  It  would  be  wise,  if 
possible,  to  anticipate  a  particular  payment.  It  will 
be  also  useful  to  arrest  for  a  time  too  free  calls  from 
the  office. 

Friendly  attention  and  good  offices  on  your  part 
will  inspire  confidence  and  embolden  the  bank  to 
assist  in  future  emergencies,  and  it  is  very  much  the 
policy  of  the  Treasury  not  to  be  exclusively  de 
pendent  on  one  institution. 

P.  S. — Let  me  hear  from  you  on  this  subject. 
What  is  doing  with  Adet? 


Private  Correspondence  215 

TO   RUFUS   KING 

NEW  YORK,  Dec.  16,  1796. 

I  have  received,  my  dear  sir,  your  several  letters 
of  the  25th  of  August,  icth  and  nth  of  September. 
You  know  my  sentiments  towards  you  too  well  to 
ascribe  my  delay  in  answering  them  to  any  other 
cause  than  the  imperiousness  of  avocations  with 
which  I  could  not  dispense. 

Public  opinion,  taking  the  country  at  large,  has 
continued  since  you  left  us  to  travel  on  a  right  di 
rection,  and,  I  trust,  will  not  easily  deviate  from  it. 
You  will  have  seen  before  this  reaches  you  Mr. 
Adet's  communciations.  We  conjecture,  as  to  the 
timing  of  them,  that  they  were  intended  to  influence 
the  election  of  president  by  the  apprehension  of  war 
with  France.  We  suppose  also  they  are  designed  in 
the  same  way  to  give  support  to  the  partisans  of 
France,  and  that  they  have  for  eventual  object  the 
placing  things  in  just  such  a  state  as  will  leave 
France  at  liberty  to  slide  easily  either  into  a  renewal 
of  cordiality  or  an  actual  or  virtual  war  with  the 
United  States.  If  the  war  of  Europe  continues,  the 
efforts  of  France  will  be  likely  to  be  levelled  as  a 
primary  object  against  the  commerce  and  credit  of 
Great  Britain;  and  to  injure  these,  she  may  think  it 
advisable  to  make  war  upon  our  trade, — forgetting 
perhaps  that  the  consequence  may  be  to  turn  it 
more  entirely  into  the  channels  of  Great  Britain. 
These  reflections  will  be  obvious  to  you.  I  only 
make  them  to  apprise  you  of  the  view  which  is  taken 
of  the  subject  here.  Thus  far  appearances  do  not 


216  Alexander  Hamilton 

indicate  that  the  purpose  of  influencing  the  country 
has  been  obtained.  I  think,  in  the  main,  the  effect 
has  been  to  impress  the  necessity  of  adhering  more 
firmly  to  the  government. 

You  need  not  be  told  that  every  exertion  not  de 
grading  to  us  will  be  made  to  preserve  peace  with 
France.  Many  of  the  opposite  party,  however  they 
may  be  pleased  with  appearances  of  ill-humor  in 
France,  will  not  wish  to  go  to  the  length  of  war. 
And  we  shall  endeavor  to  avoid  it  in  pursuance  of 
our  general  plan  of  preserving  peace  with  all  the 
world.  Yet  you  may  depend  that  we  shall  not  sub 
mit  to  be  dictated  to,  or  to  be  forced  into  a  departure 
from  our  plan  of  neutrality,  unless  to  repel  an  attack 
upon  us. 

Our  anxiety  has  been  extreme  on  the  subject  of 
the  election  for  president.  If  we  may  trust  our  in 
formation,  which  we  have  every  reason  to  trust,  it  is 
now  decided  that  neither  Jefferson  nor  Burr  can  be 
president.  It  must  be  either  Adams  or  Pinckney — 
the  first  most  probably.  By  the  throwing  away  of 
votes  in  New  England,  lest  Pinckney  should  outrun 
Adams,  it  is  not  unlikely  that  Jefferson  will  be  vice- 
president.  The  event  will  not  a  little  mortify  Burr. 
Virginia  has  given  him  only  one  vote. 

It  was  expected  of  course  that  the  Senate's  answer 
to  the  President  would  be  flattering  to  him.  But 
the  speech  in  the  House  of  Representatives  has  been 
better  than  was  expected.  An  address,  which  I 
have  not  seen,  but  stated  by  our  friends  to  be  a 
very  good  one,  has  passed  the  House  with  only 
twelve  dissenting,  consisting  of  the  most  fiery  spirits. 


Private  Correspondence  217 

The  address  is  not  only  generally  complimentary  to 
the  President,  but  includes,  it  is  said,  an  explicit 
approbation  of  his  administration,  which  caused  the 
division.  Edward  Livingston  is  in  the  minority. 

After  giving  you  these  consolatory  accounts,  I  am 
now  to  dash  the  cup  a  little  by  telling  you  that  Liv 
ingston  is  in  all  probability  re-elected  in  this  city. 
The  principal  cause  has  been  an  unacceptable  can 
didate  on  our  part — James  Watson.  There  were 
four  gentlemen  who  would  certainly  have  succeeded, 
but  none  of  them  would  accept.  In  Watson  we 
could  not  unite  opinions.  He  was  more  disagreeable 
than  I  had  supposed  to  a  large  body  of  our  friends, 
and  yet,  after  the  declining  of  the  persons  alluded  to, 
we  could  not  do  otherwise  than  support  him ;  for  he 
had  gotten  a  strong  hold  upon  most  of  the  leading 
mechanics  who  act  with  us. 

But  in  the  State  at  large  we  shall  better  our  re 
presentation,  and  I  hope  for  a  majority  in  the  House 
of  Representatives.  As  an  omen  of  this  there  are 
several  new  members  in  Congress  from  different 
States  who  hitherto  vote  with  our  friends. 

The  favorable  change  in  the  conduct  of  Great 
Britain  towards  us  strengthens  the  hands  of  the 
friends  of  order  and  peace.  It  is  much  to  be  de 
sired  that  a  treatment  in  all  respects  unexception 
able  from  that  quarter  should  obviate  all  pretext  to 
inflame  the  public  mind. 

We  are  laboring  hard  to  establish  in  this  country 
principles  more  and  more  national  and  free  from  all 
foreign  ingredients,  so  that  we  may  be  neither 
"  Greeks  nor  Trojans,"  but  truly  Americans. 


218  Alexander  Hamilton 

TO   OLIVER   WOLCOTT 

NEW  YORK,  Dec.  21,  1796. 

DEAR  SIR: 

I  did  not  understand  by  your  letter  of  the  i7th  of 
November  whether  you  meant  or  not  to  authorize 
the  immediate  commencement  of  the  sale  of  stock. 
If  you  think  this  measure  will  become  indispensable, 
it  may  be  well  to  anticipate  the  execution;  though, 
indeed,  sales  of  stock  are  at  this  juncture  nearly  im 
practicable.  Yet  I  imagine  it  will  be  agreeable  to  the 
bank  to  have  permission  to  anticipate. 

A  very  prudent  letter  has  lately  been  written  by 
the  president  of  the  Bank  of  the  United  States  to 
the  Office  of  Discount  here,  among  other  things  ad 
vising  a  reduction  of  the  balance  due  from  the  Bank 
of  New  York  to  100,000  dollars.  This  letter,  which 
in  my  opinion  leaves,  as  it  ought  to  do,  to  the  di 
rectors  of  the  office  here,  discretion  to  execute  the 
idea  with  due  regard  to  circumstances,  has,  however, 
been  construed  by  them  in  too  peremptory  a  light; 
and  accordingly  they  have  drawn  from  the  Bank  of 
New  York  pretty  rapidly  150,000  dollars,  which 
begets  an  apprehension  that  subsequent  calls  may 
be  equally  rapid,  and,  exciting  fear  and  jealousy,  is 
likely  to  produce  too  sudden  a  retrenchment  of  the 
business  of  the  Bank  of  New  York.  And  as  the 
office,  being  confined,  as  they  suppose,  to  discount 
ing  twice  their  capital,  cannot,  by  increased  accom 
modations,  fill  the  void,  there  is  danger  of  stagnating 
and  convulsing  the  business  of  the  city  so  as  to  give 
a  shock  to  credit.  The  directors  here  are  sensible  of 
the  danger,  but  several  of  them  take  the  intimation 


Private  Correspondence  219 

from  Philadelphia  in  too  strict  a  sense,  and  cannot 
resolve  to  alleviate  the  apprehensions  of  the  Bank  of 
New  York. 

Though  the  Bank  of  New  York  has  reduced  and  is 
reducing  its  discounts,  there  are  circumstances  of 
the  moment  which  continue  to  incline  the  balance  in 
favor  of  the  office,  but  it  is  easy  to  see,  taking  in  the 
payments  of  the  government  in  February,  that  there 
will  be  a  natural  change,  and  consequently  it  is  every 
way  imprudent  to  force  them. 

If  the  last  loan  of  the  Bank  of  New  York  to  gov 
ernment  had  no  other  use  than  that  which  you  hint, 
this  still  was  very  important.  And  it  is  interesting 
all  round  that  a  disposition  should  exist  to  repeat 
similar  accommodations.  But  you  easily  see  how 
cautious  and  disaffected  spirits  are  armed  against  it 
when  they  can  say,  "We  told  you  that  you  would 
embarrass  yourself  by  your  loan  to  government," 
and  in  truth  if  this  had  not  been  made  the  Bank  of 
New  York  would  now  stand  on  high  ground. 

Pray  interpose  with  Mr.  Willing  to  obtain  an  ex 
planatory  letter  leaving  more  clearly  the  time  and 
manner  of  accomplishing  the  reduction  of  the  present 
balance  to  their  discretion. 

I  will  say  nothing  more  of  an  anticipated  payment, 
but  if  this  were  practicable  to  the  extent  of  50,000 
or  100,000  dollars  it  would  be  consolatory  to  the  direc 
tors  and  leave  the  residue  more  to  your  convenience. 

Don't  derive  from  this  letter  any  source  of  alarm. 
Every  thing  is  sound  with  both  banks  here.  I  know 
the  state  of  both.  But  there  is  danger  that  fear  and 
jealousy  in  the  directors  of  the  Bank  of  New  York 


22O  Alexander  Hamilton 

may  produce  evil  which  it  is  unnecessary  to  hazard. 
I  wish  to  see  your  report  on  direct  taxes. 

I  shall  send  you,  the  first  opportunity,  the  volume 
of  "Reports  of  Courts." 

P.  S. — Mr.  Caleb  Brewster  is  a  candidate  for  the 
office  of  first  mate  in  the  revenue  cutter  here.  I  re 
member  he  rendered  very  meritorious  services  in 
the  war,  and  I  am  told  has  been  bred  a  seaman.  In 
these  respects  he  has  a  good  claim.  His  character 
otherwise  is  not  known  to  me.  But  if  it  affords  no 
objection,  I  think  he  will  be  an  eligible  man. 

It  is  said  Walker  is  to  resign.  In  this  case  Jonathan 
Burrall  wishes  to  succeed.  There  cannot,  you  know, 
be  a  more  fit  man,  and  he  will  be  entirely  acceptable 
here.1 


TO   THEO.    FOSTER,    ESQ.2 

PHILADELPHIA,  i  Sept.,  1791. 

DEAR  SIR: 

I  have  had  the  pleasure  of  receiving  your  two 
letters  of  the  23rd  July  &  4th  of  August.  You  con 
cluded  rightly  that  it  could  require  no  apology  for 
entering  into  the  detail  with  which  you  have  favored 
me.  On  a  subject  so  interesting  to  your  State,  your 
desire  to  communicate  information  was  indulged 

1  Now  first  printed  from  the  Wolcott  papers,  in  the  possession  of  the 
Connecticut  Historical  Society. 

2  This  letter  of  Hamilton's  to  Theo.  Foster  is  now  (1904)  for  the 
first  time  printed.     The  publishers  are  indebted  to  the  courtesy  of 
Mr.  G.  H.  Crawford  and  to  the  Hamilton  Club,  of  Brooklyn,  for  per 
mission  to  use  the  letter  in  this  set.     Theo.  Foster  was  United  States 
Senator  from  Rhode  Island  in  1790. 


Private  Correspondence  221 

with  peculiar  propriety,  &  on  any  subject  I  shall 
always  esteem  myself  obliged  by  your  sentiments. 
Thoroughly  impressed  with  the  hardship  of  a  de 
cision  against  the  certificates  which  had  been  sur 
rendered  to  the  State  by  their  Proprietors,  I  did  not 
come  to  it  without  a  serious  struggle  between  my 
Judgment  &  my  Wishes;  but  after  mature  delibera 
tion  I  saw  no  way  of  allowing  those  Certificates  to  be 
received  on  the  proposed  loan  which  would  not  in 
volve  inextricable  embarrassment.  All  the  States 
have  called  in  large  portions  of  their  respective  Debts. 
There  is  good  reason  to  believe,  that  on  a  close  in 
vestigation  Rhode  Island  might  not  be  found  to  be 
the  only  State  in  which  they  had  been  so  called  in  for 
a  very  inadequate  consideration.  And  tho'  it  might 
be  urged  to  distinguish  the  case,  that  Rhode  Island 
alone  compelled  the  surrender,  on  pain  of  forfeiture, 
it  might  be  answered  that  in  sound  equity,  there  is 
no  very  material  distinction  between  obliging  Per 
sons  to  surrender  their  property  for  less  than  its 
value,  under  the  penalty  of  confiscation  and  laying 
them  tinder  a  necessity  of  doing  the  same  thing, 
from  the  total  and  deliberate  neglect  of  a  better  pro 
vision.  Be  this  as  it  may,  I  saw  no  safe  rule,  that 
would  be  admitted  to  be  such  by  even  the  candid 
part  of  those,  whose  interest  it  might  be  to  dispute  it, 
by  which  I  could  pronounce  that  Certificates  sur 
rendered  and  cancelled  by  the  Mutual  Acts  of  the 
Creditor  and  Debtor  should  be  permitted  to  receive 
and  acquire  validity  in  respect  to  one  State  and  not 
in  respect  to  another.  And  without  such  rule,  all 
the  extinguished  portions  of  the  Debts  of  all  the 


222  Alexander  Hamilton 

States  might,  if  they  should  think  proper  to  make  it 
so,  acquire  a  capacity  of  being  subscribed  towards 
the  assumption.  Where  this  would  lead  it  is  not 
necessary  to  say.  The  two  Carolinas  have  actually 
passed  laws  for  subscribing  the  portions  of  their 
respective  Debts  which  have  been  extinguished  by 
them — the  only  answer  I  can  give  is  that  a  Bond 
surrendered  as  discharged  constitutes  no  Debt  and 
that  in  every  such  case,  there  is  no  Debt  to  be 
assumed. 

I  cannot  allow  an  after  act  of  a  State  to  create  a 
Debt  within  the  meaning  of  the  funding  Act,  which 
it  cannot  be  admitted  to  have  contemplated  as  then 
in  existence.  It  may  be  asked,  How  then  shall 
the  Certificates  which  remained  in  the  hands  of 
Individuals,  but  which  were  forfeited  by  the  law  of 
the  State,  be  admitted  upon  the  Loan,  any  more  than 
those  which  were  surrendered?  This  is  a  question 
not  wholly  free  from  difficulty;  but  if  I  had  found 
no  distinction  satisfactory  to  my  own  mind,  I  should 
have  been  obliged  to  reject  the  whole.  Such  a  dis 
tinction,  however,  was  in  my  opinion  to  be  found. 
Upon  principle,  it  is  a  general  rule,  that  the  dissolu 
tion  of  a  contract  by  one  party  without  the  con 
currence  of  the  other,  is  void. 

The  Creditors  who  did  not  concur  may  claim  the 
benefit  of  that  rule  and  it  is  to  be  supposed  that  it 
was  the  intention  of  Congress,  they  should  have  it. 
It  may  be  said  to  be  a  legal  presumption  that  Con 
gress,  at  the  time  of  passing  the  funding  Act,  was 
acquainted  with  the  laws  of  Rhode  Island  respecting 
the  Certificates.  And  in  point  of  fact  the  generality 


Private  Correspondence  223 

of  them  were  so  at  least  in  substance.  They  must, 
therefore,  have  been  apprised,  that  if  the  forfeiture 
annexed  in  those  laws  to  the  not  bringing  in  the 
certificates  for  payment  was  to  prevail,  there  was  no 
debt  of  the  State  of  Rhode  Island  to  be  assumed. 
By  assuming  a  Sum  of  200,000  Dollars,  a  sum  by  the 
way  nearly  corresponding  with  the  amount  of  the 
outstanding  Certificates,  the  clear  inference  is  that 
they  meant  to  consider  those  Certificates  as  in  force, 
and  the  forfeiture  as  far  as  regarded  the  assumption, 
as  inoperative.  But  it  is  not  a  reasonable  presump 
tion,  that  they  could  have  intended  to  comprise  the 
surrendered  Certificates,  which  could  not  even  be 
repossessed  by  the  individual  proprietors  without 
a  subsequent  act  of  the  State. 

I  have  made  some  suggestions  in  this  letter,  which 
I  should  perhaps  have  omitted  if  I  had  considered  it 
as  strictly  official,  and  therefore  request  that  it  may 
be  received  as  a  private  and  in  some  sort  a  confi 
dential  communication. 

I  cannot  lose  the  opportunity  of  expressing  to  you 
that  I  feel  myself  truly  and  very  much  indebted  to 
the  Senators  of  Rhode  Island  for  the  very  flattering 
manner  in  which  they  have  made  mention  of  the 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury  in  their  late  communication 
to  the  State. 

The  measure  of  their  approbation  certainly  ex 
ceeds  that  of  his  services  or  pretentions. 

With  respectful  consideration  and  real  regard,  I 
have  the  honor  to  be 

Dear  Sir 

Your  obedient  Servant. 


224  Alexander  Hamilton 

TO    OLIVER   WOLCOTT 

December  23,  1796. 

MY  DEAR  SIR: 

I  wrote  to  you  two  days  ago  on  the  subject  of 
obtaining  an  instruction  from  the  Bank  of  the 
United  States  to  the  direction  of  the  office  here  to 
prevent  a  speedy  repetition  of  these  calls  on  the 
Bank  of  New  York.  This  bank  has  so  large  a  pro 
portion  of  its  whole  capital  in  the  power  of  the  office 
that,  if  it  be  not  tranquillized  on  the  subject  of 
demands  from  that  quarter,  it  will  be  driven  to  such 
violent  operations  as  cannot  fail  to  convulse  credit, 
and,  among  other  evils,  prevent  the  collection  of  the 
revenues.  The  danger  is  urgent,  and  a  prompt  ex 
planation  is  essential. 

The  situation  of  the  Bank  of  New  York  is,  no 
doubt,  materially  owing  to  the  prolongation  of  the 
old  and  the  new  loan  to  government.  Its  capital  is 
900,000  dollars;  its  discount,  1,600,000.  Here  is 
certainly  no  imprudence. 

Many  of  the  merchants  here  are  anxious  for  an 
accommodation  for  the  duties  similar  to  that  which 
I  upon  certain  trying  occasions  made.  I  know  not 
what  is  possible  on  your  part.1 


TO   WILLIAM   SMITH 

1797. 
MY  DEAR  SIR: 

I  received  your  letter  of  the .     Though  I  do 

not  like  in  some  respects  the  answer  of  the  House  to 
the  speech,  yet  I  frankly  own  that  I  had  no  objection 

1  Now  first  printed  from  the  Wolcott  papers,  in  the  possession  of  the 
Connecticut  Historical  Society. 


Private  Correspondence  225 

to  see  it  softened  down.  For  I  think  there  is  no  use 
in  hard  words — and  in  public  proceedings  would 
almost  always  unite  the  suaviter  in  modo  with  the 
fortiter  in  re. 

But  I  must  regret  that  there  is  no  prospect  of  the 
fortiter  in  re.  I  perceive  clearly  that  your  measures 
will  wear  upon  the  whole  the  aspect  of  resentment, 
without  means  or  energy  sufficient  to  repel  injury. 
Our  country  will  be  first  ruined,  and  then  we  shall 
begin  to  think  of  defending  ourselves. 

I  will  not  enter  much  into  detail,  but  I  will  observe 
that  instead  of  three  frigates  of  thirty-two,  I  would 
prefer  an  increase  of  the  number  of  cutters.  Surely 
twenty  of  these  cannot  embarrass  the  most  squeam 
ish,  and  less  than  this  number  will  be  useless. 

But  from  all  I  can  see  you  will  have  no  revenue. 
Overdriven  theory  everywhere  palsies  the  operations 
of  our  government,  and  renders  all  rational  practice 
impossible. 

My  ideas  of  revenue  would  be : 

A  tax  on  buildings $1,000,000 

Stamp  tax,  including  perfumeries  —  a  per 
centage  on  policies   of    insurance — on 
collateral  successions  to  real  and  per 
sonal  estate — on  hats — say    .         .         .          500,000 
5  cents  for  the  worst,    10  for  the  middling, 

and  20  for  the  best  saddle-horses         .          250,000 
Salt,  so  as  to  make  the  whole  25  per  cent.         250,000 

$2,000,000 

I  have  explained  my  ideas  of  the  house  tax  to 
Wolcott  and  Sedgwick. 

It  is  to  take  certain  criteria  of  different  buildings, 


VOL    X.— 15. 


226  Alexander  Hamilton 

and  annex  to  them  ratios,  not  rates.  (What  I  gave 
to  Sedgwick  as  rates  may  serve  as  ratios.)  Then 
apportion  the  tax  among  the  States,  and  distribute 
the  quota  of  each  among  the  individuals  according 
to  ratios.  The  aggregate  of  the  ratios  will  represent 
the  quota  of  the  State — then,  as  that  aggregate  is  to 
be  the  sum  of  the  quota,  so  will  be  ike  sum  of  the 
ratios  of  each  building  to  the  tax  to  be  paid  by  each 
individual. 

I  am  told  an  objection  will  arise  from  the  negro 
houses  in  the  South.  Surely  there  is  no  impractica 
bility  in  annexing  ratios  to  them  which  will  be  pro 
portional  to  their  taxable  value.  This  plan  will 
avoid  the  worst  of  all  inconveniences — arbitrary 
valuations ;  and  will  avoid  the  embarrassment  for  the 
present  of  a  land  tax;  will  be  also  consistent  with 
expedition.  I  entertain  no  doubt  it  can  be  adjusted 
so  as  to  be  free  from  any  material  objection.  The 
smallness  of  the  tax  will  render  any  material  in 
equality  impossible.  You  cannot  compute  fewer 
than  six  hundred  thousand  houses,  which,  at  an 
average,  would  be  about  a  dollar  and  a  half  a  house. 
The  proportions  of  the  better  houses  on  the  proposed 
plan  would  make  the  tax  fall  light  on  the  inferior  and 
country  houses,  which  is  desirable  for  recommending 
the  first  essay;  nor  would  any  house  I  am  persuaded 
have  to  pay  ten  dollars.  What  room  for  serious 
objection  ?  You  then  lay  a  foundation  for  an  annual 
million  on  real  property,  which  will  become  a  per 
manent  accession  to  your  revenue;  whereas  you  will 
feel  an  endless  embarrassment  about  agreeing  upon 
any  tax  on  lands. 


Private  Correspondence  227 

TO 

1797. 

You  seem  to  be  of  opinion  to  defer  to  a  future 
period  the  commencement  of  direct  taxation.  I 
acknowledge  I  am  inclined  to  lay  hold  of  it  now.  The 
leaders  (Findley,  Gallatin,  Madison,  Nicholas)  of  the 
opposite  party  favor  it  now  perhaps  with  no  good 
design.  But  it  will  be  well  to  take  them  while  in  the 
humor,  and  make  them  share  the  responsibility. 
This  will  be  the  more  easy,  as  they  are  inclined  to 
take  the  lead.  Our  external  affairs  are  so  situated, 
that  it  seems  to  me  indispensable  to  open  new  springs 
of  revenue,  and  press  forward  our  little  naval  pre 
paration,  and  be  ready  for  augmenting  it. 

I  have  been  reading  the  report  of  the  Secretary  of 
the  Treasury  on  this  subject.  I  think  it  does  him 
credit.  The  general  principles  and  objects  are  cer 
tainly  good ;  nor  am  I  sure  that  any  thing  better  can 
be  done.  I  remember  that  I  once  promised  you  to 
put  in  writing  my  ideas  on  the  subject.  I  intended 
to  have  done  it,  and  communicated  them  to  the 
Secretary.  My  hurry  and  press  of  business  pre 
vented  me,  but  I  concluded  lately  to  devote  an 
evening  to  a  rude  sketch  and  to  send  it  to  you.  You 
may  show  it  to  the  Secretary  and  confer.  If,  in  the 
course  of  the  thing,  it  can  be  useful  to  the  general  end 
we  all  have  in  view,  it  will  give  me  pleasure.  If  not, 
there  will  have  been  but  little  time  misspent.  Of 
course,  no  use  will  be  made  of  it  in  contradiction  to 
the  views  of  the  Treasury  department. 

As  to  the  part  which  relates  to  land,  I  do  not  feel 


228  Alexander  Hamilton 

any  strong  preference  of  my  plan  to  that  in  report; 
for  this,  in  my  opinion,  ought  to  be  considered  only 
as  an  auxiliary,  and  not  as  the  pith  of  the  tax.  But 
I  have  a  strong  preference  of  my  plan  of  a  house  tax 
to  that  in  the  report.  These  are  my  reasons:  It  is 
more  comprehensive,  embracing  all  houses,  and  will 
be  proportionally  more  productive.  It  is  more  cer 
tain,  avoiding  the  evasions  and  partialities  to  which 
valuations  will  forever  be  liable,  and  I  think  is  for 
that  reason  likely  to  be  at  least  as  equal.  I  entertain 
no  doubt  that  the  rules  of  rates,  adapted  as  they  are 
to  characterize  circumstances,  will  in  fact  be  more 
favorable  to  equality  than  appraisements.  I  think 
the  idea  of  taxing  only  houses  of  above  a  certain 
annual  value  will  be  dissatisfactory.  The  com 
parison  of  the  proprietors  of  houses  immediately 
above  with  those  immediately  below  the  line  will 
beget  discontent,  and  the  errors  of  valuation  will 
increase  it.  I  think  there  will  be  a  great  advantage 
in  throwing  the  weight  of  the  tax  on  houses,  as  well 
because  lands  are  more  difficult  to  manage,  as  be 
cause  it  will  fall  in  a  manner  less  dissatisfactory.  I 
would  not  bear  hard  in  this  way.  I  would  add,  as 
aid,  the  taxes  contemplated  last  session  on  stamps, 
collateral  successions — new  modifications  of  some 
articles  of  imports,  and,  let  me  add,  saddle-horses. 
The  idea  of  taxing  slaves  generally  will  not  work 
well.  If  confined  to  all  menial  servants  for  luxury, 
as  coachmen,  footmen,  cooks,  etc.,  it  would  be 
eligible.1 

1  Reprinted  from  the  History  of  the  Republic,  vi.,  592. 


Private  Correspondence  229 

TO   WASHINGTON 

NEW  YORK,  Jan.  19,  1797. 

SIR: 

Mrs.  De  Neuville,  widow  of  Mr.  De  Neuville,1 
formerly  of  Holland,  lately  passed  through  this  city. 
On  her  way  she  called  upon  me,  and  announced  her 
intention  to  make  application  to  Congress,  on  the 
ground  of  the  political  services  rendered  the  United 
States  by  her  husband  as,  in  fact,  a  principal  cause 
of  his  pecuniary  misfortunes,  and  expressed  a  wish 
that  I  would  lay  the  case  under  your  eye.  I  told  her 
that  your  situation  did  not  permit  you  to  take  an 
agency  in  similar  matters  depending  before  Congress, 
and  that  you  were  very  delicate  on  such  subjects. 
She  replied  that  you  might,  perhaps,  indirectly  pro 
mote  her  cause,  and  that  from  a  letter  from  you  to 
her  husband,  she  was  encouraged  to  think  you  would 
be  disposed  to  befriend  her.  I  yielded  at  last  to 
female  importunity,  and  promised  to  mention  the 
matter.  I  do  not  know  what  the  case  admits  of,  but 
from  papers  which  she  showed  me,  it  would  seem 
that  she  has  pretensions  on  the  kindness  of  this 
country. 

Our  merchants  here  are  becoming  very  uneasy  on 
the  subject  of  the  French  captures  and  seizures. 
They  are  certainly  very  perplexing  and  alarming, 
and  present  an  evil  of  a  magnitude  to  be  intolerable, 

1  John  De  Neuville,  of  the  Dutch  banking-house  of  John  De  Neuville 
&  Sons.  He  was  an  active,  agreeable,  speculative  man,  who  had  more 
or  less  to  do  with  our  financial  efforts  during  the  war.  He  made 
propositions  to  Franklin,  which  were  dismissed  as  extravagant,  and 
John  Adams,  with  many  misgivings  and  ultimate  disapproval,  had 
some  dealings  with  him. 


230  Alexander  Hamilton 

if  not  shortly  remedied.  My  anxiety  to  preserve 
peace  with  France  is  known  to  you,  and  it  must  be 
the  wish  of  every  prudent  man  that  no  honorable 
expedient  for  avoiding  a  rupture  be  omitted.  Yet 
there  are  bounds  to  all  things.  This  country  cannot 
see  its  trade  an  absolute  prey  to  France  without  re 
sistance.  We  seem  to  be  where  we  were  with  Great 
Britain  when  Mr.  Jay  was  sent  there,  and  I  cannot 
discern  but  that  the  spirit  of  the  policy,  then  pur 
sued  with  regard  to  England,  will  be  the  proper  one 
now  in  respect  to  France — viz. :  a  solemn  and  final 
appeal  to  the  justice  and  interest  of  France,  and  if 
this  will  not  do,  measures  of  self-defence.  Any  thing 
is  better  than  absolute  humiliation.  France  has 
already  gone  much  further  than  Great  Britain  ever 
did. 

I  give  vent  to  my  impressions  on  this  subject, 
though  I  am  persuaded  your  own  reflections  cannot 
materially  vary. 


TO   WILLIAM   SMITH 

January  19,  1797. 

MY  DEAR  SIR: 

Mrs.  De  Neuville,  widow  of  Mr.  De  Neuville,1 
formerly  of  Holland,  is  on  her  way  to  Philadelphia  to 
solicit  the  kindness  of  Congress  in  virtue  of  services 
rendered  the  American  cause  by  her  husband.  You 
probably  know  their  history,  as  South  Carolina  was 
particularly  concerned.  From  what  I  have  heard,  it 
seems  to  me  her  pretensions,  on  the  score  of  her 

1  See  above  to  Washington,  January  19,  1797. 


Private  Correspondence  231 

husband,  to  the  kindness  of  this  country,  are  strong; 
as  a  distressed  and  amiable  woman,  she  has  a  claim 
to  everybody's  kindness. 

What  are  you  about  in  Congress?  Our  affairs 
seem  to  be  at  a  very  critical  point  with  France.  We 
seem  to  be  brought  to  the  same  point  with  her  as  we 
were  with  Great  Britain  when  Mr.  Jay  was  sent 
there.  One  last  effort  of  negotiation  to  produce 
accommodation  and  redress,  or  measures  of  self- 
defence.  Have  you  any  thoughts  of  an  embargo? 
There  may  be  erelong  a  necessity  for  it.  Are  you  in 
earnest  about  the  additional  revenue?  this  is  very 
necessary. 


TO   THEODORE    SEDGWICK 

January  20,  1797. 

DEAR  SIR: 

I  received  your  late  letter  in  due  time.  You  seem 
to  be  of  opinion  to  defer  to  a  future  period  the  com 
mencement  of  direct  taxation.  I  acknowledge  I  am 
inclined  to  lay  gently  hold  of  it  now.  Leaders  of  the 
opposite  party  favor  it  now,  perhaps,  with  no  good 
design.  But  it  will  be  well  to  take  them  while  in 
the  humor,  and  make  them  share  the  responsibility. 
This  will  be  the  more  easy  as  they  are  inclined  to 
take  the  lead.  Our  external  affairs  are  so  situated, 
that  it  seems  to  me  indispensable  to  open  new  springs 
of  revenue,  and  press  forward  our  little  naval  pre 
paration,  and  be  ready  for  augmenting  it.  But,  on 
the  whole,  I  have  always  leaned  to  the  opinion  that 
half  a  million  from  direct  taxes  was  not  enough  to 
begin  with,  nor  should  I  have  proposed  more. 


232  Alexander  Hamilton 

What  are  we  to  do  with  regard  to  our  good  allies? 
Are  we  to  leave  our  commerce  a  free  prey  to  them? 
I  hope  not.  It  seems  to  me  we  are  even  beyond  the 
point  at  which  we  were  with  Great  Britain  when  Mr. 
Jay  was  sent  thither,  and  that  some  thing  like  a 
similar  plan  ought  to  be  pursued — that  is,  we  ought 
to  make  a  final  effort  to  accommodate,  and  then  re 
sort  to  measures  of  defence.  I  believe  erelong  an 
embargo  on  our  own  vessels  will  be  advisable — to  last 
till  the  conduct  of  France  changes,  or  till  it  is  ascer 
tained  it  will  not  change.  In  the  last  event,  the  fol 
lowing  system  may  be  adopted:  to  grant  special 
letters  of  marque,  with  authority  to  repel  aggressors 
and  capture  assailants;  to  equip  our  frigates ;  to  arm 
a  number  of  sloops-of-war  of  existing  vessels  to  con 
voy  our  merchantmen.  This  may  be  a  middle  term 
of  general  hostility,  though  it  may  slide  into  the 
latter.  Yet,  in  this  case,  it  may  be  well  to  let 
France  make  the  progress.  But  at  all  events  we 
must  protect  our  commerce  and  save  our  honor. 

As  to  the  balance  business,  the  agitation  has  been 
every  way  unfortunate.  There  is  not  an  individual 
in  the  State  of  New  York  who  is  not  profoundly 
convinced  that  the  settlement  was  wholly  artificial, 
and  as  it  regarded  the  rule  of  quoting,  manifestly 
unjust,  and  consequently,  that  there  is  no  justice  in 
paying  it.  I  never  saw  but  one  mode  of  getting 
through  the  business,  which  is  for  Congress  to  call 
for  a  certain  sum  of  each  debtor  State  annually,  say 
a  fiftieth  part,  declaring  that  if  not  paid,  each  instal 
ment  shall  bear  interest  from  the  time  it  becomes 
due,  but  till  then  the  principal  to  carry  no  interest. 


Private  Correspondence  233 

I  believe  the  State  for  harmony's  sake  would  yield  to 
such  an  arrangement.  It  may  be  said  this  will  be 
only  a  nominal  payment.  I  answer,  true,  but  an 
artificial  balance  ought  only  to  be  nominally  paid. 
The  conduct  of  some  gentlemen  in  the  late  question 
has  pained  me  much.  It  is  inconsistent  with  a  tacit 
pledge  of  faith.  Every  New  Yorker  who  had  any 
thing  to  do  with  our  fiscal  arrangements  has  been 
personally  compromised. 


TO   WASHINGTON 

January  22,  1797. 

SIR: 

The  sitting  of  the  court  and  an  uncommon  pressure 
of  business  have  unavoidably  delayed  an  answer  to 
your  last  favor.  I  have  read  with  attention  Mr. 
Pickering's  letter.  It  is,  in  the  main,  a  substantial 
and  satisfactory  paper — will,  in  all  probability,  do 
considerable  good  in  enlightening  public  opinion  at 
home,  and  I  do  not  know  that  it  contains  any  thing 
which  will  do  harm  elsewhere.  It  wants,  however,  in 
various  parts,  that  management  of  expression  and 
suaviter  in  modo  which  a  man  more  used  to  diplo 
matic  communications  could  have  given  it,  and  which 
would  have  been  happy  if  united  with  its  other 
merits. 

I  have  reflected  as  maturely  as  time  has  permitted 
on  the  idea  of  an  extraordinary  mission  to  France,  and, 
notwithstanding  the  objections,  I  rather  incline  to  it 
under  some  shape  or  other.  As  an  imitation  of  what 
was  done  in  the  case  of  Great  Britain,  it  will  argue 
to  the  people  equal  solicitude.  To  France  it  will 


234  Alexander  Hamilton 

have  a  similar  aspect  (for  Pinckney  will  be  considered 
there  as  a  mere  substitute  in  ordinary  course  to  Mr. 
Monroe),  and  will  in  some  degree  soothe  her  pride. 
The  influence  on  party,  if  a  man  in  whom  the  oppo 
sition  has  confidence  is  sent,  will  be  considerable  in 
the  event  of  non-success ;  and  it  will  be  to  France  a 
bridge  over  which  she  may  more  easily  retreat. 

The  best  form  of  the  thing,  in  my  view,  is  a  com 
mission  including  three  persons,  who  may  be  called 
commissioners  plenipotentiary  and  extraordinary. 
Two  of  these  should  be  Mr.  Madison  and  Mr.  Pinck 
ney  ;  a  third  may  be  taken  from  the  Northern  States, 
and  I  know  of  none  better  than  Mr.  Cabot,  who,  or 
any  two  of  whom,  may  be  empowered  to  act. 

Mr.  Madison  will  have  the  confidence  of  the  French 
and  of  the  opposition.  Mr.  Pinckney  will  have  some 
iking  of  the  same  advantage  in  an  inferior  degree. 
Mr.  Cabot,  without  being  able  to  prevent  their  doing 
what  is  right,  will  be  a  salutary  check  upon  too  much 
Gallicism,  and  his  real  commercial  knowledge  will 
supply  their  want  of  it.  Besides  that,  he  will  enjoy 
the  confidence  of  all  the  friends  of  the  Administra 
tion.  His  disposition  to  preserve  peace  is  ardent  and 
unqualified. 

This  plan,  too,  I  think,  will  consist  with  all  reason 
able  attention  to  Mr.  Pinckney 's  feelings. 

Or  (which,  however,  I  think  less  eligible)  Mr. 
Madison  and  Mr.  Pinckney  only  may  be  joint  com 
missioners,  without  a  third  person.  Mr.  Cabot,  if 
appointed  without  being  consulted,  will,  I  think, 
certainly  go.  If  not,  the  other  two  may  act  without 
him. 


Private  Correspondence  235 

The  power  to  the  commissioners  will  be  to  adjust 
amicably  mutual  compensations  and  the  compen 
sations  which  may  be  due  by  either  party,  and  to 
revise  and  remodify  the  political  and  commercial 
relations  of  the  two  countries. 

In  the  exercise  of  their  power  they  must  be  re 
strained  by  precise  instructions  to  do  nothing  in 
consistent  with  our  other  existing  treaties,  or  with 
the  principles  of  construction  of  those  with  France 
adopted  by  our  executive  government,  as  declared  in 
its  public  acts  and  communications;  and  nothing  to 
extend  our  political  relations  in  respect  to  alliance, 
but  to  endeavor  to  get  rid  of  the  mutual  guaranty  in 
the  treaty,  or,  if  that  shall  be  impracticable,  to 
stipulate  specific  succors  in  lieu  of  it,  as  so  many 
troops,  so  many  ships,  so  much  money,  etc. ;  strictly 
confining  the  casus  fcederis  to  future  defensive  wars, 
after  a  general  and  complete  pacification  terminating 
the  present  war,  and  defining  offensive  war  to  be, 
where  there  is  either  a  full  declaration  of  war  against 
the  ally,  or  a  first  commission  of  actual  hostility  on 
the  territory  or  property  of  the  ally  by  invasion  or 
capture.  As  to  commerce,  with  the  above  restric 
tions,  there  may  be  full  discretion.  These  are 
merely  inaccurate  outlines. 

Unless  Mr.  Madison  will  go,  there  is  scarcely 
another  character  that  will  afford  advantage. 

Cogent  motives  of  public  utility  must  prevail  over 
personal  considerations.  Mr.  Pinckney  may  be  told, 
in  a  private  letter  from  you,  that  this  is  an  unavoid 
able  concession  to  the  pressure  of  public  exigency  and 
the  state  of  internal  parties. 


236  Alexander  Hamilton 

TO   TIMOTHY   PICKERING 

January  23,  1797. 

DEAR  SIR: 

I  remember  that  very  early  in  the  day,  and  prior 
to  any  act  of  Great  Britain,  the  French  passed  a 
decree  violating,  with  regard  to  all  the  neutral 
powers,  the  principle  of  free  ships,  free  goods,  and  I 
think  making  provisions  liable  to  seizure.  This  de 
cree  was  afterwards  rescinded  as  to  America — then 
again  revived,  and  then  again  revoked.  I  want 
copies  of  these  decrees  for  a  particular  purpose  useful 
to  the  government,  and  presuming  they  must  be  on 
the  files  of  your  department,  you  will  oblige  me  much 
by  letting  me  have  copies  as  speedily  as  may  be 
convenient. 


TO  TIMOTHY   PICKERING 

NEW  YORK,  Feb.  6,  1797. 

DEAR  SIR: 

I  duly  received  your  letter  of  the  23d  of  January, 
with  its  enclosure,  for  which  I  am  much  obliged  to 
you.  I  have  read  it  with  great  pleasure.  It  is  a 
substantial,  satisfactory  paper;  will  do  good  in  this 
country;  and  as  to  France,  I  presume  events  will 
govern  there. 

Is  it  not  proper  to  call  upon  the  merchants  to 
furnish  your  department  with  statements  and  proofs 
of  the  spoliations  which  we  have  suffered  from  the 
French,  as  was  done  when  the  English  were  in  their 
mischievous  career? 

I  received  your  other  letter  with  certain  enclo 
sures. 


Private  Correspondence  237 

TO   TIMOTHY   PICKERING 

February  10,  1797. 

DEAR  SIR: 

If  I  recollect  right,  Chancellor  Livingston,  while 
Secretary  of  Foreign  Affairs,  reported  a  censure  upon 
our  commissioners  who  made  the  peace  with  Great 
Britain,  for  not  obeying  their  instructions  with  regard 
to  France.  Will  you  favor  me  in  confidence  with 
the  real  state  of  this  business?  I  was  at  the  time 
a  member  of  Congress.  It  was  immediately  on  the 
arrival  of  the  provisional  articles. 

I  hope,  my  dear  sir,  effectual  measures  are  taking 
to  bring  us  to  some  issue  with  France  to  ascertain 
whether  her  present  plan  is  to  be  persisted  in  or 
abandoned.  For,  surely,  our  commerce  ought  not 
to  be  thus  an  undefended  prey. 


TO   RUFUS   KING 

February  15,  1797. 

MY  DEAR  SIR: 

Give  me  leave  to  recall  to  your  recollection  and 
acquaintance  Mr.  De  Galon  the  bearer  of  this,  who, 
as  he  informs  me,  goes  to  Europe  on  private  business. 
I  need  not  observe  that  he  is  an  interesting  man,  as 
you  know  all  his  titles  to  the  attention  which  your 
situation  permits  you  to  afford. 

You  must  not  think  I  forget  you  because  I  do  not 
write  (for  this  is  only  my  third  letter).  I  am  over 
whelmed  in  professional  business,  and  have  scarcely 
a  moment  for  any  thing  else. 


238  Alexander  Hamilton 

You  will  have  learned  the  terrible  depredations 
which  the  French  have  committed  upon  our  trade 
in  the  West  Indies,  on  the  declared  principle  of  in 
tercepting  our  whole  trade  with  the  ports  of  her 
enemies.  This  conduct  is  making  the  impression 
which  might  be  expected,  though  not  with  that 
electric  rapidity  which  would  have  attended  similar 
treatment  from  another  power.  The  present  session 
of  Congress  is  likely  to  be  very  unproductive.  That 
body  is  in  the  situation  which  we  foresaw  certain 
awfo'-executive  maxims  would  bring  them  to. 

Mr.  Adams  is  President,  Mr.  Jefferson  is  Vice- 
President.  Our  Jacobins  say  they  are  well  pleased, 
and  that  the  lion  and  the  lamb  are  to  lie  down  to 
gether.  Mr.  Adams'  PERSONAL  friends  talk  a  little  in 
the  same  way.  "  Mr.  Jefferson  is  not  half  so  ill  a 
man  as  we  have  been  accustomed  to  think  him. 
There  is  to  be  a  united  and  a  vigorous  administra 
tion."  Skeptics  like  me  quietly  look  forward  to  the 
event,  willing  to  hope,  but  not  prepared  to  believe. 
If  Mr.  Adams  has  vanity  't  is  plain  a  plot  has  been 
laid  to  take  hold  of  it.  We  trust  his  real  good  sense 
and  integrity  will  be  a  sufficient  shield. 


TO   OLIVER   WOLCOTT 

NEW  YORK,  Feb.  17,  1797. 

I  groan,  my  dear  sir,  at  the  disgraceful  course  of 
our  affairs.  I  pity  all  those  who  are  officially  in  the 
vortex.  The  behavior  of  Congress  in  the  present 
crisis  is  a  new  political  phenomenon.  They  must  be 


Private  Correspondence  239 

severely  arraigned  before  the  bar  of  the  public.  How 
unfortunate  that  our  friends  suffer  themselves,  by 
their  passiveness,  to  be  confounded  in  the  guilt.1 


TO   THEODORE   SEDGWICK 

February  26,  1797. 

MY  DEAR  SIR: 

The  present  inimitable  course  of  our  public  affairs 
proves  me  to  be  a  very  bad  politician,  so  that  I  am 
afraid  to  suggest  any  idea  that  occurs  to  me.  Yet  I 
will  give  over  my  timidity  and  communicate  for 
your  consideration  a  reverie  which  has  struck  me. 

It  is  a  fact  that  the  resentment  of  the  French 
Government  is  very  much  levelled  at  the  actual 
President.  A  change  of  the  person  (however  un 
desirable  in  other  respects)  may  give  a  change  to 
the  passion,  and  may  also  furnish  a  bridge  to  retreat 
over.  This  is  a  great  advantage  to  a  new  president, 
and  the  most  ought  to  be  made  out  of  it.  For  it  is 
much  our  interest  to  preserve  peace,  if  we  can  with 
honor,  and  if  we  cannot,  it  will  be  very  important  to 
prove  that  no  endeavor  to  do  it  has  been  omitted. 

Were  I  Mr.  Adams,  then,  I  believe  I  should  begin 
my  presidency  by  naming  an  extraordinary  com 
mission  to  the  French  republic,  and  I  think  it  would 
consist  of  three  persons:  Mr.  Madison,  Mr.  Pinckney, 
and  Mr.  Cabot.  I  should  pursue  this  course  for 
several  reasons,  because  I  would  have  a  man  as  in 
fluential  with  the  French  as  Mr.  Madison,  yet  I 

1  Reprinted  from  the  Administrations  of  Washington  and  Adams, 
i.,  p.  443. 


240  Alexander  Hamilton 

would  not  trust  him  alone,  lest  his  Gallicism  should 
work  amiss,  because  I  would  not  wound  Mr.  Pinck- 
ney,  so  recently  sent  in  the  same  spirit;  thirdly,  I 
think  Cabot  would  mix  very  useful  ingredients  in 
the  cup. 

The  commission  should  be  charged  to  make  ex 
planations,  to  remonstrate,  to  ask  indemnification, 
and  they  should  be  empowered  to  make  a  new  treaty 
of  commerce,  not  inconsistent  with  our  other  treat 
ies,  and  perhaps  to  abrogate  or  remodify  the  treaty 
of  alliance. 

That  treaty  can  only  be  inconvenient  to  us  in  the 
future.  The  guaranty  of  our  sovereignty  and  inde 
pendence  henceforth  is  nominal.  The  guaranty  of 
the  West  India  Islands  of  France,  as  we  advance  in 
strength,  will  be  more  and  more  real.  In  future,  and 
in  a  truly  defensive  war,  I  think  we  shall  be  bound 
to  comply  efficaciously  with  our  guaranty.  Nor 
have  I  been  able  to  see  that  it  means  less  than  obliga 
tion  to  take  part  in  such  a  war  with  our  whole  force. 
I  have  no  idea  of  treaties  which  are  not  executed. 

Hence,  I  want  to  get  rid  of  that  treaty  by  mutual 
consent,  or  liquidate  its  meaning  to  a  treaty  of 
definite  succor,  in  a  clearly  defensive  war;  so  many 
men,  so  many  ships,  so  much  money,  and  to  be  fur 
nished  by  one  ally  to  the  other.  This,  of  course, 
must  be  so  managed  as  to  exclude  unequivocally  the 
present  war  in  all  its  possible  mutations.  The  idea 
of  a  definite  duration  would  also  be  useful. 

Such  objects  are  important  enough  for  three.  In 
executive  matters,  I  am  as  little  fond  as  most  people 
of  plurality,  but  I  think  it  pedantry  to  admit  no  ex- 


Private  Correspondence  241 

ceptions  to  any  general  rule,  and  I  believe,  under  the 
present  circumstances  of  the  case,  a  commission 
would  be  advisable.  I  give  my  dream  of  it  as  it 
occurred ;  you  will  do  with  it  what  you  please. 

The  idea  here  given,  to  be  useful  ought  to  be  exe 
cuted  at  once.  The  Senate  should  not  be  permitted 
to  disperse. 


TO  JAMES  McHENRY. 

March  22  (?),  1797. 

MY  DEAR  FRIEND: 

Take  my  ideas  and  weigh  them  of  a  proper  course 
of  conduct  for  our  Administration  in  the  present 
juncture. 

You  have  called  Congress.     T  is  well. 

When  the  Senate  meets  (which  I  should  be  glad  to 
see  anticipated),  send  a  Commission  Extraordinary 
to  France.  Let  it  consist  of  Jefferson  or  Madison, 
Pinckney,  and  a  third  very  safe  man,  say,  Cabot  (or 
Jay). 

Proclaim  a  religious  solemnity  to  take  place  at 
the  meeting  of  Congress. 

When  Congress  meet,  get  them  to  lay  an  embargo, 
with  liberty  to  the  Executive  to  grant  license  to  de 
part  to  vessels  armed  or  sailing  with  convoys. 

Increase  the  revenues  vigorously  and  provide 
naval  forces  for  convoys. 

Purchase  a  number  of  vessels  now  built  the  most 
fit  for  sloops-of-war  and  cutters,  and  arm  and  com 
mission  them  to  serve  as  convoys.  Grant  qualified 
letters  of  marque  to  your  merchantmen  to  arm, 

VOL.  X.— 16. 


242  Alexander  Hamilton 

defend  themselves,  and  capture  those  who  attack,  but 
not  to  cruise  or  attack. 

Form  a  provisional  army  of  25,000  men,  to  be  en 
gaged  eventually  and  have  certain  emoluments. 
Increase  your  cavalry  and  artillery  in  immediate 
service. 

Or  do  as  much  of  all  this  as  you  can.  Make  a 
last  effort  for  peace,  but  be  prepared  for  the  worst. 

The  Emperor  Paul  is  at  best  equivocal.  A  suc 
cessor  is  apt  to  differ  from  a  predecessor.  He  seems 
to  be  a  reformer,  too.  Who  can  say  into  what  scale 
his  weight  may  be  finally  thrown  ? 

If  things  shall  so  turn  that  Austria  is  driven  to 
make  peace  and  England  left  to  contend  alone,  who 
can  guarantee  us  that  France  may  not  sport  in  this 
country  a  proselyting  army? 

Even  to  get  rid  of  the  troops  if  it  fails  may  be  no 
bad  thing  to  the  government  of  that  country.  There 
is  a  possible  course  of  things  which  may  subject 
us  even  to  an  internal  invasion  by  France.  Our 
calculations  to  be  solid  should  contemplate  this 
possibility. 

I  know  in  your  Administration  there  is  a  doubt 
about  a  Commission  or  Envoy  Extraordinary.  I  am 
very  sorry  for  it,  because  I  am  sure  it  is  an  expedi 
ent  measure.  But  perhaps  France  has  said  she  will 
receive  no  minister  till  her  grievances  shall  be 
redressed. 

'T  is  hardly  possible  this  can  refer  to  any  but  a 
minister  who  is  to  reside.  A  special  extraordinary 
mission  cannot  be  intended  to  be  excluded,  because 
it  is  at  least  necessary  to  know  what  measure  of  re- 


Private  Correspondence  243 

dress  will  satisfy  if  any  is  due.  But  grant  she  will 
refuse  to  hear. 

Still,  the  great  advantage  results  of  showing  in  the 
most  glaring  light  to  our  people,  her  unreasonable 
ness,  of  disarming  a  party  of  the  plea  that  all  has 
not  been  done  which  might  be  done,  and  of  refuting 
completely  the  charge  that  the  actual  administration 
desires  war  with  France. 

But  the  enemies  of  the  government  desire  the 
measure.  T  is  the  strongest  reason  for  adopting  it. 
This  will  meet  them  on  their  own  ground  and  shut 
their  mouths. 

But  to  answrer  the  end,  a  man  who  will  have  their 
confidence  must  be  sent — Jefferson  or  Madison.  To 
do  this  and  to  be  safe,  others  must  be  united — 
Jay,  Pinckney,  and  Cabot.  Hence  the  idea  of  a 
commission. 

I  am  really,  my  friend,  anxious  that  this  should  be 
your  plan.  Depend  on  it,  it  will  unite  the  double  ad 
vantage  of  silencing  enemies  and  satisfying  friends. 

I  write  you  this  letter  on  your  fidelity.  No  mortal 
must  see  it  or  know  its  contents.1 


TO   TIMOTHY    PICKERING 

March  22,  1797. 

DEAR  SIR: 

It  is  now  ascertained  that  Mr.  Pinckney  has  been 
refused,  and  with  circumstances  of  indignity.  What 
is  to  be  done?  The  share  I  have  had  in  the  public 

1  Now  first  printed  entire  from  the  Hamilton  papers  in  the  State 
Department.  A  portion  of  this  letter  is  given  in  the  History  of  the 
Republic,  vii.,  18. 


244  Alexander  Hamilton 

administration,  added  to  my  interest  as  a  citizen, 
makes  me  extremely  anxious  that  at  this  delicate 
crisis  a  course  of  conduct  exactly  proper  may  be 
adopted.  I  offer  to  your  consideration,  without 
what  appears  to  me  ceremony,  such  a  course. 

First. — I  would  appoint  a  day  of  humiliation  and 
prayer.  In  such  a  crisis  this  appears  to  me  proper 
in  itself,  and  it  will  be  politically  useful  to  impress 
our  nation  that  there  is  a  serious  state  of  things — to 
strengthen  religious  ideas  in  a  contest,  which  in  its 
progress  may  require  that  our  people  may  consider 
themselves  as  the  defenders  of  their  country  against 
atheism,  conquest,  and  anarchy.  It  is  far  from 
evident  to  me  that  the  progress  of  the  war  may 
not  call  on  us  to  defend  our  firesides  and  our 
altars.  And  any  plan  which  does  not  look  forward 
to  this  as  possible,  will,  in  my  opinion,  be  a  super 
ficial  one. 

Second. — I  would  call  Congress  together  at  as  short 
a  day  as  a  majority  of  both  houses  can  assemble. 

Third. — When  assembled,  I  would  appoint  a  com 
mission  extraordinary,  to  consist  of  Mr.  Jefferson  or 
Mr.  Madison,  together  with  Mr.  Cabot  and  Mr. 
Pinckney.  To  be  useful  it  is  important  that  a  man 
agreeable  to  the  French  should  go.  But  neither 
Madison  nor  Jefferson  ought  to  go  alone.  The  three 
will  give  security.  It  will  flatter  the  French  pride. 
It  will  engage  American  confidence  and  recommend 
the  people  to  what  shall  be  eventually  necessary. 
The  commission  should  be  instructed  to  explain ;  to 
ask  a  rescinding  of  the  order  under  which  we  suffer, 
and  reparation  for  the  past — to  remodif y  our  treaties 


Pirvate  Correspondence  245 

under  proper  guards.     On  the  last  idea  I  will  trouble 
you  hereafter. 

Fourth. — The  Congress  should  be  urged  to  take 
defensive  measures,  these  to  be  an  embargo,  unless 
with  convoy  by  special  license. 

1.  Additional  revenue  for  additional  expenses. 

2.  The  creation  of  a  naval  force — including  the 
prompt  purchase  and  equipment  of  sloops-of-war — 
this  force  to  serve  as  convoys  to  our  trade. 

3.  Commissions  to  be  granted  to  our  merchant 
vessels,  authorizing  them  to  arm  to  defend  them 
selves  ;  to  capture  when  attacked,  but  not  to  cruise. 
The  same  instructions  to  our  convoys. 

4.  The   organization   of   a   provisional   army   of 
twenty-five  thousand  men,  to  be  ready  to  serve  if  a 
war  breaks  out — in  the  meantime  to  receive  certain 
compensations,  but  not  full  pay.     The  actual  in 
crease  of  our  establishment  in  artillery  and  cavalry. 

The  following  considerations  appear  to  me  weighty. 
The  Empress  of  Russia  is  dead.  Successors  are  too 
apt  to  contradict  predecessors.  The  new  emperor 
may  join  Prussia.  The  emperor  of  Germany  by  this 
means  or  by  the  fortune  of  war  may  be  compelled  to 
make  peace.  England  may  be  left  alone.  America 
may  be  a  good  outlet  for  troublesome  armies  which 
the  government  is  at  a  loss  to  manage.  The  govern 
ing  passion  of  the  rulers  of  France  has  been  revenge. 
Their  interest  is  not  to  be  calculated  upon.  To 
punish  us,  to  force  us  into  a  greater  dependence,  may 
be  the  plan  of  France. 

At  any  rate  we  shall  best  guarantee  ourselves 
against  calamity  by  preparing  for  the  work.  In  this 


246  Alexander  Hamilton 

time  of  general  convulsion,  in  a  state  of  things  which 
threatens  all  civilization,  't  is  a  great  folly  to  wrap 
ourselves  up  in  a  cloak  of  security. 

The  Executive  before  Congress  meet  ought  to  have 
a  well-digested  plan  and  to  co-operate  in  getting  it 
adopted. 


TO   TIMOTHY   PICKERING 

NEW  YORK,  March  29,  1797. 

DEAR  SIR: 

The  post  of  yesterday  brought  me  your  letter  of 
the  day  before. 

I  regret  that  the  idea  of  a  commission  extraor 
dinary  appears  of  doubtful  propriety.  For  after 
very  mature  reflection  I  am  entirely  convinced  of  its 
expediency.  I  do  not  understand  the  passage  you 
cite  as  excluding  the  reception  of  a  special  extra 
ordinary  minister,  but  of  an  extraordinary  resident 
minister.  It  seems  impossible  that  the  Directory 
can  mean  to  say  that  they  will  shut  the  door  to  all 
explanation,  even  as  to  the  nature  and  measure  of  the 
redress  of  grievances  which  they  require.  They 
speak  too  hastily  not  to  authorize  a  large  interpreta 
tion  of  what  they  say. 

But  if  I  were  certain  they  would  not  hear  the  com 
mission,  it  would  not  prevent  my  having  recourse 
to  it.  It  would  be  my  policy,  if  such  a  temper  exists 
in  them,  to  accumulate  the  proofs  of  it  with  a  view 
to  union  at  home. 

This  union  (I  do  not  expect  to  proselyte  all  the 
leaders  of  faction)  appears  to  me  a  predominant 


Private  Correspondence  247 

consideration;  and,  with  regard  to  France,  more 
than  ordinary  pains  are  requisite  to  attain  it. 

That  the  enemies  of  the  government  desire  the 
measure,  is  a  cogent  reason  with  me  for  adopting  it; 
because  I  would  meet  them  on  their  own  ground  and 
disarm  them  of  the  argument  that  all  has  not  been 
done  which  might  have  been  done  towards  preserv 
ing  peace. 

The  estimation  of  the  merit  of  all  our  past  measures 
depends  on  the  final  preservation  of  peace.  This, 
besides  the  interest  of  the  country  in  peace,  is  a  very 
powerful  reason  for  attempting  every  thing.  The 
best  friends  of  the  government  will  expect  it,  and  if 
this  expedient  be  not  adopted,  it  seems  to  me  rup 
ture  will  inevitably  follow. 

There  is  an  opinion  industriously  inculcated 
(which  nobody  better  than  myself  knows  to  be 
false),  that  the  actual  administration  are  endeavor 
ing  to  provoke  a  war.  It  is  all  important  by  the 
last  possible  sacrifice  to  confound  this  charge.  I 
cannot  but  add  that  I  have  not  only  a  strong  wish, 
but  an  extreme  anxiety,  that  the  measure  in  question 
may  be  adopted. 

To  attain  the  end  of  it,  however,  it  is  very  ma 
terial  to  engage  in  the  errand  a  man  who  will  have  the 
full  confidence  of  the  adverse  party,  and  who  will  be 
agreeable  to  France. 

This  cannot  be  done  without  employing  others 
with  him.  Hence  the  idea  of  a  commission,  which 
to  me  appears  capable  of  attaining  every  advantage 
and  obviating  every  danger. 

I  am  also  desirous  of  impressing  the  public  mind 


248  Alexander  Hamilton 

strongly  by  a  religious  solemnity,  to  take  place  about 
the  meeting  of  Congress.  I  also  think  the  step  in 
trinsically  proper. 


TO   OLIVER  WOLCOTT 

March  30,  1797. 

MY  DEAR  SIR: 

Every  one  who  can  properly  appreciate  the  situa 
tion  of  our  affairs  at  this  moment,  in  all  the  extent 
of  possible  circumstances,  must  be  extremely  anx 
ious  for  such  a  course  of  conduct  in  our  govern 
ment,  which  will  unite  the  utmost  prudence  with 
energy.  It  has  been  a  considerable  time  my  wish, 
that  a  commission  extraordinary  *  should  be  con 
stituted  to  go  to  France,  to  explain,  demand,  nego 
tiate,  etc.  I  was  particularly  desirous  that  the  first 
measure  of  the  present  president's  administration 
should  have  been  that.  But  it  has  not  happened. 
I  now  continue  to  wish  earnestly  that  the  same 
measure  may  go  into  effect,  and  that  the  meeting  of 
the  Senate  may  be  accelerated  for  that  purpose. 
Without  opening  a  new  channel  of  negotiation,  it 
seems  to  me  the  door  to  accommodation  is  shut,  and 
rupture  will  follow,  if  not  prevented  by  a  general 
peace.  Who,  indeed,  can  be  certain  that  a  general 
pacification  of  Europe  may  not  leave  us  alone  to  re 
ceive  the  law  from  France?  Will  it  be  wise  to  omit 
any  thing  to  parry,  if  possible,  these  great  risks? 

Perhaps  the  Directory  have  declared  they  will  not 
receive  a  minister  till  their  grievances  shall  have  been 
redressed. 

1  Madison,  Pinckney,  and  Cabot. 


Private  Correspondence  249 

This  can  hardly  mean  more  than  that  they  will  not 
receive  a  resident  minister.  It  cannot  mean  that 
they  will  not  hear  an  extraordinary  messenger,  who 
may  even  be  sent  to  know  what  will  satisfy. 

Suppose  they  do.  It  will  still  be  well  to  convince 
the  people  that  the  government  has  done  all  in  its 
power,  and  that  the  Directory  are  unreasonable. 

But  the  enemies  of  the  government  call  for  the 
measure.  To  me  this  is  a  very  strong  reason  for 
pursuing  it.  It  will  meet  them  on  their  own  ground, 
and  disarm  them  of  the  plea  that  some  thing  has 
been  omitted. 

I  ought,  my  good  friend,  to  apprise  you,  for  you 
may  learn  it  from  no  other,  that  a  suspicion  begins 
to  dawn  among  the  friends  of  the  government,  that 
the  actual  administration  is  not  much  averse  to  war 
with  France.  How  very  important  to  obviate  this! 

The  accounts  just  received  offer  a  great  danger, 
that  the  Emperor  may  be  compelled  to  make  peace. 
Paul  of  Russia  is  evidently  lukewarm  in  the  cause  of 
the  allies.  From  lukewarmness  to  enmity,  when  for 
tunes  take  the  other  side,  is  but  a  step. 

If  England  is  left  to  bear  the  burthen  alone,  who 
can  say  that. France  may  not  venture  to  sport  an 
army  to  this  country?  It  may  get  rid  of  trouble 
some  spirits. 

As  in  the  case  of  England,  so  now,  my  opinion  is, 
to  exhaust  the  expedients  of  negotiation;  and,  at 
the  same  time,  to  prepare  vigorously  for  the  worst. 
This  is  sound  policy.  Any  omission  or  deficiency 
either  way,  will  be  a  great  error. 


250  Alexander  Hamilton 

TO   TIMOTHY   PICKERING 

April  i,  1797. 

MY  DEAR  SIR: 

I  have  received  your  letter  of  the  3oth,  with  the 
statement  enclosed.  I  do  not  believe  that  its  pub 
lication  would  have  any  influence  upon  the  question 
of  a  rupture  with  France,  but  yet,  as  it  seems  that 
those  who  surround  the  President  are  not  agreed  in 
the  matter — as  an  opinion  is  industriously  circulated 
that  too  much  fuel  has  been  added  by  the  publica 
tions  of  the  government — as  it  is  important  to  dis 
arm  a  certain  party  of  the  weapons  of  calumny, — as 
it  is  in  general  best  to  avoid  unofficial  publications 
of  official  matter — as  it  may  be  even  useful,  for  the 
sake  of  impression,  to  reserve  the  disclosure  till 
the  meeting  of  Congress,  when  the  accumulation  of 
insult  may  be  the  instrument  of  giving  a  strong  im 
pulse, — I  rather  advise  the  withholding  of  the  state 
ment.  When  Congress  meet,  it  will  be  very  useful 
to  have  a  statement  ready,  as  the  abstract  of  the 
communication,  to  present  to  the  people  a  summary 
view. 

Such,  my  dear  sir,  is  the  infatuation  of  a  great 
part  of  our  community,  that  it  will  be  policy  in  our 
government  to  do  a  great  deal  too  much  to  make  the 
idea  palpable  that  rupture  was  inevitable.  Adieu. 

Yours  truly,  etc. 

If  the  statement  is  published,  I  would  close  with 
the  words  "January  last'*  in  the  last  paragraph. 
The  residue  will  make  a  good  separate  newspaper 
paragraph.  Pray,  who  is  the  emigrant  alluded  to? 


Private  Correspondence  251 

TO   OLIVER   WOLCOTT 

April  5,  1797. 

DEAR  SIR: 

I  have  received  your  letter  of  March  3ist.  I  hope 
nothing  in  my  last  was  misunderstood.  Could  it  be 
necessary,  I  would  assure  you  that  no  one  has  a 
stronger  conviction  than  myself  of  the  purity  of  the 
motives  which  direct  your  public  conduct,  or  of  the 
good  sense  and  judgment  by  which  it  is  guided.  If 
I  have  a  fear  (you  will  excuse  my  frankness),  it  is 
lest  the  strength  of  your  feelings,  the  companions  of 
energy  of  character,  should  prevent  that  pliancy  to 
circumstances  which  is  sometimes  indispensable.  I 
beg  you  only  to  watch  yourself  on  this  score,  and  the 
public  will  always  find  in  you  an  able  as  well  as  a 
faithful  servant. 

The  situation  of  our  country,  my  dear  sir,  is  sin 
gularly  critical.  The  map  of  Europe  is  every  way 
discouraging.  There  is  too  much  reason  to  appre 
hend  that  the  Emperor  of  Germany,  in  danger  from 
Russia  and  Prussia,  perhaps  from  the  Porte,  as  well 
as  from  France,  may  be  compelled  to  yield  to  the 
views  of  the  latter.  England,  standing  alone,  may 
be  driven  to  a  similar  issue.  It  is  certain  that  great 
consternation  in  court  and  country  attended  the  in 
telligence  of  Bonaparte's  last  victories.  Either  to 
be  in  rupture  with  France,  united  with  England 
alone,  or  singly,  as  is  possible,  would  be  a  most  un 
welcome  situation.  Divided  as  we  are,  who  can  say 
what  would  be  hazarded  by  it? 

In  such  a  situation,  it  appeared  to  me  we  should 
rather  err  on  the  side  of  condescension  than  on  the 


252  Alexander  Hamilton 

opposite  side.  We  ought  to  do  every  thing  to  avoid 
rupture,  without  unworthy  sacrifices,  and  to  keep  in 
view,  as  a  primary  object,  union  at  home. 

No  measure  can  tend  more  to  this  than  an  extra 
ordinary  mission.  And  it  is  certain  to  fulfil  the  ends 
proposed.  It  ought  to  embrace  a  character  in  whom 
France  and  the  opposition  have  full  credit.  What 
risk  can  attend  Madison,  if  combined,  as  I  propose, 
with  Pinckney  and  Cabot,  or  such  a  man  (two  de 
ciding)  ?  Depend  on  it,  Pinckney  is  a  man  of  honor, 
and  loves  his  country.  Cabot  we  both  know.  Be 
sides,  there  ought  to  be  certain  leading  instructions 
from  which  they  may  not  deviate. 

I  agree  with  you  that  we  have  nothing  to  retract; 
that  we  ought  to  risk  every  thing  before  we  submit 
to  any  dishonorable  terms.  But  we  may  remould 
our  treaties.  We  may  agree  to  put  France  on  the 
same  footing  as  Great  Britain  by  our  treaty  with 
her.  We  may  also  liquidate,  with  a  view  to  future 
wars,  the  import  of  the  mutual  guaranty  in  the 
treaty  of  alliance,  substituting  specific  succors,  and 
defining  the  casus  fcederis.  But  this  last  may  or 
may  not  be  done,  though  with  me  it  is  a  favorite 
object. 

Ingersol  will  not  fulfil  the  object,  but  I  would 
rather  have  him  than  do  nothing. 

I  am  clearly  of  opinion  with  you  that  the  President 
shall  come  forward  to  Congress  in  a  manly  tone,  and 
that  Congress  shall  adopt  vigorous  defensive  meas 
ures.  Those  you  propose  are  proper,  and  some 
others  on  which  I  may  write  hereafter. 

If  Madison  is  well  coupled,  I  do  not  think  his 


Private  Correspondence  253 

intrigues  can  operate  as  you  imagine.  Should  he 
advocate  dishonorable  concessions  to  France,  the 
public  opinion  will  not  support.  His  colleagues,  by 
address,  and  showing  a  disposition  to  do  enough,  may 
easily  defeat  his  policy,  and  maintain  the  public  con 
fidence.  Besides  that,  it  is  possible  too  much  may 
be  taken  for  granted  with  regard  to  Mr.  Madison. 


TO   WILLIAM   SMITH 

NEW  YORK,  April  5,  1797. 

I  have  received,  my  dear  sir,  your  letter  of  the  26. 
of  April,  (1797,)  with  your  little  work  accompanying 
it,  which  I  shall  read  with  the  interest  I  take  in  the 
author,  the  first  leisure  hour.  I  have  cast  my  eye 
over  it,  and  like  very  much  the  plan. 

Our  affairs  are  indeed  very  critical.  But  I  am 
sorry  to  find  that  I  do  not  agree  with  several  of  my 
friends.  I  am  clearly  of  opinion  for  an  extraordinary 
mission,  and  as  clearly  that  it  should  embrace  Madi 
son.  I  do  not  think  we  ought  to  construe  the  de 
claration  of  the  Directory  against  receiving  a  Minister 
Plenipotentiary,  as  an  extraordinary  mission  pro  hac 
vice.  And  if  it  does,  it  would  be  no  reason  with  me 
against  it.  I  would  accumulate  the  proofs  of  French 
violence,  and  demonstrate  to  all  our  citizens  that 
nothing  possible  has  been  omitted.  That  a  certain 
party  desires  it  is  with  me  a  strong  reason  for  it — 
since  I  would  disarm  them  of  all  plea  that  we 
have  not  made  every  possible  effort  for  peace.  The 
idea  is  a  plausible  one,  that  as  we  sent  an  Envoy 


254  Alexander  Hamilton 

Extraordinary  to  Britain,  so  we  ought  to  send  one 
to  France.  And  plausible  ideas  are  always  enough 
for  the  multitude. 

These  and  other  reasons  (and  principally  to  avoid 
rupture  with  a  political  monster,  which  seems  des 
tined  soon  to  have  no  competitor  but  England) 
make  me  even  anxious  for  an  extraordinary  mission. 

And  to  produce  the  desired  effect,  it  seems  to  me 
essential  that  it  shall  embrace  a  distinguished  char 
acter  agreeable  to  France,  and  having  the  confidence 
of  the  adverse  party.  Hence  I  think  of  Madison, 
but  I  think  of  him  only  as  one,  because  I  would  not 
trust  him  alone.  I  would  unite  with  him  Pinckney, 
and  some  strong  man  from  the  North,  Jay,  Cabot, 
and  two  of  the  three  should  rule.  We  should  then 
be  safe. 

I  need  not  tell  you  that  I  am  disposed  to  make  no 
sacrifices  to  France.  I  had  rather  perish  myself  and 
family  than  see  the  country  disgraced.  But  I  would 
try  hard  to  avoid  rupture,  and  if  that  cannot  be,  to 
unite  the  opinions  of  all  good  citizens  of  whatever 
political  denomination.  This  is  with  me  a  mighty 
object. 

I  will  give  you  hereafter  my  ideas  of  what  ought 
to  be  done  when  Congress  meet.  My  plan  ever  is  to 
combine  energy  with  moderation. 


TO   RUFUS    KING 

April  8,  1797. 

I  thank  you,  my  dear  sir,  for  your  letter  of  the  6th 
of  February.     The  intelligence  that  the  Directory 


Private  Correspondence  255 

have  ordered  away  our  minister  is  every  way  un 
pleasant.  It  portends,  too,  a  final  rupture  as  the 
only  alternative  to  an  ignominious  submission. 
Much  public  feeling  has  been  excited;  but  the  gov 
ernment,  I  trust  and  believe,  will  continue  prudent, 
and  do  every  thing  that  honor  permits  towards  ac 
commodation.  It  is,  however,  to  be  feared  that 
France,  successful,  will  be  too  violent  and  imperious 
to  meet  us  on  any  admissible  ground. 

Congress  are  called  together.  I  can  give  you  no 
conjecture  as  to  what  will  be  done.  Opinions  are 
afloat.  My  idea  is,  another  attempt  to  pacify  by 
negotiation,  vigorous  preparation  for  war,  and  de 
fensive  measures  with  regard  to  our  trade.  But 
there  never  was  a  period  of  our  affairs  in  which  I 
could  less  foresee  the  state  of  things. 

I  believe  there  is  no  danger  of  want  of  firmness  in 
the  Executive.  If  he  is  not  ill-advised,  he  will  not 
want  prudence.  I  mean,  that  he  is  himself  disposed 
to  a  prudently  firm  course. 

You  know  the  mass  of  our  Senate.  That  of  our 
House  of  Representatives  is  not  ascertained.  A 
small  majority  on  the  right  side  is  counted  upon. 
In  Virginia  it  is  understood  that  Morgan  comes  in 
place  of  Rutherforth,  and  Evans  in  place  of  Page. 
The  whole  result  of  the  Virginia  election  is  not 
known. 

The  conduct  of  France  has  been  a  very  powerful 
medicine  for  the  political  disease  of  our  country.  I 
think  the  community  improves  in  soundness. 


256  Alexander  Hamilton 

TO    WILLIAM    SMITH 

April  10,  1797. 

DEAR  SIR: 

Since  my  last  to  you  I  have  perused  with  great 
satisfaction  your  little  work  on  our  governments.  I 
like  the  execution  no  less  than  the  plan.  If  my 
health  and  leisure  should  permit,  I  would  make  some 
notes;  but  you  can  not  depend  on  it,  as  I  am  not 
only  extremely  occupied,  but  in  feeble  health. 

I  send  you  my  ideas  of  the  course  of  conduct 
proper  in  our  present  situation.  It  is  unpleasant  to 
me  to  know  that  I  have  for  some  time  differed 
materially  from  many  of  my  friends  on  public  sub 
jects,  and  I  particularly  regret  that,  at  the  present 
critical  juncture,  there  is  in  my  apprehension  much 
danger  that  sensibility  will  be  an  overmatch  for 
policy.  We  seem  now  to  feel  and  reason  as  the 
Jacobins  did  when  Great  Britain  insulted  and  in 
jured  us,  though  certainly  we  have  at  least  as  much 
need  of  a  temperate  conduct  now  as  we  had  then.  I 
only  say,  God  grant  that  the  public  interest  may  not 
be  sacrificed  at  the  shrine  of  irritation  and  mistaken 
pride.  Farewell. 

TO   OLIVER   WOLCOTT 

NEW  YORK,  April  13,  1797. 

MY  DEAR  SIR: 

The  post  of  to-day  brought  me  a  letter  from  you. 
I  am  just  informed  that  an  order  is  come  to  the 
custom-house  not  to  clear  out  any  vessels  if  armed, 
unless  destined  for  the  East  Indies.  Under  the 
present  circumstances,  I  very  much  doubt  the  ex- 


Private  Correspondence  257 


pediency  of  this  measure.  The  excesses  of  France 
justify  passiveness  in  the  government;  and  its  in 
ability  to  protect  the  merchants  requires  that  it 
should  leave  them  to  protect  themselves.  Nor  do 
I  fear  that  it  would  tend  to  rupture  with  France, 
if  such  be  not  her  determination  otherwise.  The 
legality  of  this  prohibition  cannot  be  defended;  it 
must  stand  on  its  necessity.  It  would,  I  think,  have 
been  enough  to  require  security  that  the  vessel  is 
not  to  be  employed  to  cruise  against  any  of  the 
belligerent  powers.  Perhaps  even  now,  where  ves 
sels  have  been  armed  previous  to  the  receipt  of  the 
prohibition,  it  is  safe  and  advisable  to  except  them 
on  the  condition  of  such  security.  Think  of  this 
promptly.  The  general  measure  may  be  further 
considered  at  leisure.  Nor  am  I  prepared  to  say 
that,  having  been  taken,  it  ought  to  be  revoked. 

I  will  send  you  shortly  some  remarks  in  reply  to 
questions  you  propose. 


TO   HAMILTON 

ALBANY,  STATE  OP  NEW  YORK,  May  2,  1797. 


MY  DEAR  SIR: 

Some  days  since  I  received  with  great  pleasure 
your  letter  of  the  loth  of  March.  The  mark  it 
affords  of  your  kind  attention,  and  the  particular 
account  it  gives  me  of  so  many  relations  in  Scotland 
are  extremely  gratifying  to  me.  You,  no  doubt, 
have  understood  that  my  father's  affairs  at  a  very 
early  day  went  to  wreck,  so  as  to  have  rendered  his 


VOL.  X.— 17. 


258  Alexander  Hamilton 

situation  during  the  greatest  part  of  his  life  far  from 
eligible.  This  state  of  things  occasioned  a  separa 
tion  between  him  and  me,  when  I  was  very  young , 
and  threw  me  upon  the  bounty  of  my  mother's  rela 
tives,  some  of  whom  were  then  wealthy,  though  by 
vicissitudes  to  which  human  affairs  are  so  liable,  they 
have  been  since  much  reduced  and  broken  up.  My 
self,  at  about  sixteen,  came  to  this  country.  Having 
always  had  a  strong  propensity  to  literary  pursuits, 
by  a  course  of  study  and  laborious  exertion,  I  was 
able,  by  the  age  of  nineteen,  to  qualify  myself  for  the 
degree  of  Bachelor  of  Arts  in  the  College  of  New 
York,  and  to  lay  the  foundation  by  preparatory 
study  for  the  future  profession  of  the  law. 

The  American  Revolution  supervened.  My  prin 
ciples  led  me  to  take  part  in  it ;  at  nineteen,  I  entered 
into  the  American  army  as  captain  of  artillery. 
Shortly  after  I  became,  by  his  invitation,  aide-de 
camp  to  General  Washington,  in  which  station  I 
served  till  the  commencement  of  that  campaign 
which  ended  with  the  siege  of  York  in  Virginia,  and 
the  capture  of  Cornwallis'  army.  The  campaign  I 
made  at  the  head  of  a  corps  of  light  infantry,  with 
which  I  was  present  at  the  siege  of  York,  and  en 
gaged  in  some  interesting  operations. 

At  the  period  of  the  peace  with  Great  Britain  I 
found  myself  a  member  of  Congress,  by  appointment 
of  the  legislature  of  this  State. 

After  the  peace,  I  settled  in  the  city  of  New  York, 
in  the  practice  of  the  law,  and  was  in  a  very  lucrative 
course  of  practice,  when  the  derangement  of  our  pub 
lic  affairs,  by  the  feebleness  of  the  general  confedera- 


Private  Correspondence  259 

tion,  drew  me  again  reluctantly  into  public  life.  I 
became  a  member  of  the  Convention  which  framed 
the  present  Constitution  of  the  United  States;  and 
having  taken  part  in  this  measure,  I  conceived  my 
self  to  be  under  an  obligation  to  lend  my  aid  towards 
putting  the  machine  in  some  regular  motion.  Hence, 
I  did  not  hesitate  to  accept  the  offer  of  President 
Washington  to  undertake  the  office  of  Secretary  of 
the  Treasury. 

In  that  office  I  met  with  many  intrinsic  difficulties, 
and  many  artificial  ones,  proceeding  from  passions, 
not  very  worthy,  common  to  human  nature,  and 
which  act  with  peculiar  force  in  republics.  The  ob 
ject,  however,  was  effected  of  establishing  public 
credit  and  introducing  order  in  the  finances. 

Public  office  in  this  country  has  few  attractions. 
The  pecuniary  emolument  is  so  inconsiderable  as  to 
amount  to  a  sacrifice  to  any  man  who  can  employ  his 
time  with  advantage  in  any  liberal  profession.  The 
opportunity  of  doing  good,  from  the  jealousy  of 
power  and  the  spirit  of  faction,  is  too  small  in  any 
station  to  warrant  a  long  continuance  of  private 
sacrifices.  The  enterprises  of  party  had  so  far  suc 
ceeded  as  materially  to  weaken  the  necessary  influ 
ence  and  energy  of  the  executive  authority,  and  so 
far  diminish  the  power  of  doing  good  in  that  depart 
ment,  as  greatly  to  take  away  the  motives  which  a 
virtuous  man  might  have  for  making  sacrifices.  The 
prospect  was  even  bad  for  gratifying  in  future  the 
love  of  fame,  if  that  passion  was  to  be  the  spring  of 
action. 

The  union  of  these  motives,  with  the  reflections  of 


260  Alexander  Hamilton 

prudence  in  relation  to  a  growing  family,  determined 
me  as  soon  as  my  plan  had  attained  a  certain  ma 
turity,  to  withdraw  from  office.  This  I  did  by  a  re 
signation  about  two  years  since,  when  I  resumed  the 
profession  of  the  law  in  the  city  of  New  York  under 
every  advantage  I  could  desire. 

It  is  a  pleasant  reflection  to  me,  that  since  the 
commencement  of  my  connection  with  General 
Washington  to  the  present  time,  I  have  possessed  a 
flattering  share  of  his  confidence  and  friendship. 

Having  given  you  a  brief  sketch  of  my  political 
career,  I  proceed  to  some  further  family  details. 

In  the  year  1780, 1  married  the  second  daughter  of 
General  Schuyler,  a  gentleman  of  one  of  the  best 
families  of  this  country,  of  large  fortune,  and  no  less 
personal  and  political  consequence.  It  is  impossible 
to  be  happier  than  I  am  in  a  wife;  and  I  have  five 
children,  four  sons  and  a  daughter,  the  eldest  a  son 
somewhat  past  fifteen,  who  all  promise  as  well  as 
their  years  permit,  and  yield  me  much  satisfaction. 
Though  I  have  been  too  much  in  public  life  to  be 
wealthy,  my  situation  is  extremely  comfortable,  and 
leaves  me  nothing  to  wish  for  but  a  continuance  of 
health.  With  this  blessing,  the  profits  of  my  pro 
fession  and  other  prospects  authorize  an  expectation 
of  such  addition  to  my  resources,  as  will  render  the 
eve  of  life  easy  and  agreeable ;  so  far  as  may  depend 
on  this  consideration. 

It  is  now  several  months  since  I  have  heard  from 
my  father,  who  continued  at  the  island  of  St.  Vin 
cent.  My  anxiety  at  this  silence  would  be  greater 
than  it  is,  were  it  not  for  the  considerable  interrup- 


Private  Correspondence  261 

tion  and  precariousness  of  intercourse  which  is  pro 
duced  by  the  war. 

I  have  strongly  pressed  the  old  gentleman  to  come 
and  reside  with  me,  which  would  afford  him  every 
enjoyment  of  which  his  advanced  age  is  capable; 
but  he  has  declined  it  on  the  ground  that  the  advice 
of  his  physicians  leads  him  to  fear  that  the  change  of 
climate  would  be  fatal  to  him.  The  next  thing  for 
me  is,  in  proportion  to  my  means,  to  endeavor  to 
increase  his  comforts  where  he  is. 

It  will  give  me  the  greatest  pleasure  to  receive 
your  son  Robert  at  my  house  in  New  York,  and  still 
more  to  be  of  use  to  him;  to  which  end,  my  recom 
mendation  and  interest  will  not  be  wanting,  and  I 
hope  not  unavailing.  It  is  my  intention  to  embrace 
the  opening  which  your  letter  affords  me  to  extend 
my  intercourse  with  my  relations  in  your  country, 
which  will  be  a  new  source  of  satisfaction  to  me. 


TO  TIMOTHY   PICKERING 

May  n,  1797. 

MY  DEAR  SIR: 

On  my  return  here  I  found  your  letter  of  the  2gth. 
The  sitting  of  a  court  of  chancery,  and  important 
business  there,  have  unavoidably  delayed  a  reply; 
now,  it  must  be  much  more  cursory  than  I  could 
wish. 

As  to  the  mission,  in  some  shape  or  other,  the  more 
I  have  reflected  upon  it,  the  more  has  it  appeared  to 
me  indispensable.  To  accomplish,  with  certainty, 


262  Alexander  Hamilton 

a  principal  object  of  it — the  silencing  of  Jacobin 
criticism,  and  promoting  union  among  ourselves, — 
it  is  very  material  to  engage  in  it  a  person  who  will 
have  the  Jacobin  confidence;  else,  if  France  should 
still  refuse  to  receive,  or  if  receiving,  the  mission 
should  prove  unsuccessful,  it  will  be  said  that  this 
was  because  a  suitable  agent  was  not  employed. 
Hence,  my  mind  was  led  to  Jefferson  or  Madison; 
but,  as  it  would  be  unsafe  to  trust  either  alone,  the 
idea  of  associates  occurs  as  an  essential  part  of  the 
plan.  This,  likewise,  is  an  expedient  for  saving  Mr. 
Pinckney's  feelings. 

But  will  either  of  them  go  on  this  footing?  If 
offered,  and  they  refuse,  they  will  put  themselves  in 
the  wrong;  for  on  so  great  an  emergency,  they  can 
not  justifiably  decline  the  service  without  a  good 
reason;  and  it  would  not  be  a  good  reason  for  re 
fusal,  that  there  was  to  be  a  commission.  The  re 
fusal,  too,  if  it  happened,  would  furnish  a  reply  to 
Jacobin  clamor.  It  was  offered  to  your  leaders,  and 
they  would  not  act. 

I  confide  in  Pinckney's  integrity  and  federal  at 
tachments;  why,  then,  name  a  third?  Because, 
first,  two  may  disagree,  and  there  may  be  inaction. 
Second,  though  I  have  the  confidence  I  mention,  I 
think  Pinckney  has  had  too  much  French  leaning  to 
consider  him,  in  conjunction  with  Jefferson  or  Mad 
ison,  as  perfectly  safe.  A  third  on  whom  perfect 
reliance  could  be  placed  would  secure  Pinckney's  co 
operation.  I  do  consider  him,  as  in  some  sort,  a 
middle  character. 

As  to  the  two  gentlemen  named  (Jefferson  and 


Private  Correspondence  263 

Madison),  it  may  be  fairly  observed  to  either  of 
them  that  the  combination  of  character  is  essential 
to  combine  the  confidence  of  the  country,  and  to 
render  the  result,  whatever  it  may  be,  acceptable. 
It  may  also  be  observed  that  delicacy  to  Mr.  Pinck- 
ney  dictates  this  course — not  to  exclude  him  after 
what  has  happened.  To  Mr.  Pinckney  the  state  of 
parties  here  may  also  be  pleaded. 

The  French  Directory  may  also  be  made  to  under 
stand  indirectly  that  the  association  has  proceeded 
from  a  desire  in  the  Executive  to  unite  confidence 
in  the  mission  and  secure  its  success  at  home. 

I  should  not  despair  that  in  such  a  crisis  men  of 
opposite  politics  might  agree.  I  verily  believe  that 
Jefferson,  Pinckney,  and  King  would  agree.  There 
might  be  a  joint  commission  for  action  and  a  sepa 
rate  commission  to  Jefferson  as  envoy  or  ambassador 
extraordinary  for  representation. 

I  miscalculate  if  Jefferson  will  not  be  anxious  for 
peace.  I  only  fear  that  alone  he  would  give  too 
much  for  it. 

If  this  plan  is  thought  liable  to  too  strong  objec 
tions,  the  next  best  thing  is  to  send  the  commission 
of  ambassador  extraordinary  to  Pinckney,  and  send 
him  also  some  clever  fellow  as  secretary  of  embassy. 

But  I  repeat  it  with  extreme  solicitude,  another 
mission  is  absolutely  indispensable. 

On  the  subject  of  permitting  our  vessels  to  arm, 
there  is  some  difficulty.  You  are  right  in  the  idea 
that  merchant  vessels  under  the  convoy  of  ships-of- 
war  are  exempt  from  search.  But  I  know  no  book 
where  it  is  to  be  found.  Yet  I  have  so  constantly 


264  Alexander  Hamilton 

understood  it  to  be  the  usage,  that  I  venture  to  rely 
upon  it.  But  I  believe  the  privilege  is  confined 
to  public  ships  of  war,  and  could  not,  according 
to  usage,  be  transferred  to  private  armed  vessels. 
The  measure  must,  therefore,  be  justified  by  the 
extremity. 

Moreover,  I  understand  no  other  consequence  as 
resulting  from  the  being  armed  than  that  it  exposes 
the  vessel  to  confiscation  for  resisting  a  search.  It 
is  no  breach  of  neutrality  to  permit  the  being  armed. 

But  I  would  avoid  the  formality  of  a  commission, 
and  would  substitute  some  permit,  perhaps  to  be 
signed  by  the  head  of  a  department.  This  should 
be  united  with  great  precautions  to  prevent  abuse  by 
cruising,  by  driving  contraband  trade  by  transfers  to 
foreigners. 

At  all  events  our  trade  must  have  protection;  for 
our  whole  mercantile  capital  will  else  be  destroyed, 
our  seamen  lost,  and  our  country  involved  in  ex 
treme  distress. 

As  to  a  provisional  army,  I  reason  thus:  no  plan  of 
a  militia  which  is  not  the  equivalent,  in  other  words, 
which  is  not  under  a  positive  engagement  to  con 
stitute  a  permanent  army  in  case  of  invasion,  will  be 
worth  any  thing.  For  we  want  a  stable  force  created 
beforehand  to  oppose  to  the  first  torrent,  which,  with 
mere  militia,  would  involve  incalculable  dangers  and 
calamities.  Hence,  as  a  substitute  for  a  standing 
army,  I  offer  a  provisional  one.  It  would  be  com 
posed  thus:  the  officers  to  be  appointed  by  the  United 
States  and  rank  with  those  of  the  establishment,  to 
receive  some  pay  till  called  into  actual  service — say 


Private  Correspondence  265 

half,  a  third,  or  a  fourth;  those  employed  to  recruit 
to  be  fully  paid. 

The  men  to  be  regularly  enlisted  upon  condition 
not  to  be  called  into  actual  service,  except  in  case  of 
invasion,  and  then  to  serve  during  the  war;  to  re 
ceive  a  uniform  coat  and  a  dollar,  perhaps  two  dollars 
per  month  when  not  in  the  field;  to  be  obliged  to 
assemble  for  exercise  so  many  days  in  the  year,  and 
then  to  have  full  pay  and  rations;  when  called  into 
actual  service  to  have  the  same  compensations,  etc., 
with  the  establishment;  in  short,  to  become  part  of 
it.  To  be  armed  by  the  United  States;  to  be  liable 
from  the  beginning  to  the  articles  of  war. 

I  think  such  a  corps,  from  the  certainty  of  advan 
tage,  and  the  uncertainty  of  service,  might  be  engaged 
sooner  than  a  standing  force,  and,  with  precautions 
in  the  enlistment,  would  be  a  solid  resource  in  case 
of  need. 

I  am  much  attached  to  the  idea  of  a  large  corps  of 
efficient  cavalry,  and  I  cannot  allow  this  character  to 
militia.  It  is  all-important  to  an  undisciplined 
against  a  disciplined  army.  It  is  a  species  of  force 
not  easy  to  be  brought  by  an  invader — by  which  his 
supplies  may  be  cut  off  and  his  activity  extremely 
checked.  Were  I  to  command  an  undisciplined 
army,  I  should  prefer  half  the  force  with  a  good  corps 
of  cavalry  to  twice  the  force  without  one. 


266  Alexander  Hamilton 

TO    TIMOTHY    PICKERING 

Saturday,  May  13,  1797. 

MY  DEAR  SIR: 

Mr.  Goodhue  takes  on  with  him  a  Boston  paper, 
the  printer  of  which  states  that  he  has  obtained,  by 
a  ship  just  arrived,  a  London  paper  of  March  24th, 
mentioning  in  positive  terms  an  account  just  received 
from  the  Emperor,  that  in  consequence  of  a  com 
bination  between  Prussia  and  France,  he  is  driven  to 
the  necessity  of  making  an  immediate  peace  for  the 
safety  of  the  empire;  that  in  consequence  of  this,  the 
king,  who  was  at  Windsor,  had  been  sent  for,  etc. 

The  manner  of  announcing  it  is  too  positive  to  allow 
much  doubt  that  the  thing  is  substantially  true. 

This  intelligence  confirms  the  expediency  of  a 
further  attempt  to  negotiate,  but  I  hope  it  will  not 
carry  us  too  far.  A  firm  and  erect  countenance 
must  be  maintained,  and  the  vigor  of  preparation 
increased.  Safety  can  only  be  found  in  uniting 
energy  with  moderation.  Honor  certainly  is  only  to 
be  found  there,  and  either  as  a  man  or  citizen,  I,  for 
one,  had  rather  perish  than  submit  to  disgrace. 


TO    RUFUS    KING 

June  6,  1797. 

I  thank  you,  my  dear  sir,  for  two  letters  lately  re 
ceived  from  you,  the  last  by  Mr.  Church.  I  feel  very 
guilty  for  my  negligence.  But  how  can  I  help  it? 

The  public  prints  will  inform  you  of  the  course  of 
public  proceedings  hitherto.  You  will  perceive  that 
the  general  plan  is  analogous  to  what  was  done  in  the 


Private  Correspondence  267 

case  of  Great  Britain,  though  there  are  faults  in  the 
detail.  Some  people  cannot  learn  that  the  only 
force  which  befits  a  government  is  in  the  thought  and 
action,  not  in  words,  and  many  reverse  the  golden 
rule.  I  fear  we  shall  do  ourselves  no  honor  in  the 
result,  and  we  shall  remain  at  the  mercy  of  events, 
without  those  efficient  preparations  which  are  de 
manded  by  so  precarious  situations;  and  which,  not 
provoking  war,  would  put  us  in  condition  to  meet  it. 
All  the  consolation  I  can  give  is,  that  the  public 
temper  of  this  country  mends  daily,  and  that  there 
is  no  final  danger  of  our  submitting  tamely  to  the 
yoke  of  France. 


TO    OLIVER   WOLCOTT 

June  6,  1797. 

MY  DEAR  SIR: 

You  some  time  ago  put  a  question  to  me  which, 
through  hurry  I  never  answered,  viz. — whether 
there  can  be  any  distinction  between  the  provision 
in  the  treaty  with  Great  Britain  respecting  British 
debts  and  that  respecting  spoliations  as  to  the  power 
of  the  commissioners  to  rejudge  the  decisions  of  the 
courts  ?  I  answer  that  I  can  discover  none. 

I  am  of  the  opinion,  however,  that  in  the  exercise 
of  this  power  two  principles  ought  to  be  strenuously 
insisted  upon.  One — that  the  commissioners  ought 
not  to  intermeddle  but  when  it  is  unequivocally  ascer 
tained  that  justice  cannot  now  be  obtained  through 
our  courts.  The  other — that  there  ought  to  be  no 
revision  of  the  question  of  interest  where  abate 
ments  were  made  by  juries  undirected  by  any  special 


268  Alexander  Hamilton 

statute.  For  it  is  certain  that  interest  is  capable  of 
being  affected  by  circumstances,  and  that  the  law 
leaves  a  considerable  discretion  on  this  point  with 
juries.  I  take  it  for  granted  also,  that  where  com 
promises  were  made  between  creditor  and  debtor 
without  the  intervention  of  courts,  or  the  injunctions 
of  positive  law,  there  will  be  no  revision.  This  is  all 
a  very  delicate  subject,  one  upon  which  great  mod 
eration  on  the  part  of  the  British  commissioners  is 
very  important  to  future  harmony. 

I  like  very  well  the  course  of  Executive  conduct 
in  regard  to  the  controversy  with  France,  and  I  like 
the  answer  of  the  Senate  in  regard  to  the  President's 
speech. 

But  I  confess,  I  have  not  been  well  satisfied  with 
the  answer  reported  in  the  House.  It  contains  too 
many  hard  expressions;  and  hard  words  are  very 
rarely  useful  in  public  proceedings.  Mr.  Jay  and 
other  friends  here  have  been  struck  in  the  same  man 
ner  with  myself.  We  shall  not  regret  to  see  the 
answer  softened  down.  Real  firmness  is  good  for 
every  thing.  Strut  is  good  for  nothing. 

Last  session  I  sent  Sedgwick,  with  request  to 
communicate  to  you,  my  project  of  a  building  tax. 
Enclosed  is  the  rough  sketch.  I  do  not  know  whether 
there  was  any  alteration  in  the  copy  sent  to  him. 

But  the  more  I  reflect,  the  more  I  become  con 
vinced  that  some  such  plan  ought  to  be  adopted, 
and  the  idea  of  valuation  dropped,  and  I  have  also 
become  convinced  that  the  idea  of  a  tax  on  land 
ought  to  be  deferred.  The  building  tax  can  be  ac 
commodated  to  the  quota-rule.  For  what  were  in- 


Private  Correspondence  269 

tended  as  rates  may  be  considered  as  ratios  of  each 
individual's  tax  only,  and  then,  as  the  aggregate  of 
these  ratios  within  a  State  is  to  the  sum  of  the  ratios 
on  a  particular  building,  so  will  the  sum  to  be  raised 
in  the  State  be  to  the  sum  to  be  paid  by  the  owner 
of  that  building,  and  so  the  very  bad  business  of 
valuations  may  be  avoided  in  general.  In  regard  to 
stores,  if  they  are  comprehended,  rents  or  valuations 
may  be  adopted,  and  these  rents  may  also  be  repre 
sented  by  ratios  equivalent  to  the  proportion  of  the 
specific  ratios  to  the  rents  of  houses  to  be  estimated 
in  the  law. 

If  these  ideas  are  not  clear  I  will  on  your  desire 
give  a  further  explanation. 

My  plans  of  ways  and  means  then  for  the  present 
would  be: 

A  tax  on  buildings  equal  to  $1,000,000 

On  stamps,  including  a  small  percentage  on 
policies  of  insurance  and  a  percentage  on 
collateral  successions  500,000 

A  duty  on  hats,  say  5  per  cent,  for  the  com 
monest  kind,  10  per  cent,  for  the  middling, 
and  20  for  the  best,  to  be  decided  by  the 
materials 

On  saddle-horses dollars  per  horse  250,000 

On  salt,  so  much  as  will  make  the  whole  duty 

25  cents — suppose  250,000 

$2,000,000 

I  should  like  also  a  remodification  of  the  duties 
on  licenses  to  sell  spirituous  liquors  by  multiplying 
discriminations. 


270  Alexander  Hamilton 

I  would  then  open  a  loan  for  five  millions  of  dol 
lars,  to  be  repaid  absolutely  within  five  years,  upon 
which  I  would  allow  a  high  interest,  say  eight  per 
cent.,  payable  quarterly,  and  redeemable  at  pleasure 
by  paying  off,  and  I  would  accept  subscriptions  as 
low  as  one  hundred  dollars.  In  case  of  pressure, 
Treasury-bills  bearing  a  like  interest  may  be  used. 

If  unfortunately  war  breaks  out,  then  every  prac 
ticable  object  of  taxation  should  at  once  be  seized 
hold  of,  so  as  to  carry  our  revenue  in  the  first  in 
stance  to  the  extent  of  our  ability.  Nor  is  the  field 
narrow. 

I  give  you  my  ideas  full  gallop  and  without  man 
agement  of  expression.  I  hope  you  always  under 
stand  me  a-right  and  receive  my  communications  as 
they  are  intended,  in  the  spirit  of  friendly  frankness. 


TO   OLIVER   WOLCOTT 

June  8,  1797. 

DEAR  SIR: 

I  have  received  your  two  letters  of  the  6th  and 
7th.  The  last  announced  to  me  no  more  than  I 
feared.  Nor  do  I  believe  any  sufficient  external  im 
pulse  can  be  given  to  save  us  from  disgrace.  This, 
however,  will  be  thought  of. 

I  regret  that  you  appear  remote  from  the  idea  of 
a  house  tax  simply,  without  combining  the  land.  I 
do  not  differ  from  your  general  principle.  The  truth 
is  a  solid  one  that  the  sound  state  of  political  economy 
depends,  in  a  great  degree,  on  a  general  repartition 
of  taxes  on  taxable  property,  by  some  equal  rule. 


Private  Correspondence  271 

But  it  is  very  important  to  relax  in  theory,  so  as  to 
accomplish  as  much  as  may  be  practicable.  I  de 
spair  of  a  general  land  tax  without  actual  war.  I 
fear  the  idea  of  it ;  it  keeps  men  from  the  augmenta 
tion  of  revenue  by  other  means  which  they  might  be 
willing  to  adopt.  The  idea  of  a  house  tax  alone  is 
not  so  formidable.  If  placed  upon  a  footing  which 
would  evince  practicability  and  moderation  in  the 
sum,  I  think  it  might  succeed.  Now,  one  million  of 
dollars,  computing  the  number  of  houses  at  six  hun 
dred  thousand,  would  be  an  average  of  about  a  dollar 
and  a  half.  The  tax  would  be  very  low  on  the  worst 
houses,  and  could  not  be  high  on  the  best.  This  idea 
would  smooth  a  great  deal. 

As  to  the  circumstance  of  the  habitations  of  the 
Southern  negroes,  I  see  no  insuperable  difficulty  in 
applying  ratios  to  them  which  would  tend  to  indi 
vidual  equity.  As  between  the  States,  the  quota 
principle  would  make  this  point  unimportant. 

As  to  the  inequality  in  certain  States,  I  believe, 
on  the  plan  suggested,  there  could  be  no  general  tax 
which  in  fact  would  operate  more  equally.  The 
idea  of  equalization  by  embracing  lands  does  not 
much  engage  my  confidence.  Besides  that,  this 
may  be  an  after-object,  and  we  are  to  gain  points 
successively. 

As  to  the  productiveness  of  the  stamp  tax,  with 
the  items  I  suggest,  it  is  difficult,  in  the  first  instance, 
to  judge.  But  I  am  persuaded  it  would  go  far  to 
wards  the  point  aimed  at.  There  cannot  be  much 
fewer  than  three  millions  of  hats  consumed  in  a  year 
in  this  country.  At  an  average  of  eight  cents  per 


272  Alexander  Hamilton 

hat,  this  would  be  two  hundred  and  forty  thousand 
dollars,  a  large  proportion  of  the  five  hundred  thou 
sand  dollars.  If  law  proceedings  can  be  included, 
directly  or  indirectly,  the  produce  will  be  very  con 
siderable.  I  think  you  mistake  when  you  say  these 
taxes  in  England  are  inconsiderable  in  proportion. 
According  to  my  recollection,  the  reverse  is  the  truth. 


TO  TIMOTHY   PICKERING 

August  27,  1797. 

DEAR  SIR: 

Some  time  since  I  received  the  enclosed,  being 
directions  concerning  measures  requisite  to  be  pur 
sued  to  obtain  indemnification  in  case  of  capture  by 
British  cruisers.  I  laid  it  by  in  haste,  and  have  since 
overlooked  it.  I  do  not  recollect  to  have  seen  it  in 
the  newspapers,  and  yet  it  appeared  to  me  necessary 
that  it  should  be  so.  As  it  came  to  me  from  some 
one  of  our  public  characters  in  London,  I  presume 
you  must  have  received  the  equivalent.  I  am 
curious  to  know  if  this  has  been  the  case,  and  if  any 
thing  has  been  done  upon  it. 

After  perusal,  and  making  such  use  as  you  may 
think  proper,  you  will  oblige  me  by  returning  it. 


TO   WASHINGTON 

NEW  YORK,  August  28,  1797. 


MY  DEAR  SIR: 

The  receipt  two  days  since  of  your  letter  of  the  2  ist 
instant  gave  me  sincere  pleasure.     The  token  of  your 


Private  Correspondence  273 

regard  which  it  announces  is  very  precious  to  me,  and 
will  always  be  remembered  as  it  ought  to  be. 

Mrs.  Hamilton  has  lately  added  another  boy  to 
our  stock;  she  and  the  child  are  both  well.  She 
desires  to  be  affectionately  remembered  to  Mrs. 
Washington  and  yourself. 

We  have  nothing  new  here  more  than  our  papers 
contain,  but  are  anxiously  looking  forward  to  a 
further  development  of  the  negotiations  in  Europe, 
with  an  ardent  desire  for  general  accommodation. 
It  is  at  the  same  time  agreeable  to  observe  that  the 
public  mind  is  adopting  more  and  more  sentiments 
truly  American,  and  free  from  foreign  tincture. 

I  beg  my  best  respects  to  Mrs.  Washington. 


TO   OLIVER   WOLCOTT 

November  20,  1797. 


DEAR  SIR: 

Give  me  leave  to  remind  you  of  your  promise  to 
send  me  the  documents  and  information  which  au 
thenticate  the  situation  of  Mr.  Beaumarchais  as  to 
the  unaccounted-for  million. 

Allow  me  also  to  mention  to  you  another  point.  I 
hear  there  is  a  plan  among  the  directors  of  the  bank 
to  transfer  the  management  of  their  concerns  from 
the  house  of  Cazenove  to  that  of  Baring.  When  the 
arrangement  was  originally  upon  the  tapis,  I  felt 
some  preference  to  the  house  of  Baring  as  of  more 
known  solidity.  But  after  its  having  taken  a  differ 
ent  course  I  should  regret  a  change  unless  upon 
grounds  which  I  am  persuaded  do  not  exist — cir- 


274  Alexander  Hamilton 

cumstances  of  insecurity  in  the  conduct  of  affairs  of 
the  existing  agents.  I  verily  believe  they  unite  pru 
dence  and  solidity.  The  change  might,  without 
cause,  injure  their  credit  and  do  them  positive  hartru 
It  was  one  thing  to  have  entrusted  them  in  the  first 
instance.  It  is  another  to  recall  that  trust,  which 
neither  justice  nor  the  reputation  of  the  bank  will 
countenance,  but  for  valid  reasons  of  change  of 
opinion.  My  friendship  for  Mr.  Cazenove,  the 
father,  corresponds  with  my  sense  of  propriety,  to 
induce  the  wish  that  you  may  see  fit  to  exert  your 
influence  in  every  proper  way  to  prevent  a  change.1 


TO   OLIVER  WOLCOTT 

1797. 

DEAR  SIR: 

I  thank  you  for  your  last  letter.  The  opinion  with 
regard  to  the  conduct  of  the  President  is  very  im 
portant. 

As  to  our  finances,  all  will  be  well  if  our  councils 
are  wise  and  vigorous;  if  not,  all  will  go  to  ruin.  I 
fear  there  is  not  among  the  friends  sufficient  capa 
ciousness  of  views  for  the  greatness  of  the  occasion. 

I  send  the  enclosed  because  it  requires  correction.1 


TO   RUFUS   KING 


(Probably  March,  1798.) 

It  is  a  great  while,  my  dear  friend,  since  I  have 
written  to  you  a  line.     You  will  not,  I  am  sure,  im- 

1  Now  first  printed  from  the  Wolcott  papers  in  the  possession  of  the 
Connecticut  Historical  Society. 


Private  Correspondence  275 

pute  my  silence  to  any  cause  impeaching  my  friend 
ship,  for  that  must  be  always  cordial  and  entire. 
The  truth  is  that  my  professional  avocations  occupy 
me  to  the  extent  of  the  exertions  my  health  permits, 
and  I  have  been  unwilling  to  sit  down  to  write  you 
without  leisure  to  say  some  thing  interesting.  But 
I  now  depart  from  the  rule,  that  my  persevering 
silence  may  not  make  me  sin  beyond  redemption.  I 
have,  however,  only  time  to  tell  you  that  your  friends 
are  generally  well,  and  as  much  attached  to  you  as 
ever,  and  that  I  hear  of  no  cabals  against  you. 

Being  just  returned  from  Albany,  I  would  say 
nothing  about  the  political  juncture  as  it  is  affected 
by  the  unpleasant  advices  from  our  commissioners 
in  France.  I  will  only  say,  that  the  public  mind  is 
much  sounder  than  that  of  our  representatives  in  the 
national  council,  and  that  there  is  no  danger  of  our 
entirely  disgracing  ourselves — that  is,  by  any  un 
worthy  compliances  with  the  exorbitant  pretensions 
of  "The  Great  MONSTER."  ' 


TO   TIMOTHY   PICKERING 

NEW  YORK,  March  17,  1798. 


DEAR  SIR: 

I  make  no  apology  for  offering  you  my  opinion  on 
the  present  state  of  our  affairs. 

I  look  upon  the  question  before  the  public  as 
nothing  less  than  whether  we  shall  maintain  our 
independence;  and  I  am  prepared  to  do  it  in  every 

1  Soi-disant,  "The  Great  Nation." 


276  Alexander  Hamilton 

event,  and  at  every  hazard.  I  am  therefore  of 
opinion  that  our  Executive  should  come  forth  on 
this  basis. 

I  wish  to  see  a  temperate,  but  grave,  solemn,  and 
•firm  communication  from  the  President  to  the  two 
houses  on  the  result  of  the  advices  from  our  com 
missioners;  this  communication  to  review  sum 
marily  the  course  of  our  affairs  wich  France  from  the 
beginning  to  the  present  moment;  to  advert  to  her 
conduct  towards  the  neutral  powers  generally,  dwell 
ing  emphatically  on  the  last  decree  respecting  vessels 
carrying  British  manufactures,  as  an  unequivocal  act 
of  hostility  against  all  of  them;  to  allude  to  the  dan 
gerous  and  vast  projects  of  the  French  government; 
to  consider  her  refusal  to  receive  our  ministers  as  a 
virtual  denial  of  our  independence,  and  as  evidence 
that,  if  circumstances  favor  the  plan,  we  shall  be 
called  to  defend  that  independence,  our  political  in 
stitutions,  and  our  liberty,  against  her  enterprises; 
to  conclude,  that  leaving  still  the  door  to  accommo 
dation  open,  and  not  proceeding  to  final  rupture,  our 
duty,  our  honor,  and  safety,  require  that  we  shall 
take  vigorous  and  comprehensive  measures  of  de 
fence,  adequate  to  the  immediate  protection  of  our 
commerce,  to  the  security  of  our  ports,  and  to  our 
eventual  defence  in  case  of  invasion,  and  with  a  view 
to  these  great  objects,  calling  forth  and  organizing  all 
the  resources  of  the  country.  I  would,  at  the  same 
time,  have  the  President  to  recommend  a  day  of  fast 
ing,  humiliation,  and  prayer.  The  occasion  renders 
it  proper,  and  religious  ideas  will  be  useful.  I  have 
this  last  measure  at  heart. 


Private  Correspondence  277 

The  measures  to  be  advocated  by  our  friends  in 
ongress  to  be  these: 

I. — Permission  to  our  merchant  vessels  to  arm  and 
to  capture  those  which  may  attack  them. 

II. — The  completion  of  our  frigates,  and  the  pro 
vision  of  a  considerable  number  of  sloops-of-war 
not  exceeding  twenty  guns.  Authority  to  capture 
all  attacking,  and  privateers  found  within  twenty 
leagues  of  our  coast. 

III. — Power  to  the  President,  in  general  terms,  to 
provide  and  equip  ten  ships  of  the  line  in  case  of  open 
rupture  with  any  foreign  power. 

IV. — The  increase  of  our  military  establishment 
to  twenty  thousand,  and  a  provisional  army  of 
thirty  thousand,  besides  the  militia. 

V. — The  efficacious  fortification  of  our  principal 
ports,  say  Portsmouth,  Boston,  Newport,  New  Lon 
don,  New  York,  Philadelphia,  Norfolk,  Baltimore, 
Wilmington,  N.  C.,  Charleston,  Savannah.  It  is 
waste  of  money  to  be  more  diffusive. 

VI. — The  extension  of  our  revenue  to  all  the  prin 
cipal  objects  of  taxation,  and  a  loan  commensurate 
with  the  contemplated  expenditures. 

VII. — The  suspension  of  our  treaties  with  France 
till  a  basis  of  connection  shall  be  re-established  by 
treaty. 

In  my  opinion,  bold  language  and  bold  measures 
are  indispensable.  The  attitude  of  calm  defiance 
suits  us.  It  is  vain  to  talk  of  peace  with  a  power 
with  which  we  are  actually  in  hostility.  The  elec 
tion  is  between  a  tame  surrender  of  our  rights  or  a 
state  of  mitigated  hostility.  Neither  do  I  think  that 


278  Alexander  Hamilton 

this  state  will  lead  to  general  rupture  if  France  is 
unsuccessful;  and  if  successful,  there  is  no  doubt 
in  my  mind  that  she  will  endeavor  to  impose  her 
yoke  upon  us. 

P.  S. — If  Robert  Troup  resigns  his  office  of  district 
judge,  the  President  cannot  make  a  better  choice 
than  of  Samuel  Jones,  Esq.,  the  present  Comptroller 
of  the  State.  I  understand  he  will  accept. 


TO   THEODORE   SEDGWICK 

March,  1798. 

The  President  ought  to  make  a  solemn  and  manly 
communication  to  Congress — the  language  grave  and 
firm,  but  without  invective,  in  which,  after  recapitu 
lating  the  progress  of  our  controversy  with  France, 
the  measures  taken  toward  accommodation,  and 
stating  their  degrading  result,  he  ought  to  advert  to 
the  extremely  critical  posture  of  Europe,  the  exces 
sive  pretensions  of  France  externally,  her  treatment 
of  the  neutral  powers  generally,  and  dwelling  em 
phatically  on  the  late  violent  invasion  of  their  com 
merce,  as  an  act  destructive  of  the  independence  of 
nations,  to  state  that  eventual  dangers  of  the  most 
serious  kind  hang  over  us,  and  that  we  ought  to 
consider  ourselves  as  bound  to  provide  with  the  ut 
most  energy  for  the  immediate  security  of  our  in 
vaded  rights,  and  for  the  ultimate  defence  of  our 
liberty  and  independence,  and  conclude  with  a 
recommendation  in  general  terms  to  adopt  efficient 


Private  Correspondence  279 

measures  for  increasing  our  revenue,  for  protecting 
our  commerce,  for  guarding  our  sea-ports,  and  ulti 
mately  for  repelling  invasion;  intimating  also,  that 
the  relations  of  treaty  which  have  subsisted  between 
us  and  France,  and  which  have  been  so  entirely  dis 
regarded  by  her,  ought  not  to  remain  by  our  Con 
stitution  and  laws  binding  upon  us,  but  ought  to  be 
suspended  in  their  operations,  till  an  adjustment  of 
differences  shall  re-establish  a  basis  of  connection 
and  intercourse  between  two  countries,  taking  espe 
cial  care,  however,  that  merely  defensive  views  be 
indicated.1 


TO   TIMOTHY   PICKERING 

(Post-marked  March  23,  1798.) 

MY  DEAR  SIR: 

I  understand  that  the  Senate  have  called  upon  the 
President  for  papers.  Nothing  certainly  can  be  more 
proper;  and  such  is  the  universal  opinion  here ;  and 
it  appears  to  me  essential  that  as  much  as  possible 
can  be  communicated.  Confidence  will  otherwise  be 
wanting,  and  criticism  will  ensue  which  it  will  be 
difficult  to  repel.  The  observation  is  that  Congress 
are  called  upon  to  discharge  the  most  important  of 
all  their  functions,  and  that  it  is  too  much  to  expect 
that  they  will  rely  on  the  influence  of  the  Executive 
from  materials  which  may  be  put  before  them.  The 
recent  examples  of  the  British  king  are  cited.  Pray, 
let  all  that  is  possible  be  done. 

1  Reprinted  from  the  History  of  the  Republic,  vii.,  1 14. 


280  Alexander  Hamilton 

TO   TIMOTHY   PICKERING 

10  o'clock,  Tuesday,  March  27,  1798. 

MY  DEAR  SIR: 

I  have  this  moment  received  your  two  favors  of 
the  25th.  I  am  delighted  with  their  contents,  but 
it  is  impossible  for  me  to  reply  particularly  to  them 
so  as  to  reach  you  to-morrow  as  you  desire.  I  will 
therefore  confine  myself  to  one  point.  I  am  against 
going  immediately  into  alliance  with  Great  Britain. 
It  is  my  opinion  that  her  interests  will  insure  us  her 
co-operation  to  the  extent  of  her  power,  and  that 
a  treaty  will  not  secure  her  further.  On  the  other 
hand,  a  treaty  might  entangle  us.  Public  opinion 
is  not  prepared  for  it.  It  would  not  fail  to  be  repre 
sented  as  to  the  point  to  which  our  previous  conduct 
was  directed;  and,  in  case  of  offers  from  France  satis 
factory  to  us,  the  public  faith  might  be  embarrassed 
by  the  calls  of  the  people  for  accommodation  and 
peace. 

The  desideratum  is  that  Britain  could  be  engaged 
to  lodge  with  her  minister  here  powers  commensurate 
with  such  arrangement  as  exigencies  may  require 
and  the  progress  of  opinion  permit.  I  see  no  good 
objection  on  her  part  to  this  plan. 

It  would  be  good  policy  in  her  to  send  to  this 
country  a  dozen  frigates  to  pursue  the  directions  of 
this  government. 

If  Spain  would  cede  Louisiana  to  the  United 
States,  I  would  accept  it  absolutely  if  obtainable 
absolutely,  or  with  an  engagement  to  restore,  if  it 
cannot  be  obtained  absolutely.  I  shall  write  again 
to-morrow. 


Private  Correspondence  281 

TO  JOHN  JAY 

NEW  YORK,  April  24,  1798. 

DEAR  SIR: 

I  have  received  your  two  favors  of  the  igth  in 
stant.  I  feel,  as  I  ought,  the  mark  of  confidence 
they  announce.  But  I  am  obliged  by  my  situation 
to  decline  the  appointment.  This  situation  you  are 
too  well  acquainted  with  to  render  it  necessary  for 
me  to  enter  into  explanation.  There  may  arrive  a 
crisis  when  I  may  conceive  myself  bound  once  more 
to  sacrifice  the  interests  of  my  family  to  public  call. 
But  I  must  defer  the  change  as  long  as  possible. 

I  do  not  at  present  think  of  a  person  to  recom 
mend  adapted  to  the  emergency.  I  shall  reflect  and 
consult,  and  write  you  by  the  next  post.  This,  the 
first  day,  is  not  decisive  of  our  election  here,  but 
there  is  as  yet  nothing  to  discourage.1 


TO  JAMES  McHENRY 

May  17, 1798. 

MY  DEAR  SIR: 

I  have  received  your  letter  of  the  i2th  instant. 
Not  having  seen  the  law  which  provides  the  naval 
armament,  I  cannot  tell  whether  it  gives  any  new 
power  to  the  President;  that  is,  any  power  what 
ever  with  regard  to  the  employment  of  the  ships. 
If  not,  and  he  is  left  at  the  foot  of  the  Constitution, 
as  I  understand  to  be  the  case,  I  am  not  ready  to  say 
that  he  has  any  other  power  than  merely  to  employ 
the  ships  as  convoys,  with  authority  to  repel  force 

1  Jay  was  at  this  time  Governor  of  New  York,  and  he  had  written 
Hamilton,  asking  his  permission  to  appoint  him  U.  S.  Senator  in  place 
of  Judge  Hobart,  who  had  resigned. 


282  Alexander  Hamilton 

by  force  (but  not  to  capture),  and  to  repress  hos 
tilities  within  our  waters,  including  a  marine  league 
from  our  coasts. 

Any  thing  beyond  this  must  fall  under  the  idea  of 
reprisals,  and  requires  the  sanction  of  that  depart 
ment  which  is  to  declare  or  make  war. 

In  so  delicate  a  case,  in  one  which  involves  so  im 
portant  a  consequence  as  that  of  war,  my  opinion  is 
that  no  doubtful  authority  ought  to  be  exercised  by 
the  President;  but,  that  as  different  opinions  about 
his  power  have  been  expressed  in  the  House  of 
Representatives,  and  no  special  power  has  been 
given  by  the  law,  it  will  be  expedient  for  him,  and 
his  duty,  and  the  true  policy  of  the  conjuncture,  to 
come  forward  by  a  message  to  the  two  houses  of 
Congress,  declaring  that  ''so  far  and  no  farther"  he 
feels  himself  confident  of  his  authority  to  go  in  the 
employment  of  the  naval  force ;  that  as,  in  his  opin 
ion,  the  depredations  on  our  trade  demand  a  more 
extensive  protection,  he  has  thought  it  his  duty  to 
bring  the  subject  under  the  review  of  Congress  by 
a  communication  of  his  opinion  of  his  own  powers, 
having  no  desire  to  exceed  the  constitutional  limits. 

This  course  will  remove  all  clouds  as  to  what  the 
President  will  do;  will  gain  him  credit  for  frankness 
and  an  unwillingness  to  chicane  the  Constitution, 
and  will  return  upon  Congress  the  question  in  a 
shape  which  cannot  be  eluded. 

I  presume  you  will  have  heard  before  this  reaches 
you  that  a  French  privateer  has  made  captures  at 
the  mouth  of  our  harbor.  This  is  too  much  humilia 
tion  after  all  that  has  passed. 


Private  Correspondence  283 

Our  merchants  are  very  indignant;  our  govern 
ment  very  prostrate  in  the  view  of  every  man  of 
energy. 


TO   RUFUS   KING 

May,  1798. 

MY  DEAR  SIR: 

It  is  a  great  while  since  I  received  a  line  from 
you,  nor,  indeed,  have  I  deserved  one;  the  vortex  of 
business  in  which  I  have  been  having  kept  me  from 
writing  to  you.  At  this  moment,  I  presume,  you 
will  not  be  sorry  to  know  my  opinion  as  to  the  course 
of  our  public  affairs. 

In  Congress  a  good  spirit  is  gaining  ground,  and, 
though  measures  march  slowly,  there  is  reason  to 
expect  that  almost  every  thing  which  the  exigency 
requires  will  be  done.  The  plan  is  present  defence 
against  depredations  by  sea,  and  preparations  for 
eventual  danger  by  land.  In  the  community,  in 
dignation  against  the  French  Government,  and  a 
firm  resolution  to  support  our  own,  discover  them 
selves  daily  by  unequivocal  symptoms.  The  ap 
pearances  are  thus  far  highly  consoling. 

But,  in  this  posture  of  things,  how  unfortunate  is 
it  that  the  new  instructions  offered  by  Great  Britain, 
which  appear,  according  to  the  reports  of  the  day, 
to  be  giving  rise  to  many  abusive  captures  of  our 
vessels,  are  likely  to  produce  a  counter-current,  and 
to  distract  the  public  dissatisfaction  between  two 
powers,  who,  it  will  be  said,  are  equally  disposed  to 
plunder  and  oppress.  In  vain  will  it  be  urged  that 
the  British  Government  cannot  be  so  absurd  as  at 


284 


Alexander  Hamilton 


such  a  juncture  to  intend  us  injury.  The  effects 
will  be  alone  considered,  and  they  will  make  the 
worst  possible  impression.  By  what  fatality  has  the 
British  Cabinet  been  led  to  spring  any  new  mine,  by 
new  regulations,  at  such  a  crisis  of  affairs?  What  can 
be  gained  to  counteract  the  mischievous  tendency 
of  abuses?  Why  are  weapons  to  be  furnished  to 
our  Jacobins? 

It  seems  the  captured  vessels  are  carried  to  the 
Mole,  where  there  is  a  virtuous  judge,  of  the  name 
of  Cambault,  disposed  to  give  sanction  to  plunder 
in  every  shape.  Events  are  not  yet  sufficiently 
unfolded  to  enable  us  to  judge  of  the  extent  of  the 
mischief,  but  nothing  can  be  more  unlucky  than  that 
the  door  has  been  opened.  The  recency  of  the  thing 
may  prevent  your  hearing  any  thing  about  it  from 
the  government  by  this  opportunity. 

P.  S. — It  is  said  privateers  are  fitting  out  at  An 
tigua  and  St.  Kitts. 


TO   WASHINGTON 

NEW  YORK,  May  19,  1798. 

MY  DEAR  SIR: 

At  the  present  dangerous  crisis  of  public  affairs,  I 
make  no  apology  for  troubling  you  with  a  political 
letter.  Your  impressions  of  our  situation,  I  am  per 
suaded,  are  not  different  from  mine.  There  is  cer 
tainly  great  probability  that  we  may  have  to  enter 
into  a  very  serious  struggle  with  France;  and  it  is 
more  and  more  evident  that  the  powerful  faction 
which  has  for  years  opposed  the  government,  is 


Private  Correspondence  285 

determined  to  go  every  length  with  France.  I  am 
sincere  in  declaring  my  full  conviction,  as  the  result 
of  a  long  course  of  observation,  that  they  are  ready 
to  new-model  our  Constitution  under  the  influence 
or  coercion  of  France,  to  form  with  her  a  perpetual 
alliance,  offensive  and  defensive,  and  to  give  her  a 
monopoly  of  our  trade  by  peculiar  and  exclusive 
privileges.  This  would  be  in  substance,  whatever  it 
might  be  in  name,  to  make  this  country  a  province 
of  France.  Neither  do  I  doubt  that  her  standard, 
displayed  in  this  country,  would  be  directly  or  in 
directly  seconded  by  them,  in  pursuance  of  the  pro 
ject  I  have  mentioned. 

It  is  painful  and  alarming  to  remark,  that  the 
opposition  faction  assumes  so  much  a  geographical 
complexion.  As  yet,  from  the  south  of  Maryland 
nothing  has  been  heard  but  accounts  of  disappro 
bation  of  our  government,  and  approbation  of  or 
apology  for  France.  This  is  a  most  portentous  symp 
tom,  and  demands  every  human  effort  to  change  it. 

In  such  a  state  of  public  affairs,  it  is  impossible  not 
to  look  up  to  you,  and  to  wish  that  your  influence 
could  in  some  proper  mode  be  brought  into  direct 
action.  Among  the  ideas  which  have  passed  through 
my  mind  for  this  purpose,  I  have  asked  myself 
whether  it  might  not  be  expedient  for  you  to  make  a 
circuit  through  Virginia  and  North  Carolina,  under 
some  pretence  of  health,  etc.  This  would  call  forth 
addresses,  public  dinners,  etc.,  which  would  give 
you  an  opportunity  of  expressing  sentiments  in  an 
swers,  toasts,  etc.,  which  would  throw  the  weight  of 
your  character  into  the  scale  of  the  government,  and 


286  Alexander  Hamilton 

revive  an  enthusiasm  for  your  person,  that  may  be 
turned  into  the  right  channel. 

I  am  aware  that  the  step  is  delicate,  and  ought  to 
be  well  considered  before  it  is  taken.  I  have  even 
not  settled  my  own  opinion  as  to  its  propriety,  but  I 
have  concluded  to  bring  the  general  idea  under  your 
view,  confident  that  your  judgment  will  make  a 
right  choice;  and  that  you  will  take  no  step  which 
is  not  well  calculated.  The  conjuncture,  however,  is 
extraordinary,  and  now,  or  very  soon,  will  demand 
extraordinary  measures. 

You  ought  also  to  be  aware,  my  dear  sir,  that  in 
the  event  of  an  open  rupture  with  France,  the  public 
voice  will  again  call  you  to  command  the  armies  of 
your  country;  and,  though  all  who  are  attached  to 
you  will,  from  attachment,  as  well  as  from  public 
considerations,  deplore  an  occasion  which  should 
once  more  tear  you  from  that  repose  to  which  you 
have  so  good  a  right,  yet  it  is  the  opinion  of  all  those 
with  whom  I  converse,  that  you  will  be  compelled 
to  make  the  sacrifice.  All  your  past  labor  may  de 
mand  to  give  it  efficacy  this  further,  this  very  great 
sacrifice.  Adieu,  my  dear  sir. 


TO   WASHINGTON 

NEW  YORK,  June  2,  1798. 

MY  DEAR  SIR: 

I  have  before  me  your  favor  of  the  27th  of  May. 
The  suggestion  in  my  last  was  an  indigested  thought, 
begotten  by  my  anxiety.  I  have  no  doubt  that 
your  view  of  it  is  accurate  and  well  founded. 

It  is  a  great  satisfaction  to  me  to  ascertain  what  I 


Private  Correspondence  287 

had  anticipated  in  hope,  that  you  are  not  deter 
mined  in  an  adequate  emergency  against  affording 
once  more  your  military  services.  There  is  no  one 
but  yourself  that  would  unite  the  public  confidence 
in  such  an  emergency,  independent  of  other  con 
siderations,  and  it  is  of  the  last  importance  that  this 
confidence  should  be  full  and  complete.  As  to  the 
wish  of  the  country,  it  is  certain  that  it  will  be  ardent 
and  universal.  You  intimate  a  desire  to  be  in 
formed  what  would  be  my  part  in  such  an  event  as 
to  entering  into  military  service.  I  have  no  scruple 
about  opening  myself  to  you  on  this  point.  If  I  am 
invited  to  a  station  in  which  the  service  I  may  render 
may  be  proportionate  to  the  sacrifice  I  am  to  make,  I 
shall  be  willing  to  go  into  the  army.  If  you  com 
mand,  the  place  in  which  I  should  hope  to  be  most 
useful  is  that  of  Inspector-General,  with  a  command 
in  the  line.  This  I  would  accept.  The  public  must 
judge  for  itself  as  to  whom  it  will  employ,  but  every 
individual  must  judge  for  himself  as  to  the  terms  on 
which  he  will  serve,  and  consequently  must  estimate 
his  own  pretensions. 

I  have  no  knowledge  of  any  arrangement  contem 
plated,  but  I  take  it  for  granted  the  service  of  all  the 
former  officers  worth  having  may  be  commanded, 
and  that  your  choice  would  regulate  the  Executive. 
With  decision  and  care  in  the  selection  an  excellent 
army  may  be  formed. 

The  view  you  give  of  the  prospects  in  the  South  is 
very  consoling.  The  public  temper  seems  every 
where  to  be  travelling  to  a  right  point.  This  prom 
ises  security  to  the  country  in  every  event. 


288  Alexander  Hamilton 

TO    OLIVER   WOLCOTT 

NEW  YORK,  June  5,  1798. 

MY  DEAR  SIR: 

The  answer  from  the  President  to  the  Commander- 
in-Chief,  etc.,  of  New  Jersey,  contains  in  the  close 
a  very  indifferent  passage.  The  sentiment  is  intem 
perate  and  revolutionary.  It  is  not  for  us,  par 
ticularly  for  the  government,  to  breathe  an  irregular 
or  violent  spirit.  Hitherto  I  have  much  liked  the 
President's  answers,  as,  in  the  main,  within  proper 
bounds,  and  calculated  to  animate  and  raise  the 
public  mind.  But  there  are  limits  which  must  not 
be  passed,  and  from  my  knowledge  of  the  ardor  of 
the  President's  mind,  and  this  specimen  of  the  effects 
of  that  ardor,  I  begin  to  be  apprehensive  that  he 
may  run  into  indiscretion.  This  will  do  harm  to  the 
government,  to  the  cause,  and  to  himself.  Some 
hint  must  be  given,  for  we  must  make  no  mistakes. 

Enclosed  is  a  sketch  of  some  ideas  which  have  run 
through  my  mind.  They  are  perhaps  none  of  them 
new,  but  they  are  offered  as  the  evidence  of  my  opin 
ion  on  the  point.  As  yet  we  are  far  short  of  the 
point  of  vigor. 

Further  measures  advisable  to  be  taken  without  delay. 

First. — To  authorize  the  President  to  proceed 
forthwith  to  raise  the  ten  thousand  men  already 
ordered. 

Secondly. — To  establish  an  academy  for  naval 
and  military  instruction.  This  is  a  very  important 
measure,  and  ought  to  be  permanent. 

Thirdly. — To  provide  for  the  immediate  raising  of 


Private  Correspondence  289 


a  corps  of  non-commissioned  officers,  viz. :  sergeants 
and  corporals,  sufficient,  with  the  present  establish 
ment,  for  an  army  of  fifty  thousand  men.  The  hav 
ing  these  men  prepared  and  disciplined  will  accelerate 
extremely  the  disciplining  of  an  additional  force. 

Fourthly. — To  provide,  before  Congress  rise,  that 
in  case  it  shall  appear  that  an  invasion  of  this  country 
by  a  large  army  is  actually  on  foot,  there  shall  be  a 
draft  from  the  militia,  to  be  classed,  of  a  number 
sufficient  to  complete  the  army  of  fifty  thousand 
men.  Provision  for  volunteers  in  lieu  of  drafts.  A 
bounty  to  be  given. 

Fifthly. — To  authorize  the  President  to  provide  a 
further  naval  force  of  six  ships  of  the  line  and  twelve 
frigates,  with  twenty  small  vessels  not  exceeding 
sixteen  guns.  It  is  possible  the  ships  of  the  line  and 
frigates  may  be  purchased  of  Great  Britain,  to  be 
paid  for  in  stock.  We  ought  to  be  ready  to  cut  up 
all  the  small  privateers  and  gun-boats  in  the  West 
Indies,  so  as  at  the  same  time  to  distress  the  French 
islands  as  much  as  possible,  and  protect  our  own 
trade. 

Sixthly. — Is  not  the  independence  of  the  French 
colonies,  under  the  guaranty  of  the  United  States,  to 
be  aimed  at?  If  it  is,  there  cannot  be  too  much 
promptness  in  opening  negotiations  for  the  purpose. 
Victor  Hugues  is  probably  an  excellent  subject. 
This  idea,  however,  deserves  mature  consideration. 

Seventhly. — It  is  essential  the  Executive  should 
have  half  a  million  of  secret-service  money.  If  the 
measure  cannot  be  carried  without  it,  the  expendi 
ture  may  be  with  the  approbation  of  three  members 

VOL.  X.— IQ. 


290 


Alexander  Hamilton 


of  each  house  of  Congress.     But  it  were  better  with 
out  this  incumbrance. 

Eighthly. — Revenue  in  addition  to  the  two  millions 
of  land  tax,  say: 

Probable 
Produce 

A  stamp  duty  on  hats,  as  well  manufactured  at 
home  as  imported,  distributed  into  three 
classes:  ten,  fifteen,  and  twenty-five  cents,    $500,000 
Saddle-horses  one  dollar  each,  excluding  those 

engaged  in  agriculture        ....      100,000 
Salt,  add  so  as  to  raise  the  present  duty  to 

twenty-five  cents  per  bushel. 
Male  servants  of  these  capacities,  by  whatever 
name :  maitre  d' hotel,  house  steward,  valet  de 
chambre,  butler,  under  butler,  confectioner, 
cook,  house  porter,  waiter,  footman,  coach 
man,  groom,  postilion,  stable-boy.1 
For  one  such  servant      .         .         .         .         $i 
For  two  servants  and  not  more      .        each,    2 
For  three  servants  and  not  more    .  3 

Above  three 4      500,000 

(One  dollar  additional  by  bachelors.) 

New  modification,   with  greater  diversity  of 

licenses  for  sale  of  wines,  etc     .         .         .      100,000 
One  per  cent,  on  all  successions  by  descent  or 

devise        .......      100,000 

Ninthly. — A  loan  of  ten  millions  of  dollars.  The 
interest  to  be  such  as  will  insure  the  loan  at  par.  It 
is  better  to  give  high  interest  redeemable  at  pleasure, 
than  low  interest  with  accumulation  of  capital,  as  in 
England. 

1  In  lieu  of  tax  on  slaves,  which  is  liable  to  much  objection. 


Private  Correspondence  291 

TO    RUFUS   KING 

June  6,  1798. 

MY  DEAR  SIR: 

Official  information  and  the  public  papers  will  give 
you  all  the  information  I  could  give  of  the  measures 
going  on  in  this  country.  You  will  have  observed 
with  pleasure  a  spirit  of  patriotism  kindling  every 
where.  And  you  will  not  be  sorry  to  know  that  it  is 
my  opinion,  that  there  will  shortly  be  national  una 
nimity,  as  far  as  that  idea  can  ever  exist.  Many  of 
the  leaders  of  faction  will  persist,  and  take  ultimately 
a  station  in  the  public  estimation  like  that  of  the 
tories  of  our  revolution. 

Our  chief  embarrassment  now  is,  the  want  of 
energy  among  some  of  our  friends,  and  our  councils 
containing  too  strong  an  infusion  of  those  characters 
who  cannot  reform,  and  who,  though  a  minority,  are 
numerous  enough  and  artful  enough  to  perplex  and 
relax.  We  do  far  less  than  we  ought  towards  organ 
izing  and  maturing  for  the  worst  the  resources  of  the 
country.  But  I  count  that  there  is  a  progress  of 
opinion  which  will  probably  shortly  overcome  this 
obstacle. 

How  vexatious  that  at  such  a  juncture  there  should 
be  officers  of  Great  Britain,  who,  actuated  by  a  spirit 
of  plunder,  are  doing  the  most  violent  things,  calcu 
lated  to  check  the  proper  amount  of  popular  feeling, 
and  to  furnish  weapons  to  the  enemies  of  govern 
ment.  Cambault  at  the  Mole  is  acting  a  part  quite 
as  bad  as  the  Directory  and  their  instruments.  I 
have  seen  several  of  his  condemnations.  They  are 
wanton  beyond  measure.  It  is  not  enough  that  his 


292  Alexander  Hamilton 

acts  are  disavowed,  and  a  late  and  defective  redress 
given  through  the  channels  of  the  regular  courts. 
Justice,  and  the  policy  of  the  crisis,  demand  that 
he  be  decisively  punished  and  disgraced.  I  think  it 
probable  you  will  be  instructed  to  require  this.  It 
would  be  happy  if  the  government  where  you  are 
would  anticipate. 

It  is  unlucky,  too,  that  Cochran,  of  the  Thetis,  ap 
pears  to  be  doing  some  ill  things.  The  Southern 
papers  announce  a  number  of  captures  lately  made 
by  him,  and  in  some  instances,  if  they  say  true,  on 
very  frivolous  pretexts.  The  character  of  that  gen 
tleman  would  lead  me  to  hope  that  there  is  in  this 
some  misrepresentation,  but  the  present  appearances 
against  him  are  strong. 

There  seems  a  fatality  in  all  this.  It  cannot  be 
doubted  that  the  British  cabinet  must  at  this  time 
desire  to  conciliate  this  country.  It  is  to  be  hoped 
they  will  not  want  vigor  to  do  it  with  effect,  by  pun 
ishing  those  who  contravene  the  object. 


TO   TIMOTHY   PICKERING 

June  7,  1798. 

MY  DEAR  SIR: 

As  McHenry  will  probably  have  left  Philadelphia 
before  this  reaches  that  place,  I  take  the  liberty  to 
address  the  subject  of  it  to  you. 

I  have  received  a  letter  from  Capt.  Van  Rensselaer, 
in  which  he  informs  me  that  he  is  a  candidate  for 
a  commission  on  board  our  navy,  and  requests 
my  recommendation  of  it.  As  a  connection  of  our 


Private  Correspondence  293 

family,  I  cannot  refuse  it,  as  far  as  truth  and  pro 
priety  will  warrant. 

When  he  first  began  his  career,  the  young  man  did 
things  which  were  not  pretty,  but  he  has  since  that 
retrieved  his  character  by  a  conduct  which  has 
rapidly  raised  him  to  the  command  of  a  ship,  which 
he  has  had  of  several.  I  have  particularly  inquired 
concerning  him,  and  my  inquiries  have  been  satis 
factorily  answered,  so  that  I  really  conclude  he  is 
a  deserving  man.  But  of  this  you  can  be  better 
ascertained  from  persons  in  Philadelphia,  in  whose 
employ  I  believe  he  has  sailed. 

My  only  intention  is  to  request  attention  to 
his  pretensions,  as  far  as  they  appear  to  be  good, 
and  in  the  proportion  which  they  bear  to  those 
of  other  candidates.  I  owe  this  to  him  as  a  fam 
ily  connection,  and  I  may  add  that  he  is  of  a  brave 
blood. 

What  do  the  British  mean?  What  are  these 
stories  of  the  Thetis,  etc.  ?  In  my  opinion,  our  coun 
try  is  now  to  act  in  every  direction  with  spirit.  Will 
it  not  be  well  to  order  one  of  our  frigates  to  Charles 
ton,  to  protect  effectually  our  commerce  in  that 
quarter,  and,  if  necessary,  control  the  Thetis?  This 
conduct  will  unite  and  animate. 

P.  S. — If  an  alien  bill  passes,  I  would  like  to  know 
what  policy,  in  execution,  is  likely  to  govern  the 
Executive.  My  opinion  is,  that  while  the  mass  ought 
to  be  obliged  to  leave  the  country,  the  provisions  in 
our  treaties  in  favor  of  merchants  ought  to  be  ob 
served,  and  there  ought  to  be  guarded  exceptions  of 


294  Alexander  Hamilton 

characters  whose  situation  would  expose  them  too 
much  if  sent  away,  and  whose  demeanor  amongst  us 
has  been  unexceptionable.  There  are  a  few  such. 
Let  us  not  be  cruel  or  violent. 


TO   TIMOTHY    PICKERING 

June  8,  1798. 

MY  DEAR  SIR: 

Though  I  scarcely  think  it  possible  that  the  British 
Administration  can  have  given  the  orders  which  ac 
counts  from  various  quarters  attribute  to  them,  yet 
the  circumstance  of  these  accounts  coming  from 
different  quarters,  and  the  conduct  of  such  a  man  as 
Capt.  Cochran,  make  me  apprehensive.  I  take  the 
liberty  to  express  to  you  my  opinion  that  it  is  of  the 
true  policy  as  well  as  of  the  dignity  of  our  govern 
ment,  to  act  with  spirit  and  energy  as  well  toward 
Great  Britain  as  France.  I  would  mete  the  same 
measure  to  both  of  them,  though  it  should  ever  furn 
ish  the  extraordinary  spectacle  of  a  nation  at  war 
with  two  nations  at  war  with  each  other.  One  of 
them  will  quickly  court  us,  and  by  this  course  of  con 
duct  our  citizens  will  be  enthusiastically  united  to 
the  government.  It  will  evince  that  we  are  neither 
Greeks  nor  Trojans.  In  very  critical  cases  bold  ex 
pedients  are  often  necessary.  Will  not  a  pointed 
call  on  the  British  Minister  here  to  declare  whether 
he  has  any  knowledge  of  the  instructions  alleged  be 
proper?  The  making  this  call  and  the  answer  public 
may  have  good  effect. 

No  one  who  does  not  see  all  the  cards  can  judge 


Private  Correspondence  295 

accurately.     But  I  am  sure  the  general  course  I  in 
dicate  cannot  but  be  well.1 


TO    OLIVER   WOLCOTT 

June  29,  1798. 

DEAR  SIR: 

I  have  this  moment  seen  a  bill 2  brought  into  the 
Senate,  entitled  "A  Bill  to  define  more  particularly 
the  crime  of  Treason,"  etc.  There  are  provisions  in 
this  bill,  which,  according  to  a  cursory  view,  appear 
to  me  highly  exceptionable,  and  such  as,  more  than 
any  thing  else,  may  endanger  civil  war.  I  have  not 
time  to  point  out  my  objections  by  this  post,  but  I 
will  do  it  to-morrow.  I  hope  sincerely  the  thing  may 
not  be  hurried  through.  Let  us  not  establish  a 
tyranny.  Energy  is  a  very  different  thing  from 
violence.  If  we  make  no  false  step,  we  shall  be  es 
sentially  united,  but  if  we  push  things  to  an  extreme, 
we  shall  then  give  to  faction  body  and  solidity. 


TO    WASHINGTON 

July  8,  1798. 

DEAR  SIR: 

I  was  much  surprised  on  my  arrival  here  to  discover 
that  your  nomination  had  been  without  any  previ 
ous  consultation  of  you.  Convinced  of  the  good 
ness  of  the  motives,  it  would  be  useless  to  scan  the 
propriety  of  the  step.  It  is  taken,  and  the  question 

1  Now  first  printed  from  the  Pickering  papers  in  possession  of  the 
Massachusetts  Historical  Society. 

2  The  first  draft  or  project  of  what  afterwards  became  the  Alien  and 
Sedition  laws. 


296  Alexander  Hamilton 

is,  what,  under  the  circumstances,  ought  to  be  done? 
I  use  the  liberty  which  my  attachment  to  you  and 
to  the  public  authorizes,  to  offer  my  opinion  that  you 
should  not  decline  the  appointment.  It  is  evident 
that  the  public  satisfaction  at  it  is  lively  and  uni 
versal.  It  is  not  to  be  doubted  that  the  circum 
stance  will  give  an  additional  spring  to  the  public 
mind — will  tend  much  to  unite,  and  will  facilitate 
the  measures  which  the  conjuncture  requires.  On 
the  other  hand,  your  declining  would  certainly  pro 
duce  the  opposite  effects,  would  throw  a  great  damp 
upon  the  ardor  of  the  country,  inspiring  the  idea  that 
the  crisis  was  not  really  serious  or  alarming.  At 
least,  then,  let  me  entreat  you,  and  in  this  all  your 
friends,  indeed,  all  good  citizens  will  unite,  that  if 
you  do  not  give  an  unqualified  acceptance,  that  you 
accept  provisionally,  making  your  entering  upon 
the  duties  to  depend  on  future  events,  so  that  the 
community  may  look  up  to  you  as  their  certain 
commander.  But  I  prefer  a  simple  acceptance. 

It  may  be  well,  however,  to  apprise  you  that  the 
arrangement  of  the  army  may  demand  your  par 
ticular  attention.  The  President  has  no  relative 
ideas,  and  his  prepossessions  on  military  subjects  in 
reference  to  such  a  point  are  of  the  wrong  sort.  It 
is  easy  for  us  to  have  a  good  army,  but  the  selection 
requires  care.  It  is  necessary  to  inspire  confidence 
in  the  efficient  part  of  those  who  may  incline  to  mili 
tary  service.  Much  adherence  to  routine  would  do 
great  harm.  Men  of  capacity  and  exertion  in  the 
higher  stations  are  indispensable.  It  deserves  con 
sideration  whether  your  presence  at  the  seat  of  gov- 


Private  Correspondence  297 

ernment  is  not  necessary.  If  you  will  accept  it  will 
be  conceived  that  the  arrangement  is  yours,  and  you 
will  be  responsible  for  it  in  reputation.  This,  and 
the  influence  of  a  right  arrangement  upon  future 
success,  seem  to  require  that  you  should,  in  one 
mode  or  another,  see  efficaciously  that  the  arrange 
ment  is  such  as  you  would  approve. 


TO   TIMOTHY   PICKERING 

NEW  YORK,  July  17,  1798 

MY  DEAR  SIR: 

I  thank  you  for  your  friendly  letter  by  the  post.  I 
had  not  contemplated  the  possibility  that  Knooo 
might  come  into  service,  and  was  content  to  be  sec 
ond  to  him,  if  thought  indispensable.  Pinckney,  if 
placed  over  me,  puts  me  a  grade  lower.  I  don't  be 
lieve  it  to  be  necessary.  I  am  far  from  certain  that 
he  will  not  be  content  to  serve  under  me,  but  I  am 
willing  that  the  affair  should  be  so  managed  as  that 
the  relative  ranks  may  remain  open  to  future  settle 
ment,  to  ascertain  the  effect  of  the  arrangement 
which  has  been  contemplated. 

I  am  not,  however,  ready  to  say  that  I  shall  be 
satisfied  with  the  appointment  of  Inspector-General, 
with  the  rank  and  command  of  Major-General,  on 
the  principle  that  every  officer  of  high  rank  in  the 
late  army,  who  may  be  appointed,  is  to  be  above  me. 

I  am  frank  to  own  that  this  will  not  accord  with 
my  opinion  of  my  own  pretensions,  and  I  have  every 
reason  to  believe  that  it  will  fall  far  short  of  public 
opinion. 


298  Alexander  Hamilton 

Few  have  made  so  many  sacrifices  as  myself.  To 
few  would  a  change  of  situation  for  a  military  ap 
pointment  be  so  injurious  as  to  myself.  If,  with 
this  sacrifice,  I  am  to  be  degraded  below  my  just 
claim  in  public  opinion,  ought  I  to  acquiesce? 


TO   GENERAL   DUPORTAIL  * 

NEW  YORK,  July  23,  1798. 

MY  DEAR  GENERAL: 

Though  it  is  a  great  while  since  I  have  heard  from 
you,  I  have  not  ceased  to  inquire  after  you,  and  I 
shall  never  cease  to  interest  myself  in  your  welfare. 

You  have  seen  the  progress  of  things  between  this 
country  and  France,  and  you  must  have  made  re 
flections  on  your  own  situation.  I  am  aware  that 
the  idea  of  your  entering  in  any  way  into  the  military 
service  of  this  country,  on  such  an  occasion,  is  one 
of  great  delicacy,  and  opposed  by  many  motives. 
But  knowing  your  opinion  as  to  the  revolution  and 
revolutionary  leaders  of  your  country,  I  have  thought 
it  not  wholly  impossible  that  such  an  idea  would  not 
be  entirely  disagreeable  to  you,  and  I  am  desirous  of 
ascertaining,  in  the  most  scrupulous  confidence,  the 
state  of  your  mind  on  this  point.  The  subject  may 
divide  itself  into  employment  in  the  field  and  employ 
ment  out  of  the  field. 

When  I  take  the  liberty  to  sound  you  on  this  head, 

1  The  Chevalier  Louis  Duportail,  a  distinguished  officer  of  engineers 
among  our  French  allies.  He  was  denounced  after  the  fall  of  Lafay 
ette,  and  fled  to  this  country.  He  died  on  the  voyage  home,  after  the 
1 8th  Brumaire  made  it  possible  for  him  to  return. 


Private  Correspondence  299 

I  ought  to  assure  you,  as  is  truly  the  case,  that  the 
step  is  wholly  from  the  suggestion  of  my  own  mind, 
and  that  I  am  altogether  at  a  loss  to  conjecture 
whether  those  who  must  decide  the  matter  would  be 
at  all  disposed  to  avail  themselves  of  your  services. 
I  pray  you  nevertheless  to  open  to  me  freely  your 
heart  on  this  point,  in  the  fullest  reliance  upon  my 
prudence,  honor,  and  delicacy.  If  it  were  not  to  in 
trude  too  much  upon  you,  I  would  request  you  to 
favor  me  with  a  digested  plan  of  an  establishment 
for  a  military  school.  This  is  an  object  I  have  ex 
tremely  at  heart. 


TO   WASHINGTON 

PHILADELPHIA,  July  29,  1798. 


MY  DEAR  SIR: 

Your  letter  of  the  i4th  instant  did  not  reach  me 
till  after  the  appointments  mentioned  in  it  were 
made. 

I  see  clearly  in  what  has  been  done  a  new  mark  of 
your  confidence,  which  I  value  as  I  ought  to  do. 

With  regard  to  the  delicate  subject  of  the  relative 
rank  of  the  major-generals,  it  is  very  natural  for  me 
to  be  a  partial  judge,  and  it  is  not  very  easy  for  me 
to  speak  upon  it.  If  I  know  myself,  however,  this, 
at  least,  I  may  say,  that,  were  I  convinced  of  injus 
tice  being  done  to  others  in  my  favor,  I  should  not 
hesitate  even  to  volunteer  a  correction  of  it,  as  far 
as  my  consent  would  avail.  But  in  a  case  like  this, 
am  I  not  to  take  the  opinion  of  others  as  my  guide? 
If  I  am,  the  conclusion  is  that  the  gentlemen  con 
cerned  ought  to  acquiesce.  It  is  a  fact  of  which 


300  Alexander  Hamilton 

there  is  a  flood  of  evidence  that  a  great  majority  of 
leading  Federal  men  were  of  opinion  that  in  the 
event  of  your  declining  the  command  of  the  army, 
it  ought  to  devolve  upon  me,  and  that  in  case  of 
your  acceptance,  which  everybody  ardently  desired, 
the  place  of  second  in  command  ought  to  be  mine. 

It  is  not  for  me  to  examine  the  justness  of  this 
opinion.  The  illusions  of  self-love  might  be  ex 
pected  too  easily  to  give  it  credit  with  me.  But 
finding  it  to  exist,  am  I  at  liberty  to  seek  to  post 
pone  myself  to  others,  in  whose  hands,  according  to 
that  opinion,  the  public  interests  would  be  less  well 
confided?  Such  are  the  reflections  which  would 
have  determined  me  to  let  the  business  take  its 
course. 

My  own  opinion,  at  the  same  time,  is,  that  of  the 
two  gentlemen  postponed  to  me,  the  cause  of  com 
plaint,  if  any,  applies  emphatically  to  General  Knox. 
His  rank  in  the  army  was  much  higher  than  that 
either  of  Pinckney  or  myself.  Pinckney's  preten 
sions  on  the  score  of  real  service  are  not  extensive; 
those  of  Knox  are  far  greater.  Pinckney  has,  no 
doubt,  studied  tactics  with  great  care  and  assiduity, 
but  it  is  not  presumable  that  he  is  as  well  versed  in 
the  tactics  of  a  general  as  Knox. 

Pinckney's  rank  at  the  close  of  the  war  was  only 
nominally  greater  than  mine;  it  was,  indeed,  of  more 
ancient  date.  But  when,  in  the  year  1777,  the  regi 
ments  of  artillery  were  multiplied,  I  had  good  reason 
to  expect  that  the  command  of  one  of  them  would 
have  fallen  to  me,  had  I  not  changed  my  situation. 
And  this,  in  all  probability,  would  have  led  further. 


Private  Correspondence  301 

I  am  aware,  at  the  same  time,  that  there  were  acci 
dental  impediments  to  Pinckney 's  progress  in  prefer 
ment,  but  an  accurate  comparison  would,  I  imagine, 
show  that,  on  the  score  of  rank  merely,  the  claim  of 
superiority  on  his  part  is  not  strongly  marked.  As 
to  military  service,  I  venture  to  believe  that  the  gen 
eral  understanding  of  the  late  army  would  allow  a 
considerable  balance  to  me. 

As  to  civil  services  since  the  war,  I  am  extremely 
mistaken  if,  in  the  minds  of  Federal  men,  there  is 
any  comparison  between  us.  The  circumstances  of 
the  moment,  it  is  true,  give  him  a  certain  6 clot,  but 
judicious  men  reduce  the  merit  to  the  two  points  of 
judicious  forbearance  and  the  firmness  not  to  sacrifice 
his  country  by  base  compliances.  In  all  this,  it  is 
very  far  from  my  inclination  to  detract  from  Gen 
eral  Pinckney.  I  have  a  sincere  regard  for  him,  and 
hold  him  in  high  estimation.  At  the  same  time,  en 
deavoring  to  view  the  matter  with  all  the  impar 
tiality  which  my  situation  permits,  I  must  conclude 
that  General  Pinckney,  on  a  fair  estimate  of  all 
circumstances,  ought  to  be  well  satisfied  with  the 
arrangement. 

After  saying  this  much,  I  will  add  that  regard  to 
the  public  interest  is  ever  predominant  with  me; 
that  if  the  gentlemen  concerned  are  dissatisfied,  and 
the  service  likely  to  suffer  by  the  preference  given  to 
me,  I  stand  ready  to  submit  our  relative  pretensions 
to  an  impartial  decision,  and  to  waive  the  prefer 
ence.  It  shall  never  be  said,  with  any  color  of  truth, 
that  my  ambition  or  interest  has  stood  in  the  way  of 
the  public  good. 


302  Alexander  Hamilton 

Thus,  sir,  have  I  opened  my  heart  to  you  with  as 
little  reserve  as  to  myself,  willing,  rather,  that  its 
weakness  should  appear  than  that  I  should  be  de 
ficient  in  frankness.  I  will  only  add  that  I  do  not 
think  it  necessary  to  make  public  beforehand  the 
ultimate  intentions  I  have  now  disclosed. 

It  is  possible  the  difficulties  anticipated  may  not 
arise.  But,  my  dear  sir,  there  is  a  matter  of  far 
greater  moment  than  all  this,  which  I  must  do  vio 
lence  to  my  friendship  by  stating  to  you,  but  of 
which  it  is  essential  you  should  be  apprised.  It  is 
that  my  friend  McHenry  is  wholly  insufficient  for  his 
place,  with  the  additional  misfortune  of  not  having 
himself  the  least  suspicion  of  the  fact.  This  gener 
ally  will  not  surprise  you,  when  you  take  into  view 
the  large  scale  upon  which  he  is  now  to  act.  But 
you  perhaps  may  not  be  aware  of  the  whole  extent 
of  the  insufficiency.  It  is  so  great  as  to  leave  no 
probability  that  the  business  of  the  War  Depart 
ment  can  make  any  tolerable  progress  in  his  hands. 
This  has  been  long  observed,  and  has  been  more 
than  once  mentioned  to  the  President  by  members 
of  Congress. 

He  is  not  insensible,  I  believe,  that  the  execution 
of  the  department  does  not  produce  the  expected 
results;  but  the  case  is  of  course  delicate  and  em 
barrassing. 

My  real  friendship  for  McHenry,  concurring  with 
my  zeal  for  the  service,  predisposed  me  to  aid  him 
in  all  that  he  could  properly  throw  upon  me,  and  I 
thought  that  he  would  have  been  glad,  in  the  organi 
zation  of  the  army,  and  in  the  conduct  of  the  recruit- 


Private  Correspondence  303 

ing  service,  to  make  me  useful  to  him.  With  this 
view,  I  came  to  this  city,  and  I  previously  opened 
the  way  as  far  as  I  could  with  the  least  decency- 
But  the  idea  has  thus  far  been  very  partially  em 
braced,  and  to-morrow  or  next  day  I  shall  return  to 
New  York,  without  much  fruit  of  my  journey.  I 
mention  this  purely  to  apprise  you  of  the  course  of 
things,  and  the  probable  results. 

It  is  to  be  regretted  that  the  supposition  of  co 
operation  between  the  Secretary  of  War  and  the 
principal  military  officers  will  unavoidably  throw 
upon  the  latter  a  part  of  the  blame  which  the  ill 
success  of  the  operations  of  the  War  Department 
may  be  expected  to  produce.  Thus  you  perceive, 
sir,  your  perplexities  are  begun. 

P.  S. — Since  writing  the  above,  I  have  concluded 
to  write  a  letter,  of  which  the  enclosed  is  the  copy.1 
This  effort  to  save  a  man  I  value,  and  promote  the 
service,  has,  under  the  circumstances,  cost  some 
thing  to  my  delicacy. 

Mr.  Harper,  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  is 
desirous  of  being  in  your  family.  He  is  a  man  of 
very  considerable  talents  and  has  the  temper  of  a 
soldier.  The  shade  of  his  useful  qualities  is  vanity, 
but  I  think  the  good  much  outweighs  the  ill.  Par 
don  this  liberty  in  a  point  so  delicate. 

NEW  YORK,  Aug.  i,  1798. 

The  above  was  written  at  Philadelphia,  but  a  very 
pressing  call  to  this  place,  added  to  occupation  there, 

1  The  writer  of  the  enclosed  letter  is  a  man  of  respectability.  I 
could  recommend  his  primary  object.  (This  is  in  the  MS.) 


304  Alexander  Hamilton 

prevented  my  being  able  to  copy  and  forward  it  till 
now. 

Give  me  leave  to  suggest  the  expediency  of  your 
asking  of  McHenry  a  statement  of  all  the  military 
supplies,  cannon,  arms,  etc.,  etc.,  which  are  already 
provided,  and  of  the  means  and  measures  provided 
and  in  execution  for  augmenting  the  quantity.  This 
will  give  you  necessary  information  and  prompt  to 
exertion. 


TO   OLIVER  WOLCOTT 

August  6,  1798. 

MY  DEAR  SIR: 

You  are  probably  apprised  that  in  announcing  to 
the  general  officers  their  appointments  they  are  told 
that  the  emoluments  are  to  be  suspended  until  called 
into  actual  service,  and  that,  as  a  consequence  of 
this  plan,  they  are  to  remain  inactive. 

This  project  suits  admirably  my  private  arrange 
ments,  by  leaving  me  to  pursue  in  full  extent  my 
profession.  But  I  believe  it  accords  neither  with 
the  intention  of  the  individuals  who  framed  the  laws 
nor  with  the  good  of  the  service.  It  is  impossible 
for  McHenry  to  get  through  all  that  is  now  upon  his 
hands  in  a  manner  honorable  to  himself,  satisfac 
tory  to  the  public,  or  proportioned  to  the  energy  of 
the  conjuncture.  You  will  see  by  the  enclosed  that 
I  have  sacrificed  my  delicacy  to  my  friendship  and 
public  zeal.  I  have  heard  nothing  in  reply.  I 
thought  it  expedient  that  you  and  Colonel  Pickering 
should  understand  in  confidence  the  situation  of 
things.  Without  a  change  of  plan  they  will  not  go 


Private  Correspondence  305 

well,  and  the  government  and  all  concerned  will  be 
discredited. 


TO   GENERAL   DAYTON  x 

NEW  YORK,  Aug.  6,  1798. 

MY  DEAR  SIR: 

I  received  at  Philadelphia  your  letter  of  the  27th 
of  July,  the  answer  to  which  has  been  delayed  by 
excessive  occupation. 

You  know,  I  trust,  sufficiently  my  sentiments  of 
you  not  to  need  being  told  how  much  pleasure  your 
appointment  gave  me,  and  how  highly  I  value  the 
confidence  you  express  in  me. 

It  will  probably  be  unexpected  to  you  to  be  told 
that  I  am  not  yet  in  the  exercise  of  the  functions 
of  my  military  office,  and  that  my  participation  in 
the  preliminary  arrangements  is  only  occasional  and 
very  limited. 

Such,  however,  is  the  course  of  the  plan  which  has 
been  adopted  by  the  Executive. 

But  I  have,  notwithstanding,  had  conversation 
with  the  Secretary  at  War  on  the  points  you  men 
tion,  and  to  the  extent  of  my  opportunity  have  en 
deavored  to  promote  a  right  direction.  You  no 
doubt  have  before  this  received  a  letter  from  the 
Secretary  on  the  subject  of  proper  characters  for 
officers.  It  seems  to  be  determined  in  his  mind  to 

1  Elias  Dayton,  of  New  Jersey,  a  distinguished  revolutionary  officer 
and  father  of  Jonathan  Dayton,  at  this  time  Speaker  of  the  National 
House,  and  grandfather  of  William  L.  Dayton,  senator  from  New 
Jersey,  candidate  on  the  Fremont  ticket  in  1856  for  vice-president,  and 
minister  to  France. 


VOL.  X. — 2O. 


306  Alexander  Hamilton 

appoint  Col.  Aaron  Ogden  to  the  command  of  a 
regiment. 

Everybody  must  consider  him  as  a  great  acquisi 
tion  in  this  station.  The  part  of  your  letter  which 
respects  him,  announcing  the  certainty  of  his  accept 
ance,  was  particularly  grateful  to  me. 

Enclosed  you  will  receive  the  instructions  for  the 
recruiting  service,  which  were  previously  prepared 
by  the  Secretary  at  War.  I  made  such  remarks  upon 
them  as  hastily  occurred.  Examine  them  carefully, 
and  suggest  to  me  whatever  amendments  or  addi 
tions  may  present  themselves  to  you.  You  will 
oblige  me  by  free  communications  at  all  times. 


TO   BENJAMIN   STODDERT  x 

NEW  YORK,  Aug.  7,  1798. 

DEAR  SIR: 

Capt.  Robert  Hamilton,  a  first  cousin  of  mine,  is 
desirous  of  employment  in  this  country  in  the  line  of 
his  profession.  He  is  regularly  bred  to  the  sea,  which 
he  has  followed  since  he  was  fourteen  years  old,  and 
has  had  the  best  opportunities  of  improvement — 
among  others  that  of  voyages  to  the  East  Indies.  He 
has  also  commanded  a  ship  and  has  acted  as  super 
cargo.  I  venture  with  confidence  to  recommend 
him  as  well  qualified  and  every  way  worthy;  adding 
to  skill  in  his  profession  the  sentiments  of  a  gentle 
man,  good  morals,  intelligence,  and  prudence.  I  in- 

1  Benjamin  Stoddert,  of  Maryland,  at  this  time  Secretary  of  the 

Navy. 


Private  Correspondence  307 

terest  myself  very  much  in  his  success,  and  shall 
esteem  it  as  a  personal  favor  to  myself  whatever  may 
be  done  for  his  interest. 


TO  JAMES  McHENRY 
(Private.) 

NEW  YORK,  Aug.  19,  1798. 

MY  DEAR  SIR: 

I  write  you  herewith  an  official  letter.  Your  pri 
vate  one  of  the  i4th  is  before  me.  I  regret  that  you 
have  been  unwell  and  rejoice  that  you  are  better. 

The  affair  of  General  Knox  perplexes  me.  I  wish 
him  to  serve.  I  am  pained  to  occasion  to  him  pain 
for  I  have  truly  a  warm  side  for  him,  and  a  high  value 
for  his  merits;  but  my  judgment  tells  me,  and  all  I 
consult  confirm  it,  that  I  cannot  reasonably  post 
pone  myself  in  a  case  in  which  a  preference  so  im 
portant  to  the  public  in  its  present  and  future 
consequences  has  been  given  me.  In  denominating 
the  preference  important,  I  do  not  intend  to  judge 
whether  it  will  be  well  or  ill  founded ;  in  either  case  its 
tendency  is  so  important,  I  am  willing  to  confer,  to 
adjust  amicably,  with  the  advice  of  mutual  friends. 
But  how  can  I  abandon  my  pretension? 

At  foot,  my  dear  sir,  I  transmit  you  the  draft  of 
such  a  reply  as  it  seems  to  me  proper  for  you  to  make 
to  General  Knox.  It  may  also  be  well  for  you,  in  a 
private  letter,  to  advise  him  to  accept,  with  a  reserva 
tion  of  his  claim  ad  referendum,  upon  the  ground  of 
the  rule  he  quotes,  and  with  the  understanding  that 
it  will  not  be  understood  to  engage  him  to  continue, 


308  Alexander  Hamilton 

if  the  matter  be  not  finally  settled  according  to  his 
claim. 

(Draft  above  referred  to) 

SIR: 

An  answer  to  your  letter  of  the  5th  instant  has 
been  delayed  by  some  degree  of  ill  health  on  my  part. 

The  general  disposition -it  marks  accords  well  with 
the  patriotic  sentiments  you  have  so  constantly 
manifested.  It  is  extremely  regretted  that  any  cir 
cumstances  should  induce  you  to  hesitate  about  the 
acceptance  of  an  appointment  in  which  it  is  not  to 
be  doubted  your  services  would  be  eminently  useful. 

The  paragraph  of  my  former  letter  which  you 
quote  explains  to  you  my  conception  of  the  relative 
rank  of  the  generals  in  question  as  resulting  from  the 
order  of  the  nominations  and  appointments.  This 
conception,  however,  cannot  affect  the  claim  of 
either,  if  there  be  any  subsisting  binding  rule  in  our 
military  code  which  will  arrange  the  priority  of  rank 
between  officers  nominated  on  the  same  day,  ac 
cording  to  their  relative  stations  in  the  late  army. 
This  will  naturally  be  the  subject  of  some  future  de 
cision  in  some  proper  mode.  It  is  not  understood 
that  there  has  been  any  former  repeal  of  the  rule  to 
which  you  allude. 

It  remains,  then,  for  you  to  determine  whether  you 
will  or  not  accept  the  appointment,  with  the  reserva 
tion  of  a  claim  to  the  benefit  of  that  rule. 


Private  Correspondence  309 

TO  JAMES  McHENRY 

New  York,  Aug.  19,  1798. 

SIR: 

An  absence  from  the  city,  upon  some  urgent  avoca 
tions,  prevented  my  receiving  till  yesterday  your  let 
ters  of  the  loth  and  nth  instant. 

I  observe  the  suggestion  which  you  have  made  to 
the  President  towards  calling  General  Knox  and  my 
self  into  immediate  service.  If  he  shall  approve,  I 
stand  ready  to  execute,  in  the  best  manner  I  shall  be 
able,  whatever  business  may  be  confided  to  me;  but 
I  must  earnestly  hope  that  it  will  not  be  attended 
with  the  necessity  of  an  immediate  change  of  resi 
dence.  The  nature  of  my  arrangements  would  ren 
der  this  absolutely  ruinous  to  me,  and  I  trust  I  shall 
not  be  reduced  to  such  an  alternative,  unless  events 
portending  public  danger  shall  ripen  faster  than,  ac 
cording  to  present  appearances,  they  are  likely  to  do. 
I  do  not  object  to  a  frequent  attendance  at  the  seat 
of  government,  for  this  can  be  reconciled  with  my 
other  engagements,  till  they  can  be  gradually  pre 
pared  for  a  total  relinquishment  and  a  new  position. 
With  this,  I  am  satisfied,  every  desirable  end  can  be 
obtained,  especially  when  the  promptness  of  com 
munication  between  this  place  and  the  seat  of  gov 
ernment  is  considered.  Be  assured  that  none  but 
very  imperious  motives  could  induce  this  hesitation 
on  my  part.  In  accepting  the  appointment  I  did 
not  contemplate  as  probable  a  speedy  dislocation  of 
residence. 

The  tenor  of  General  Knox's  letter,  transmitted 
by  you  and  now  returned,  occasions  to  me  no  small 


3io  Alexander  Hamilton 

regret  and  embarrassment.  My  esteem  and  friend 
ship  for  that  gentleman  would  lead  me  far ;  but  there 
is  a  very  great  difficulty  in  waiving  a  station  to  which, 
I  am  well  convinced,  I  have  been  called,  no  less  by 
the  public  voice  of  the  country  than  by  the  acts  of  the 
Commander-in-Chief  and  of  the  President  and  Sen 
ate.  The  intention  as  to  the  relative  grades  of  the 
officers  appointed  is  presumed  to  be  unequivocal.  It 
is  believed  that  the  rule  to  which  General  Knox 
refers  can  have  no  application  to  the  case  of  the  for 
mation  of  a  new  army  at  a  new  epoch,  embracing 
officers  not  previously  in  actual  service. 

It  was  not  a  permanent  provision  of  law,  but  a 
regulation  adapted  to  the  peculiar  circumstances  of 
the  late  army,  and  governing,  as  far  as  I  can  recollect, 
only  in  the  cases  of  promotions  from  lower  subsisting 
grades  to  higher  ones.  At  the  same  time,  it  is  very 
delicate  for  me  to  give  an  opinion  in  a  matter  in 
which  I  am  so  personally  interested. 

I  send  you  back  the  list  of  applications  which  you 
transmitted  to  me,  with  remarks,  and  with  the  addi 
tion  of  names.  It  has  been  in  my  power  to  do  little 
as  to  candidates  in  any  State  but  New  York.  I  have 
supposed  that  you  have  had  recourse  to  better 
sources  of  information  as  to  others. 


TO   WASHINGTON 

NEW  YORK,  Aug.  20,  1798. 


MY  DEAR  SIR: 

A  necessary  absence  from  this  city  prevented  the 
receipt  of  your  letter  of  the  pth  instant  till  yesterday. 

It  is  very  grateful  to  me  to  discover  in  each  sue- 


Private  Correspondence  311 

ceeding  occurrence  a  new  mark  of  your  friendship 
towards  me.  Time  will  evince  that  it  makes  the 
impression  that  it  ought  on  my  mind. 

The  effect  which  the  course  of  the  late  military  ap 
pointments  has  produced  on  General  Knox,  though 
not  very  unexpected,  is  very  painful  to  me.  I  have 
a  respectful  sense  of  his  pretensions  as  an  officer,  and 
I  have  a  warm  personal  regard  for  him.  My  em 
barrassment  is  not  inconsiderable  between  these  sen 
timents,  and  what  I  owe  to  a  reasonable  conduct  on 
my  own  part,  both  in  respect  to  myself  and  to  the 
public.  It  is  a  fact,  that  a  number  of  the  most  in 
fluential  men  in  our  affairs  would  think  that  in  waiv 
ing  the  preference  given  to  me  I  acted  a  weak  part, 
in  a  personal  view,  and  an  unwarrantable  one,  in  a 
public  view ;  and  General  Knox  is  much  mistaken  if 
he  does  not  believe  that  this  sentiment  would  em 
phatically  prevail  in  that  region  to  which  he  sup 
poses  his  character  most  interesting.  I  mean  New 
England. 

Yet,  my  dear  sir,  I  can  never  consent  to  see 
you  seriously  compromitted  or  embarrassed.  I  shall 
cheerfully  place  myself  in  your  disposal,  and  facili 
tate  any  arrangement  you  may  think  for  the  general 
good.  It  does  not,  however,  seem  necessary  to  pre 
cipitate  any  thing.  It  may  be  well  to  see  first  what 
part  Gen.  Pinckney  will  act  when  he  arrives. 

The  Secretary  at  War  has  sent  me  a  copy  of  Gen 
eral  Knox's  letter  to  him  on  the  subject  of  his 
appointment.  It  does  not  absolutely  decline,  but 
implies  the  intention  to  do  it,  unless  a  rule  of  the 
late  army,  giving,  in  cases  of  promotion  on  the  same 


312  Alexander  Hamilton 

day,  priority  according  to  the  former  relative  rank, 
is  understood  to  govern.  I  have  addressed  a  reply 
of  which  a  copy  is  enclosed. 

The  commissions  have  issued,  so  that  no  altera 
tion  can  now  be  made  as  between  Generals  Knox  and 
Pinckney,  if  there  were  not  the  serious  difficulties  in 
the  way  which  you  seem  to  have  anticipated. 

The  Secretary  at  War  has  proposed  to  the  Presi 
dent  a  change  of  the  plan  announced  in  the  first  in 
stance — which  may  bring  into  immediate  activity 
the  Inspector-General  and  Gen.  Knox.  In  this  case 
you  may  depend  on  the  best  efforts  in  my  power, 
with  a  peculiar  attention  to  the  objects  you  men 
tion,  and  you  shall  be  carefully  and  fully  advised  of 
whatever  it  interests  you  to  know. 

Col.  Walker  resides  at  present  in  the  western  part 
of  this  State.  He  is  occupied  in  some  important 
agencies  for  persons  abroad,  which  renders  it  doubt 
ful  whether  he  would  now  accept  military  employ 
ment.  He  has  been  written  to,  and  will  be  proposed 
for  the  command  of  a  regiment. 

Heih  is,  in  many  respects,  very  desirable,  in  the 
capacity  you  mention.  But  you  are,  I  presume, 
aware  of  the  impracticability  of  his  temper. 

The  papers  sent  by  you  are  now  returned. 


TO   OLIVER   WOLCOTT 

NEW  YORK,  Aug.  21,  1798. 

MY  DEAR  SIR: 

Your  two  letters  of  the  Qth  reached  this  place 
during  an  absence  on  necessary  business  which  only 
terminated  on  Saturday. 


Private  Correspondence  313 

Our  friend  Mr.  McHenry  has  adopted  the  ideas 
suggested  to  him.  And  you  may  rely  on  my  effect 
ual  co-operation.  At  the  same  time,  as  a  total  dis 
location  of  residence,  to  fulfil  in  all  its  extent  the 
idea  you  intimate,  would  be  unqualified  ruin  to  me, 
I  must  endeavor  to  avoid  it.  Frequent  visits  and 
constant  communication,  and  the  immediate  charge 
pf  certain  branches  of  the  service  will,  I  doubt  not, 
substantially  suffice. 

The  objects  you  indicate  as  deserving  primary  at 
tention  will  engage  it. 

In  respect  to  Mr.  Wharton,  I  shall  with  pleasure 
promote  whatever  may  suit  him  and  the  service 
But  I  do  not  know  that  there  is  in  the  establishment 
any  provision  for  a  clerk  or  secretary  to  a  general 
officer.  It  is  usual,  except  in  case  of  the  Commander- 
in-Chief  for  aides-de-camp  to  perform  the  duties  of 
such  characters.  In  reference  to  aides,  my  situa 
tion  is  this — I  have  already  yielded  to  the  strong 
wishes  of  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Church  the  promise  to  ap 
point  their  eldest  son  as  one;  for  the  other  I  must 
endeavor  to  find  an  experienced  officer.  If  Mr. 
Wharton  desires  an  appointment  in  some  regiment 
to  take  his  chance  for  a  place  in  the  family  of  some 
general  officer,  I  will  assist  the  wish.  Let  me,  if  you 
please,  understand  this  matter  with  precision.1 

1  Now  first  printed  from  the  Wolcott  papers  in  the  possession  of  the 
Connecticut  Historical  Society. 


314  Alexander  Hamilton 

TO   RUFUS   KING 

NEW  YORK,  Aug.  22,  1798. 

MY  DEAR  SIR: 

Your  several  letters  of  May  i2th,  June  the  6th  and 
8th,  have  regularly  come  to  hand. 

You  will  be,  no  doubt,  fully  instructed  of  the 
measures  which  have  taken  place  on  the  part  of  our 
government,  and  you  will  have  seen  in  the  numerous 
addresses  to  the  President  a  confirmation  of  the 
opinion  I  gave  you  respecting  the  disposition  of  this 
country.  From  both  you  will  have  derived  satis 
faction,  though  you  should  not  think  we  are  yet 
where  we  now  ought  to  be.  But  console  yourself 
with  the  assurance  that  we  are  progressing  in  good. 
The  indications  are  to  my  mind  conclusive  that  we 
are  approaching  fast  to  as  great  unanimity  as  any 
country  ever  experienced,  and  that  our  energies  will 
be  displayed  in  proportion  to  whatever  exigencies 
shall  arise. 

I  have  received  several  letters  from  General  Mi 
randa.  I  have  written  an  answer  to  some  of  them, 
which  I  send  you  to  deliver  or  not,  according  to  your 
estimate  of  what  is  passing  in  the  scene  where  you 
are.  Should  you  deem  it  expedient  to  suppress  my 
letter  you  may  do  it,  and  say  as  much  as  you  think 
fit  on  my  part  in  the  nature  of  a  communication 
through  you. 

With  regard  to  the  enterprise  in  question,  I  wish 
it  much  to  be  undertaken,  but  I  should  be  glad  that 
the  principal  agency  be  in  the  United  States, — they  to 
furnish  the  whole  land  force  if  necessary.  The  com 
mand  in  this  case  would  very  naturally  fall  upon  me, 


Private  Correspondence  315 

and  I  hope  I  shall  disappoint  no  favorable  anticipa 
tion.  The  independence  of  the  separate  territory 
under  a  moderate  government,  with  the  joint  guar 
anty  of  the  co-operating  powers,  stipulating  equal 
privileges  in  commerce,  would  be  the  sum  of  the  re 
sults  to  be  accomplished. 

Are  we  yet  ready  for  this  undertaking  ?  Not  quite. 
But  we  ripen  fast,  and  it  may,  I  think,  be  rapidly 
brought  to  maturity  if  an  efficient  negotiation  for 
the  purpose  is  at  once  set  on  foot  upon  this  ground. 
Great  Britain  cannot  alone  insure  the  accomplish 
ment  of  the  object.  I  have  some  time  since  advised 
certain  preliminary  steps  to  prepare  the  way  con 
sistently  with  national  character  and  justice.  I  was 
told  they  would  be  pursued,  but  I  am  not  informed 
whether  they  have  been  or  not. 


TO   FRANCISCO   MIRANDA  x 

NEW  YORK,  Aug.  22,  1798. 

SIR: 

I  have  lately  received  by  duplicates  your  letter  of 
the  6th  of  April,  with  the  postscript  of  the  gth  of 
June.  The  gentleman  you  mention  in  it  has  not 
made  his  appearance  to  me,  nor  do  I  know  of  his 

1  Francisco  Miranda,  born  in  Caraccas,  1750,  was  a  South  American 
revolutionist  and  adventurer.  He  took  part  in  our  war,  and  then  went 
to  France  and  engaged  in  the  revolution.  He  served  with  Dumouriez, 
was  put  in  prison  for  his  intrigues,  was  ordered  to  leave  France,  and 
twice  afterwards  (in  1797  and  1804)  expelled.  He  was  always  setting 
on  foot  abortive  revolutions,  and  finally,  in  1811,  in  an  attempt  at 
Caraccas,  he  was  seized  and  carried  to  Spain,  and  died  in  prison  at 
Cadiz  in  1816. 


Alexander  Hamilton 

arrival  in  this  country;  so  that  I  can  only  divine  the 
object  from  the  hints  in  your  letter. 

The  sentiments  I  entertain  with  regard  to  that 
object  have  been  long  since  in  your  knowledge,  but 
I  could  personally  have  no  participation  in  it  unless 
patronized  by  the  government  of  this  country.  It 
was  my  wish  that  matters  had  been  ripened  for  a 
co-operation  in  the  course  of  this  fall  on  the  part  of 
this  country. 

But  this  can  now  scarcely  be  the  case.  The  win 
ter,  however,  may  mature  the  project,  and  an  effect 
ual  co-operation  by  the  United  States  may  take 
place.  In  this  case  I  shall  be  happy,  in  my  official 
station,  to  be  an  instrument  of  so  good  a  work. 

The  plan  in  my  opinion  ought  to  be:  A  fleet  of 
Great  Britain,  an  army  of  the  United  States,  a  gov 
ernment  for  the  liberated  territory  agreeable  to  both 
co-operators,  about  which  there  will  be  no  difficulty. 
To  arrange  the  plan  a  competent  authority  from 
Great  Britain  to  some  person  here  is  the  best  expe 
dient.  Your  presence  here  will,  in  this  case,  be  ex 
tremely  essential. 

We  are  raising  an  army  of  about  twelve  thousand 
men.  General  Washington  has  resumed  his  station 
at  the  head  of  our  armies.  I  am  appointed  second 
in  command. 


TO   OLIVER   WOLCOTT 

NEW  YORK,  Aug.  22,  1798. 

MY  DEAR  SIR: 

No  one  knows  better  than  yourself  how  difficult 
and  oppressive  is  the  collection  even  of  taxes  very 


Private  Correspondence  317 

moderate  in  their  amount,  if  there  be  a  defective 
circulation.  According  to  all  the  phenomena  which 
fall  under  my  notice,  this  is  our  case  in  the  interior 
parts  of  the  country. 

Again,  individual  capitalists,  and  consequently 
the  facility  of  direct  loans,  are  not  very  extensive  in 
the  United  States.  The  banks  can  only  go  a  certain 
length,  and  must  not  be  forced.  Yet  government 
will  stand  in  need  of  large  anticipations. 

For  these  and  other  reasons  which  I  have  thought 
well  of,  I  have  come  to  a  conclusion  that  our  Treasury 
ought  to  raise  up  a  circulation  of  its  own.  I  mean 
by  the  issuing  of  Treasury-notes  payable,  some  on 
demand,  others  at  different  periods,  from  very  short 
to  pretty  considerable — at  first  having  but  little 
time  to  run. 

This  appears  to  me  an  expedient  equally  necessary 
to  keep  the  circulation  full  and  to  facilitate  the  anti 
cipations  which  government  will  certainly  need.  By 
beginning  early  the  public  eye  will  be  familiarized, 
and  as  emergencies  press  it  will  be  easy  to  enlarge 
without  hazard  to  credit. 

Think  well  of  this  suggestion,  and  do  not  discard 
it  without  perceiving  well  a  better  substitute. 


TO  JAMES  McHENRY 

NEW  YORK,  Aug.  25,  1798. 

DEAR  SIR: 

I  perceive  it  would  be  agreeable  to  the  Commander- 
in-Chief  to  receive  frequent  communications  from 
you,  and  particularly  to  understand  the  state  of 


318  Alexander  Hamilton 

public  supplies;  that  is,  the  quantities  on  hand  and 
the  measures  in  execution  to  procure  others. 

I  give  you  this  hint  as  a  guide,  and  would  advise 
to  have  a  full  statement  made  out,  with  notes  of 
what  is  further  doing,  and  send  it  to  him. 


TO   THEODORE   SEDGWICK 

NEW  YORK,  Aug.  29,  1798. 

MY  DEAR  SIR: 

Your  letter  of  the  3d  instant  came  seasonably  to 
hand.  Business  and  absence  from  this  place  have 
delayed  the  acknowledgment. 

The  persons  you  mention  have  been  correspond- 
ently  placed  before  the  Secretary  of  War. 

As  to  military  affairs,  they  lag  not  a  little — no 
appointments  of  regimental  officers  yet  made.  Mc- 
Henry,  as  you  know,  is  loaded  beyond  his  strength. 
It  was  an  obvious  idea  to  derive  aid  from  among 
general  officers;  but  instead  of  embracing  this  re 
source,  they  have  all  been  told  that  the  President 
hoped  they  would  think  it  proper  to  waive  the 
emoluments  of  their  offices  till  called  into  actual 
service. 

Steps  have  been  taken  towards  the  correction  of 
this  obvious  mistake,  the  success  of  which  now  de 
pends  on  the  President,  and  on  that  success  the  al 
ternative  of  some  or  no  energy. 


Private  Correspondence  319 

TO   TIMOTHY   PICKERING 

NEW  YORK,  Aug.  29,  1798. 

MY  DEAR  SIR: 

Your  friendly  letters  of  the  2ist,  220!,  and  23d  of 
August  have  been  duly  received.  I  feel  myself  at 
once  much  flattered  and  truly  indebted  for  the  very 
favorable  opinion  of  me  which  you  manifest.  The 
good  estimation  of  men  of  sense  and  virtue  is  an 
ample  consolation  for  the  censure  and  malice  of  those 
of  a  different  character,  while  the  expression  of  your 
sentiments  has  all  the  value  which  a  well-known 
sincerity  and  integrity  of  disposition  can  give.  Be 
assured  that  I  shall  be  happy  to  be  ranked  by  you 
in  the  number  of  your  friends.  The  course  of  the 
thing  in  a  particular  quarter  does  not  surprise.  Be 
sides  the  direct  influence  which  would  be  exerted,  I 
am  aware  that  the  circumstances  of  the  late  elec 
tion  for  president  have  made  some  unfortunate 
impressions. 

The  Commander-in-Chief ,  I  am  authorized  by  his 
own  communications  to  me  to  believe,  will  not  easily 
relinquish  the  original  spirit  of  the  primitive  arrange 
ments;  but,  in  the  last  resort,  I  shall  be  inclined  to 
have  much  deference  for  his  wishes.  It  is  important 
he  should  well  understand,  what  I  verily  believe  to 
be  an  undoubted  fact,  that  New  England  would 
rather  see  high  command  in  my  hands  than  in  those 
of  Gen.  Knox. 


320  Alexander  Hamilton 

TO  JAMES  McHENRY. 

NEW  YORK,  Sept.  8,  1798. 

MY  DEAR  SIR: 

Yours,  dated  by  mistake  August  6th,  I  received 
yesterday.  I  postponed  a  reply  till  to-day,  because 
I  wished  first  to  reflect  maturely.  My  mind  is  un 
alterably  made  up.  I  shall  certainly  not  hold  the 
commission  on  the  plan  proposed,  and  only  wait  an 
official  communication  to  say  so. 

I  return  you  the  enclosure  in  your  letter.  You 
may  depend  on  my  fidelity  to  your  friendly  confi 
dence.  I  shall  regret  whatever  of  inconvenience 
may  attend  you.  You  doubtless  will  take  care  that 
you  retain  in  your  own  power  all  the  evidences  of 
this  transaction. 

TO   WASHINGTON 

NEW  YORK,  Sept.  30,  1798. 

MY  DEAR  SIR: 

Your  obliging  favor  of  the  24th  instant  has  duly 
come  to  hand.  I  see  in  it  a  new  proof  of  sentiments 
towards  me  which  are  truly  gratifying.  But  permit 
me  to  add  my  request  to  the  suggestions  of  your  own 
prudence  that  no  personal  considerations  for  me  may 
induce  more  on  your  part  than  on  mature  reflection 
you  may  think  due  to  public  motives.  It  is  ex 
tremely  foreign  to  my  wish  to  create  to  you  the  least 
embarrassment,  especially  in  times  like  the  present, 
when  it  is  more  than  ever  necessary  that  the  interests 
of  the  whole  should  be  paramountly  consulted. 

I  shall  strictly  comply  with  the  recommendation 
in  the  close  of  your  letter. 


Private  Correspondence  321 

TO   RUFUS   KING 

NEW  YORK,  Oct.  2,  1798. 

MY  DEAR  SIR: 

Mr.  R.  delivered  me  your  letter  of  the  3ist  of  July. 
The  opinion  in  that  and  other  of  your  letters  con 
cerning  a  very  important  point  has  been  acted  upon 
by  me  from  the  very  moment  that  it  became  un 
equivocal  that  we  must  have  a  decisive  rupture  with 
France.  In  some  things  my  efforts  succeeded;  in 
others  they  were  disappointed;  in  others  I  have  had 
promises  of  conformity  to  lay  the  foundation  of  fu 
ture  proceeding,  the  performance  and  effect  of  which 
promises  are  not  certainly  known  to  me.  The  effect, 
indeed,  cannot  yet  be  known. 

The  public  mind  of  this  country  continues  to  pro 
gress  in  the  right  direction.  That  must  influence 
favorably  the  present  Congress  at  the  ensuing  ses 
sion.  The  next  will  be,  in  all  appearance,  intrinsically 
better. 

Of  the  executive  I  need  say  little;  you  know  its 
excellent  dispositions,  its  general  character,  and  the 
composition  of  its  parts.  You  know  also  how 
widely  different  the  business  of  government  is  from 
the  speculation  of  it,  and  the  energy  of  the  imagina 
tion  dealing  in  general  propositions  from  that  of 
execution  in  detail. 

These  are  causes  from  which  delay  and  feebleness 
are  experienced.  But  the  difficulty  will  be  sur 
mounted,  and  I  anticipate  with  you  that  this  country 
will,  erelong,  assume  an  attitude  correspondent  with 
its  great  destinies — majestic,  efficient,  and  operative 
of  great  things.  A  noble  career  lies  before  it. 


VOL.  X.— 21. 


322  Alexander  Hamilton 

Why  does  not  Gouverneur  Morris  come  home  ?  His 
talents  are  wanted.  Men  like  him  do  not  super- 
abound.  Indeed,  I  wish  that  you  were  here  rather 
than  where  you  are,  though  I  think  your  position  an 
important  one  at  the  present  juncture.  But  we 
want  to  infuse  more  abilities  into  the  management 
of  our  internal  affairs. 

Governor  Jay  is  well.  He  and  all  your  friends 
continue  to  take  a  lively  interest  in  all  that  concerns 
you. 


TO   THE   COUNT   LATOUR   DUPIN   GOUVERNET  ' 

NEW  YORK,  Oct.  3,  1798. 

I  had  yesterday,  my  dear  sir,  the  pleasure  of  receiv 
ing  your  letter  of  the  isth  of  July,  accompanied  by 
two  others,  one  for  Messrs.  Le  Roy  and  Bayard,  the 
other  for  Mr.  Olive,  which  will  be  sent  to  them  in  the 
country,  where  they  now  continue,  in  consequence 
of  the  sickness  in  this  city.  The  letters  which  you 
mention  to  have  before  written  have  also  been  re 
ceived.  To  mine  I  replied  shortly  after;  nor  can  I 
imagine  how  it  has  happened  that  you  have  received 
no  answer  from  either  of  the  parties. 

On  the  subject  of  the  sale  of  your  farm  Mr.  Bayard 

1  Frederic  Seraphin,  Marquis  de  la  Tour  Du  Pin  Gouvernet,  son  of 
General  Jean  Frederic  Latour  Du  Pin  Gouvernet,  Comte  de  Paulin. 
General  Latour  Du  Pin,  with  his  cousin,  the  Marquis  Latour  Du  Pin, 
were  distinguished  soldiers  and  statesmen.  They  were  summoned  as 
witnesses  at  the  trial  of  Marie  Antoinette,  and  their  devotion  to  the 
queen  only  hastened  their  own  doom.  They  were  both  guillotined  on 
the  same  day,  in  April,  1794.  Frederic  Seraphin,  son  of  the  General, 
fled  to  America,  bought  an  estate,  no  doubt  the  one  referred  to  in 
Hamilton's  letter,  and  turned  farmer.  He  returned  to  Europe  after 


Private  Correspondence  323 

and  I  myself  had  a  conference,  and  we  agreed  that  a 
sale  at  this  time  was  inexpedient,  as  it  could  not 
be  hoped  that  the  farm  would  bring  near  its  value, 
owing  to  the  embarrassments  in  pecuniary  opera 
tions  produced  by  the  prospect  of  war.  I  shall,  how 
ever,  now  advise  that  an  experiment  be  made.  The 
offers  received,  if  any,  will  determine  whether  a  sale 
can  take  place  without  an  imprudent  sacrifice  for 
you,  and  the  result  can  be  regulated  accordingly. 

Be  assured,  my  dear  sir,  that  I  shall  be  happy  to 
be  useful  to  you  in  this  or  any  other  matter.  In 
doing  so,  I  shall  equally  gratify  the  esteem  and 
friendship  with  which  you  have  inspired  me  for  your 
self,  and  that  lively  and  affecting  interest  in  what 
ever  concerns  Madame  de  Gouvernet,  which  cannot 
but  be  felt  by  all  who  have  had  an  opportunity  to 
know  her  value. 

If  it  shall  conduce  to  her  and  your  happiness  to 
return  to  this  country,  it  will  certainly  add  to  ours; 
and  if  you  will  beforehand  apprise  me  of  your  reso- 

the  pth  Thermidor,  and  to  France  permanently  after  the  i8th  Brumaire, 
taking  service  under  the  Empire.  During  the  Restoration  he  filled  many 
high  posts,  but  after  the  revolution  of  July  he  was  obliged  to  leave 
France  on  account  of  Legitimist  intrigues,  and  died  in  exile  at  Lau 
sanne,  in  1837  (Larousse,  Diet.  Universe!).  This  letter  is  correctly  ad 
dressed  in  the  original  draft  in  the  State  Department,  but  in  the  edition 
of  1850  it  is  changed  to  Count  Latour  Dupin  Gouvion.  Mr.  J.  C. 
Hamilton  knew  of  no  officer  among  our  allies  by  such  a  name  as  Gouver 
net,  whereas  there  was  one  named  Gouvion,  and  for  this  reason,  ap 
parently,  he  printed  it  Gouvion.  Jean  Baptiste  Gouvion  was  an  officer 
in  the  war,  but  he  had  no  connection  whatever  with  the  Latour  Dupin 
family,  except  that  his  last  name,  like  theirs,  began  with  G.  If  Mr. 
J.  C.  Hamilton  had  either  looked  up  the  Latour  Dupin  family,  or  if  he 
had  recollected  that  Frenchmen  came  to  America  in  other  capacities 
than  that  of  military  allies,  he  would  have  saved  himself  from  the 
complicated  blunder  which  he  made  in  the  address  of  this  letter. 


324  Alexander  Hamilton 

lution,  when  taken,  and  your  general  plan,  you  will 
find  me  zealous  to  co-operate  in  giving  it  effect. 

I  would  invite  you  to  return  with  the  more  con 
fidence  from  the  assurance  in  the  stability  of  affairs 
in  this  country,  which  is  derived  from  the  late  happy 
course  of  the  public  mind.  An  extraordinary  union 
among  the  people  in  the  support  of  their  own  govern 
ment,  and  in  resistance  to  all  foreign  encroachments, 
leaves  nothing  to  be  feared  for  our  future  security 
and  prosperity.  The  most  reasonable  ideas  in  every 
respect  prevail.  > 

Accept,  whenever  you  shall  come,  under  the  roof 
of  Mrs.  Hamilton  and  myself,  an  asylum  where  you 
may  be  perfectly  at  home  until  you  shall  have  com 
pleted  your  arrangements  for  your  future  establish 
ment.  She  joins  me  in  cordial  remembrance  to 
Madame  de  Gouvernet  and  yourself . 


TO   WILLIAM   HETH* 

NEW  YORK,  Dec.  18,  1798. 

DEAR  SIR: 

Your  letter  of  the  3oth  of  July  was  duly  received. 
It  gave  me  much  pleasure  as  a  proof  of  your  friendly 
remembrance,  and  as  an  indication  that  you  were 
not  disposed  to  be  idle  in  a  crisis  of  national  danger. 
You  are  indeed  one  of  those  men  who  cannot  be  per 
mitted  to  be  idle,  and  you  will  no  doubt  be  called  to 
take  the  field  in  some  eligible  station,  if  the  impend 
ing  storm  shall  not  subside.  You  can  imagine  the 

1  William  Heth,  of  Virginia,  a  gallant  soldier  of  the  Revolution  who 
now  came  forward  to  again  offer  his  services  in  case  of  war. 


Private  Correspondence  325 

multiplicity  and  extent  of  my  avocations,  and  I  hope 
you  will  make  a  kind  allowance  for  my  silence.  At 
tribute  it  to  any  thing  but  want  of  regard  for  you; 
on  this  score  depend  that  I  have  no  retribution  to 
make,  being  very  cordially  and  truly  yours,  etc. 

P.  S. — What  do  the  factions  in  your  State  really 
aim  at?1 


TO   HARRISON   GRAY   OTIS3 

NEW  YORK,  Dec.  27,  1798. 

DEAR  SIR; 

I  did  not  receive  till  yesterday  your  letter  dated 
2ist  instant.  No  apology  was  necessary  for  so 
gratifying  a  mark  of  your  good  opinion,  upon  which 
I  set  the  high  value  it  so  justly  deserves. 

In  the  enclosed  extract  of  a  letter  to  another  of 
the  government,  you  will  find  my  ideas  generally  on 
the  subject  of  your  letter.  I  adopt  this  method  of 
communication  as  equally  effectual  and  best  adapted 
to  the  multiplicity  of  my  avocations.  Some  addi 
tional  remarks  in  direct  reference  to  your  particular 
questions,  may  perhaps  be  requisite  to  fulfil  your 
object. 

Any  reduction  of  the  actual  force  appears  to  me 
inexpedient.  It  will  argue  to  our  enemy  that  we  are 
either  very  narrow  in  our  resources,  or  that  our  jeal 
ousy  of  his  designs  is  abated.  Besides,  that  with  a 

1  Reprinted  from  Reminiscences  of  James  A.  Hamilton,  p.  38. 

3  Harrison  Gray  Otis,  of  Boston,  distinguished  as  a  lawyer  and  orator, 
at  this  time  member  of  Congress  and  one  of  the  younger  Federalist 
leaders.  He  was  afterwards,  1817-1822,  United  States  Senator,  and 
died  in  1848,  at  the  age  of  eighty-three. 


326  Alexander  Hamilton 

view  to  the  possibility  of  internal  disorders  alone,  the 
force  authorized  is  not  too  considerable.  The  efficacy 
of  militia  for  suppressing  such  disorders  is  not  too 
much  to  be  relied  upon.  The  experience  of  the  West 
ern  expedition  ought  not  to  be  [forgotten  ?].  That  was 
a  very  uphill  business.  There  were  more  than  once 
appearances  to  excite  alarm  as  to  the  perseverance  of 
the  troops,  and  it  is  not  easy  to  foresee  what  might 
have  been  the  result  had  there  been  serious  resistance. 
The  repetition  of  similar  exertions  may  be  found 
very  difficult,  insomuch  as  to  render  it  extremely 
[needful?],  in  these  precarious  times,  to  have  the 
government  armed  with  the  whole  of  the  force  which 
has  been  voted. 

There  are  several  defects  in  the  military  establish 
ment  which  demand  reform  as  well  for  economy  as 
efficiency.  On  these  there  has  been  an  ample  com 
munication  from  the  Commander-in-Chief  to  the  De 
partment  of  War.  I  cannot  conceive  why  nothing 
has  yet  gone  to  Congress.  Certainly  this  cannot  be 
much  longer  delayed.  Will  it  be  amiss  informally 
to  interrogate  the  Minister?  If  the  silence  is  per 
sisted  in,  you  shall  know  from  me  the  objects. 

The  extract  answers  your  questions  as  to  the  pro 
visional  army.  I  think  the  act  respecting  the  eighty 
thousand  militia  ought  likewise  to  be  revived.  The 
effect  abroad  will  be  good,  and  it  will  likewise  be  so 
at  home,  as  the  evidence  of  a  reliance  of  the  govern 
ment  on  the  militia. 

Good  policy  does  not  appear  to  me  to  require  ex 
tensive  appropriations  for  fortifications  at  the  present 
juncture.  Money  can  be  more  usefully  employed  in 


Private  Correspondence  327 

other  ways.  A  good  deal  of  previous  examination 
ought  to  lead  to  a  plan  for  fortifying  three  or  four 
cardinal  points.  More  than  this  will  be  a  misap 
plication  of  money.  Secure  positions  for  arsenals 
and  dock-yards  are  in  this  view  a  primary  object. 

Your  last   question  respecting  the  West   India 
Islands  I  shall  reserve  for  a  future  communication. 


TO   THEODORE   SEDGWICK 
^  o  I798-' 

DEAR  SIR: 

I  have  been  reading  the  report  of  the  Secretary  of 
the  Treasury  on  the  subject  of  direct  taxes.  I  think 
it  does  him  credit.  The  general  principles  and  ob 
jects  are  certainly  good,  nor  am  I  sure  that  any 
thing  better  can  be  done. 

I  remember,  however,  that  I  once  promised  you  to 
put  in  writing  my  ideas  on  the  subject.  I  intended 
to  have  done  it  and  communicated  them  to  the 
Secretary.  My  hurry  and  press  of  business  pre 
vented  me;  but  I  concluded  lately  to  devote  an 
evening  to  a  rude  sketch,  and  to  send  it  to  you.  You 
may  show  it  to  the  Secretary  and  confer.  If,  in  the 
course  of  the  thing,  it  can  be  useful  to  the  general 
end  we  all  have  in  view,  it  will  give  me  pleasure;  if 
not,  there  will  have  been  but  little  time  misspent. 
Of  course,  no  use  will  be  made  of  it  in  contradiction 
to  the  views  of  the  Treasury  Department. 

As  to  the  part  which  relates  to  land,  I  do  not  feel 

1  This  is  the  date  and  place  given  this  letter  in  the  edition  of  1850, 
The  original  is  undated. 


328  Alexander  Hamilton 

any  strong  preference  of  my  plan  to  that  in  the  re 
port  ;  for  this,  in  my  opinion,  ought  to  be  considered 
only  as  an  auxiliary,  and  not  as  the  pith  of  the  tax. 
But  I  own  I  have  a  strong  preference  of  my  plan  of 
a  house-tax  to  that  in  the  report.  These  are  my 
reasons: 

It  is  more  comprehensive,  embracing  all  houses, 
and  will  be  proportionately  more  productive.  It  is 
more  certain,  avoiding  the  evasions  and  partialities 
to  which  valuations  will  be  for  ever  liable,  and  I 
think  it  for  that  reason  likely  to  be  at  least  as  equal. 
I  entertain  no  doubt  that  the  rule  of  rates,  adapted 
as  they  are  to  characteristic  circumstances,  will  in 
fact  be  more  favorable  to  equality  than  appraise 
ments.  I  think  the  idea  of  taxing  only  houses  of 
above  a  certain  annual  value  will  be  dissatisfactory. 
The  comparison  of  the  proprietors  of  houses  imme 
diately  above  with  those  immediately  below  the  line 
will  beget  discontent,  and  the  errors  of  valuations 
will  increase  it. 

I  think  there  will  be  a  great  advantage  in  throwing 
the  weight  of  the  tax  on  houses,  as  well  because  lands 
are  more  difficult  to  manage  as  because  it  will  fall  in 
a  manner  less  dissatisfactory. 

My  plan  as  to  houses  can  be  easily  combined  with 
that  in  the  report  as  to  land. 

Some  years  ago  I  proposed  a  similar  plan  in  the 
Legislature  of  this  State.  It  went  through  three 
readings  and  had  a  great  majority  in  its  favor,  but  as 
it  was  essentially  different  from  what  had  always 
before  obtained  in  the  State  it  was  thought  best  to 
postpone,  to  feel  the  sense  of  constituents.  I  left 


Private  Correspondence  329 

the  Legislature — changes  in  our  political  situation 
rendered  the  plan  of  State  taxation  less  important, 
and  the  business  shrunk  out  of  sight.  But  there  was 
every  appearance  that  the  plan  would  have  been 
popular  in  this  State. 

You  observe  I  confine  myself  to  a  million.  It 
would  not  bear  hard  in  this  way.  I  would  add,  as 
aid,  the  taxes  contemplated  last  session — on  stamps, 
collateral  successions,  new  modifications  of  some 
articles  of  imports,  and,  let  me  add,  saddle-horses. 
The  idea  of  taxing  slaves  generally  will  not  work 
well.  If  confined  to  all  menial  servants  for  luxury, 
as  coachmen,  footmen,  cooks,  etc.,  it  would  be 
eligible. 


TO   JONATHAN   DAYTON  x 

1799. 

An  accurate  view  of  the  internal  situation  of  the 
United  States  presents  many  discouraging  reflections 
to  the  enlightened  friends  of  our  government  and 
country.  Notwithstanding  the  unexampled  success 
of  our  public  measures  at  home  and  abroad — not 
withstanding  the  instructive  comments  afforded  by 
the  disastrous  and  disgusting  scenes  of  the  French 
Revolution — public  opinion  has  not  been  ameli 
orated;  sentiments  dangerous  to  social  happiness 
have  not  been  diminished;  on  the  contrary,  there 
are  symptoms  which  warrant  the  apprehension  that 
among  the  most  numerous  class  of  citizens,  errors  of 

1  Of  New  Jersey,  at  this  time  Speaker  of  the  national  House.  This 
letter,  like  the  preceding,  has  no  date  in  the  original,  and  is  placed  and 
dated  according  to  the  edition  of  1850. 


33°  Alexander  Hamilton 

a  very  pernicious  tendency  have  not  only  preserved 
but  have  extended  their  empire.  Though  some 
thing  may  have  been  gained  on  the  side  of  men  of 
information  and  property,  more  has  probably  been 
lost  on  that  of  persons  of  a  different  description.  An 
extraordinary  exertion  of  the  friends  of  government, 
aided  by  circumstances  of  momentary  impression, 
gave,  in  the  last  election  for  members  of  Congress,  a 
more  favorable  countenance  to  some  States  than 
they  had  before  worn;  yet  it  is  the  belief  of  well- 
informed  men  that  no  real  or  desirable  change  has 
been  wrought  in  those  States.  On  the  other  hand, 
it  is  admitted  by  close  observers  that  some  of  the 
parts  of  the  Union  which,  in  times  past,  have  been 
the  soundest,  have  of  late  exhibited  signs  of  a  gan 
grene  begun  and  progressive. 

It  is  likewise  apparent  that  opposition  to  the  gov 
ernment  has  acquired  more  system  than  formerly, 
is  bolder  in  the  avowal  of  its  designs,  less  solicitous 
than  it  was  to  discriminate  between  the  Constitution 
and  the  administration,  and  more  open  and  more 
enterprising  in  its  projects.  The  late  attempt  of 
Virginia  and  Kentucky  to  unite  the  State  Legisla 
tures  in  a  direct  resistance  to  certain  laws  of  the 
Union  can  be  considered  in  no  other  light  than  as  an 
attempt  to  change  the  government. 

It  is  stated  in  addition  that  the  opposition  party 
in  Virginia,  the  headquarters  of  the  faction,  have 
followed  up  the  hostile  declarations  which  are  to  be 
found  in  the  resolutions  of  their  General  Assembly 
by  an  actual  preparation  of  the  means  of  supporting 
them  by  force,  that  they  have  taken  measures  to  put 


Private  Correspondence  331 

their  militia  on  a  more  efficient  footing — are  prepar 
ing  considerable  arsenals  and  magazines,  and  (which 
is  an  unequivocal  proof  how  much  they  are  in  earn 
est)  have  gone  so  far  as  to  lay  new  taxes  on  their 
citizens.  Amidst  such  serious  indications  of  hos 
tility,  the  safety  and  the  duty  of  the  supporters  of 
the  government  call  upon  them  to  adopt  vigorous 
measures  of  counteraction.  It  will  be  wise  in  them 
to  act  upon  the  hypothesis  that  the  opposers  of  the 
government  are  resolved,  if  it  shall  be  practicable, 
to  make  its  existence  a  question  of  force.  Possess 
ing,  as  they  now  do,  all  the  constitutional  powers, 
it  will  be  an  unpardonable  mistake  on  their  part  if 
they  do  not  exert  them  to  surround  the  Constitution 
with  more  ramparts  and  to  disconcert  the  schemes  of 
its  enemies. 

The  measures  proper  to  be  adopted  may  be  classed 
under  heads. 

FIRST. — Establishments  which  will  extend  the  in 
fluence  and  promote  the  popularity  of  the  govern 
ment.  Under  this  head  three  important  expedients 
occur.  First.  The  extension  of  the  judiciary  system. 
Second.  The  improvement  of  the  great  communica 
tions,  as  well  interiorly  as  coastwise,  by  turnpike 
roads.  Third.  The  institution  of  a  society  with 
funds  to  be  employed  in  premiums  for  new  in 
ventions,  discoveries,  and  improvements  in  agricul 
ture  and  in  the  arts. 

The  extension  of  the  judiciary  system  ought  to 
embrace  two  objects:  one,  the  subdivision  of  each 
State  into  small  districts  (suppose  Connecticut  into 
four,  and  so  on  in  proportion),  assigning  to  each  a 


332  Alexander  Hamilton 

judge  with  a  moderate  salary;  the  other,  the  ap 
pointment  in  each  county  of  conservators  or  justices 
of  the  peace,  with  only  ministerial  functions,  and 
with  no  other  compensation  than  fees  for  the  ser 
vices  they  shall  perform.  This  measure  is  necessary 
to  give  efficacy  to  the  laws,  the  execution  of  which 
is  obstructed  by  the  want  of  similar  organs  and  by 
the  indisposition  of  the  local  magistrates  in  some 
States.  The  Constitution  requires  that  judges  shall 
have  fixed  salaries;  but  this  does  not  apply  to  mere 
justices  of  the  peace  without  judicial  powers.  Both 
those  descriptions  of  persons  are  essential,  as  well 
to  the  energetic  execution  of  the  laws  as  to  the  pur 
poses  of  salutary  patronage. 

The  thing,  no  doubt,  would  be  a  subject  of  clamor, 
but  it  would  carry  with  it  its  own  antidote,  and  when 
once  established,  would  bring  a  very  powerful  sup 
port  to  the  government. 

The  improvement  of  the  roads  would  be  a  measure 
universally  popular.  None  can  be  more  so.  For 
this  purpose  a  regular  plan  should  be  adopted,  co 
extensive  with  the  Union,  to  be  successively  exe 
cuted,  and  a  fund  should  be  appropriated  sufficient 
for  the  basis  of  a  loan  of  a  million  of  dollars.  The 
revenue  of  the  post-office  naturally  offers  itself.  The 
future  revenue  from  tolls  would  more  than  reimburse 
the  expense,  and  public  utility  would  be  promoted 
in  every  direction.  The  institution  of  a  society,  with 
the  aid  of  proper  funds,  to  encourage  agriculture  and 
the  arts,  besides  being  productive  of  general  advan 
tage,  will  speak  powerfully  to  the  feelings  and  in 
terests  of  those  classes  of  men  to  whom  the  benefits 


Private  Correspondence  333 

derived  from  the  government  have  been  heretofore 
the  least  manifest. 

SECOND. — Provision  for  augmenting  the  means 
and  consolidating  the  strength  of  the  government. 
A  million  of  dollars  may  without  difficulty  be  added 
to  the  revenue,  by  increasing  the  rates  of  some  exist 
ing  indirect  taxes,  and  by  the  addition  of  some  new 
items  of  a  similar  character. 

The  direct  taxes  ought  neither  to  be  increased  nor 
diminished.  Our  naval  force  ought  to  be  completed 
to  six  ships  of  the  line,  twelve  frigates,  and  twenty- 
four  sloops  of  war.  More  at  this  juncture  would  be 
disproportioned  to  our  resources,  less  would  be  in 
adequate  to  the  ends  to  be  accomplished.  Our 
military  force  should,  for  the  present,  be  kept  upon 
its  actual  footing;  making  provision  for  a  re-en 
listment  of  the  men  for  five  years  in  the  event  of  a 
settlement  of  differences  with  France, — with  this  con 
dition,  that  in  case  of  peace  between  Great  Britain, 
France,  and  Spain,  the  United  States  being  then  also 
at  peace,  all  the  privates  of  the  twelve  additional 
regiments  of  infantry,  and  of  the  regiment  of  dra 
goons,  not  exceeding  twenty  to  a  company,  shall  be 
disbanded.  The  corps  of  artillerists  may  be  left  to 
retain  the  numbers  which  it  shall  happen  to  have, 
but  without  being  recruited  until  the  number  of 
officers  and  privates  shall  fall  below  the  standard  of 
the  infantry  and  dragoons.  A  power  ought  to  be 
given  to  the  President  to  augment  the  four  old  regi 
ments  to  their  war  establishment. 

The  laws  respecting  volunteer  companies,  and  the 
eventual  army,  should  be  rendered  permanent,  and 


334  Alexander  Hamilton 

the  Executive  should  proceed  without  delay  to  or 
ganize  the  latter.  Some  modifications  of  the  dis 
cretion  of  the  President  will,  however,  be  proper  in 
a  permanent  law.  And  it  will  be  a  great  improve 
ment  of  the  plan,  if  it  shall  be  thought  expedient  to 
allow  the  enlistment,  for  the  purpose  of  instruction, 
of  a  corps  of  sergeants  equal  to  the  number  requisite 
for  the  eventual  army.  The  institution  of  a  military 
academy  will  be  an  auxiliary  of  great  importance. 
Manufactories  of  every  article,  the  woollen  parts  of 
clothing  included,  which  are  essential  to  the  supply 
of  the  army,  ought  to  be  established. 

THIRD. — Arrangements  for  confirming  and  enlarg 
ing  the  legal  powers  of  the  government.  There  are 
several  temporary  laws  which,  in  this  view,  ought  to 
be  rendered  permanent,  particularly  that  which  au 
thorizes  the  calling  out  of  the  militia  to  suppress  un 
lawful  combinations  and  insurrections. 

An  article  ought  to  be  proposed,  to  be  added  to 
the  Constitution,  for  empowering  Congress  to  open 
canals  in  all  cases  in  which  it  may  be  necessary  to 
conduct  them  through  the  territory  of  two  or  more 
States,  or  through  the  territory  of  a  State  and  that 
of  the  United  States.  The  power  is  very  desirable 
for  the  purpose  of  improving  the  prodigious  facilities 
for  inland  navigation  with  which  nature  has  favored 
this  country.  It  will  also  assist  commerce  and  agri 
culture,  by  rendering  the  transportation  of  com 
modities  more  cheap  and  expeditious.  It  will  tend 
to  secure  the  connection,  by  facilitating  the  com 
munication  between  distant  portions  of  the  Union, 
and  it  will  be  a  useful  source  of  influence  to  the  gov- 


Private  Correspondence  335 

eminent.  Happy  would  it  be  if  a  clause  could  be 
added  to  the  Constitution,  enabling  Congress,  on  the 
application  of  any  considerable  portion  of  a  State, 
containing  not  less  than  a  hundred  thousand  persons, 
to  erect  it  into  a  separate  State,  on  the  condition  of 
fixing  the  quota  of  contributions  which  it  shall  make 
toward  antecedent  debts,  if  any  there  shall  be,  re 
serving  to  Congress  the  authority  to  levy  within  such 
State  the  taxes  necessary  to  the  payment  of  such 
quota,  in  case  of  neglect  on  the  part  of  the  State.  The 
subdivision  of  ike  great  States  is  indispensable  to  the 
security  of  the  general  government,  and  with  it  of  the 
Union. 

Great  States  will  always  feel  a  rivalship  with  the 
common  head;  will  often  be  supposed  to  machinate 
against  it,  and  in  certain  situations  will  be  able  to  do 
it  with  decisive  effect.  The  subdivision  of  such  States 
ought  to  be  a  cardinal  point  in  the  federal  policy,  and 
small  States  are  doubtless  best  adapted  to  the  purposes 
of  local  regulation  and  to  the  preservation  of  the  repub 
lican  spirit.  This  suggestion,  however,  is  merely 
thrown  out  for  consideration.  It  is  feared  that  it 
would  be  inexpedient  and  even  dangerous  to  pro 
pose,  at  this  time,  an  amendment  of  the  kind. 

FOURTH. — Laws  for  restraining  and  punishing  in 
cendiary  and  seditious  practices.  It  will  be  useful  to 
declare  that  all  such  writings,  etc.,  which  at  common 
law  are  libels,  if  levelled  against  any  officer  whatso 
ever  of  the  United  States,  shall  be  cognizable  in  the 
courts  of  the  United  States.  To  preserve  confidence 
in  the  officers  of  the  general  government,  by  preserv 
ing  their  reputations  from  malicious  and  unfounded 


336  Alexander  Hamilton 

slanders,  is  essential  to  enable  them  to  fulfil  the  ends 
of  their  appointment.  It  is,  therefore,  both  constitu 
tional  and  politic  to  place  their  reputations  under 
the  guardianship  of  the  courts  of  the  United  States. 
They  ought  not  to  be  left  to  the  cold  and  reluctant 
protection  of  State  courts,  always  temporizing,  and 
sometimes  disaffected.  But  what  avail  laws  which 
are  not  executed?  Renegade  aliens  conduct  more 
than  one  of  the  most  incendiary  presses  in  the  United 
States — and  yet,  in  open  contempt  and  defiance  of 
the  laws,  they  are  permitted  to  continue  their  de 
structive  labors.  Why  are  they  not  sent  away  ?  Are 
laws  of  this  kind  passed  merely  to  excite  odium  and 
remain  a  dead  letter?  Vigor  in  the  executive  is  at 
least  as  necessary  as  in  the  legislative  branch.  If 
the  President  requires  to  be  stimulated,  those  who 
can  approach  him  ought  to  do  it. 


TO   LAFAYETTE 

NEW  YORK,  Jan.  6,  1799. 

DEAR  SIR: 

I  have  been  made  happy,  my  dear  friend,  by  the 
receipt  of  your  letter  of  the  1 2th  of  August  last.  No 
explanation  of  your  political  principles  was  neces 
sary  to  satisfy  me  of  the  perfect  consistency  and 
purity  of  your  conduct.  The  interpretation  may 
always  be  left  to  my  attachment  for  you.  Whatever 
difference  of  opinion  may  on  any  occasion  exist  be 
tween  us,  it  can  never  lessen  my  conviction  of  the 
goodness  both  of  your  head  and  heart.  I  expect 


Private  Correspondence  337 

from  you  a  return  of  this  sentiment  so  far  as  con 
cerns  the  heart.  'T  is  needless  to  detail  to  you  my 
political  tenets.  I  shall  only  say  that  I  hold  with 
Montesquieu,  that  a  government  must  be  fitted  to 
a  nation,  as  much  as  a  coat  to  the  individual;  and, 
consequently,  that  what  may  be  good  at  Phila 
delphia  may  be  bad  at  Paris,  and  ridiculous  at 
Petersburgh. 

I  join  with  you  in  regretting  the  misunderstanding 
between  our  two  countries.  You  will  have  seen  by 
the  President's  speech  that  a  door  is  again  opened 
for  terminating  them  amicably.  And  you  may  be 
assured  that  we  are  sincere,  and  that  it  is  in  the  power 
of  France,  by  reparation  to  our  merchants  for  past 
injury,  and  the  stipulation  of  justice  in  future,  to 
put  an  end  to  the  controversy. 

But  I  do  not  much  like  the  idea  of  your  being  any 
way  implicated  in  the  affair,  lest  you  should  be  com- 
promitted  in  the  opinion  of  one  or  the  other  of  the 
parties.  It  is  my  opinion  that  it  is  best  for  you 
to  stand  aloof.  Neither  have  I  abandoned  the  idea 
that  it  is  most  advisable  for  you  to  remain  in  Europe 
till  the  difference  is  adjusted.  It  would  be  very 
difficult  for  you  here  to  steer  a  course  which  would 
not  place  you  in  a  party,  and  not  remove  you  from 
the  broad  ground  which  you  now  occupy  in  the  hearts 
of  all.  It  is  a  favorite  point  with  me  that  you  shall 
find  in  the  universal  regard  of  this  country  all  the 
consolations  which  the  loss  of  your  own  (for  so  I 
consider  it)  may  render  requisite. 

Mrs.  Church  and  Mrs.  Hamilton  unite  in  assurance 
of  their  affectionate  remembrance. 

VOL.    X. — 22. 


338  Alexander  Hamilton 

TO   HARRISON   GRAY    OTIS 

NEW  YORK,  Jan.  26,  1799. 

DEAR  SIR: 

You  will  recollect  that  I  reserved  for  a  future  an 
swer  part  of  a  letter  which  I  had  the  pleasure  of 
receiving  from  you  some  time  since.  These  are  my 
ideas  on  that  subject. 

I  should  be  glad  to  see,  before  the  close  of  the  ses 
sion,  a  law  empowering  the  President,  at  his  discre 
tion,  in  case  a  negotiation  between  the  United  States 
and  France  should  not  be  on  foot  by  the  first  of  Au 
gust  next,  or  being  on  foot  should  terminate  without 
an  adjustment  of  differences,  to  declare  that  a  state 
of  war  exists  between  the  two  countries,  and  there 
upon  to  employ  the  land  and  naval  forces  of  the 
United  States  in  such  manner  as  shall  appear  to  him 
most  effectual  for  annoying  the  enemy,  and  for  pre 
venting  and  frustrating  hostile  designs  of  France, 
either  directly  or  indirectly  through  any  of  her  allies. 

This  course  of  proceeding,  by  postponing  the 
event,  and  giving  time  for  the  intervention  of  nego 
tiation,  would  be  a  further  proof  of  moderation  in 
the  government,  and  would  tend  to  reconcile  our 
citizens  to  the  last  extremity,  if  it  shall  ensue,  gradu 
ally  accustoming  their  minds  to  look  forward  to  it. 

If  France  be  really  desirous  of  accommodation, 
this  plan  will  accelerate  her  measures  to  bring  it 
about.  If  she  have  not  that  desire,  it  is  best  to 
anticipate  her  final  vengeance,  and  to  throw  what 
ever  weight  we  have  into  the  scale  opposed  to  her. 
This  conduct  may  contribute  to  disable  her  to  do  the 
mischief  which  she  may  meditate. 


Private  Correspondence  339 

As  it  is  every  moment  possible  that  the  project 
of  taking  possession  of  the  Floridas  and  Louisiana, 
long  since  attributed  to  France,  may  be  attempted 
to  be  put  in  execution,  it  is  very  important  that  the 
Executive  should  be  clothed  with  power  to  meet  and 
defeat  so  dangerous  an  enterprise.  Indeed,  if  it  is 
the  policy  of  France  to  leave  us  in  a  state  of  semi- 
hostility,  't  is  preferable  to  terminate  it,  and  by  tak 
ing  possession  of  those  countries  for  ourselves,  to 
obviate  the  mischief  of  their  falling  into  the  hands 
of  an  active  foreign  power,  and  at  the  same  time  to 
secure  to  the  United  States  the  advantage  of  keeping 
the  key  to  the  Western  country.  I  have  been  long 
in  the  habit  of  considering  the  acquisition  of  those 
countries  as  essential  to  the  permanency  of  the  Union 
which  I  consider  as  very  important  to  the  welfare  of 
the  whole. 

If  universal  empire  is  still  to  be  the  pursuit  of 
France,  what  can  tend  to  defeat  the  purpose  better 
than  to  detach  South  America  from  Spain,  which  is 
only  the  channel  through  which  the  riches  of  Mexico 
and  Peru  are  conveyed  to  France?  The  Executive 
ought  to  be  put  in  a  situation  to  embrace  favorable 
conjunctures  for  effecting  that  separation.  'T  is 
to  be  regretted  that  the  preparation  of  an  adequate 
military  force  does  not  advance  more  rapidly.  There 
is  some  sad  nonsense  on  this  subject  in  some  good 
heads.  The  reveries  of  some  of  the  friends  of  the 
government  are  more  injurious  to  it  than  the  attacks 
of  its  declared  enemies. 

When  will  men  learn  to  profit  by  experience? 


34°  Alexander  Hamilton 

TO   THEODORE    SEDGWICK 

February  2,  1799. 

What,  my  dear  sir,  are  you  going  to  do  in  Vir 
ginia  ?  This  is  a  very  serious  business,  which  will  call 
for  all  the  wisdom  and  firmness  of  the  government. 
The  following  are  the  ideas  which  occur  to  me  on  the 
occasion.  The  first  thing  in  all  great  operations  of 
such  a  government  as  ours  is  to  secure  the  opinion 
of  the  people.  To  this  end  the  proceedings  of  Vir 
ginia  and  Kentucky,  with  the  two  laws  complained 
of,1  should  be  referred  to  a  special  committee.  That 
committee  should  make  a  report,  exhibiting  with 
great  luminousness  and  particularity  the  reasons 
which  support  the  constitutionality  and  expediency 
of  those  laws,  the  tendency  of  the  doctrines  advanced 
by  Virginia  and  Kentucky  to  destroy  the  Constitu 
tion  of  the  United  States,  and  with  calm  dignity 
united  with  pathos  the  full  evidence  which  they 
afford  of  a  regular  conspiracy  to  overturn  the  govern 
ment.  And  the  report  should  likewise  dwell  upon 
the  inevitable  effect,  and  probably  the  intention,  of 
the  proceedings  to  encourage  hostile  foreign  powers 
to  decline  accommodation  and  proceed  in  hostility. 

The  government  must  not  merely  defend  itself,  it 
must  attack  and  arraign  its  enemies.  But  in  all  this 
there  should  be  great  care  to  distinguish  the  people 
of  Virginia  from  their  Legislature,  and  even  the 
greater  part  of  those  who  may  have  concurred  in 
the  Legislature  from  their  chiefs,  manifesting,  in 
deed,  a  strong  confidence  in  the  good  sense  and 

1  The  Alien  and  Sedition  laws. 


Private  Correspondence  341 

patriotism  of  the  people  that  they  will  not  be  the 
dupes  of  an  insidious  plan  to  disunite  the  people  of 
America,  to  break  down  their  Constitution,  and  ex 
pose  them  to  the  enterprise  of  a  foreign  power.  This 
report  should  conclude  with  a  declaration  that  there 
is  no  cause  for  a  repeal  of  the  laws.  If,  however,  on 
examination,  any  modifications  consistent  with  the 
general  design  of  the  laws,  but  instituting  better 
guards,  can  be  devised,  it  may  be  well  to  propose 
them  as  a  bridge  for  those  who  may  incline  to  re 
treat  over.  Concessions  of  this  kind,  adroitly  made, 
have  a  good  rather  than  a  bad  effect.  On  a  recent, 
though  hasty,  revision  of  the  Alien  law,  it  seems  to 
me  deficient  in  precautions  against  abuse  and  for  the 
security  of  citizens.  This  should  not  be.  No  pains 
or  expense  should  be  spared  to  disseminate  this  re 
port.  A  little  pamphlet  containing  it  should  find 
its  way  into  every  house  in  Virginia.  This  should 
be  left  to  work  and  nothing  to  court  a  shock  should 
be  adopted.  In  the  meantime  the  measures  for 
raising  the  military  force  should  proceed  with  ac 
tivity.  T  is  much  to  be  lamented  that  so  much 
delay  has  attended  the  execution  of  this  measure. 
In  times  like  the  present,  not  a  moment  ought  to 
have  been  lost  to  secure  the  government  so  powerful 
an  auxiliary.  Whenever  the  experiment  shall  be 
made  to  subdue  a  refractory  and  powerful  State  by 
militia,  the  event  will  shame  the  advocates  of  their 
sufficiency.  In  the  expedition  against  the  Western 
insurgents,  I  trembled  every  moment  lest  a  great 
part  of  the  militia  should  take  it  into  their  heads  to 
return  home  rather  than  to  go  forward.  When  a 


342  Alexander  Hamilton 

clever  force  has  been  collected,  let  them  be  drawn 
toward  Virginia,  for  which  there  is  an  obvious  pre 
text,  then  let  measures  be  taken  to  act  upon  the 
laws  and  put  Virginia  to  the  test  of  resistance.  This 
plan  will  give  time  for  the  fervor  of  the  moment  to 
subside,  for  reason  to  resume  the  reins,  and,  by  di 
viding  its  enemies,  will  enable  the  government  to 
triumph  with  ease.1 


TO  TIMOTHY   PICKERING 

NEW  YORK,  Feb.  9,  1799. 

DEAR  SIR: 

I  am  this  moment  favored  with  your  letter  of  the 
gth  instant.  I  shall  immediately  reflect  on  the  most 
important  point,  and  to-morrow  give  you  the  result. 

The  provision  in  the  law  is  ample.  But  in  this, 
my  dear  sir,  as  in  every  thing  else,  we  must  unite 
caution  with  decision.  The  United  States  must  not 
be  committed  on  the  independence  of  St.  Domingo. 
No  guaranty — no  formal  treaty — nothing  that  can 
rise  up  in  judgment.  It  will  be  enough  to  let  Tous- 
saint  be  assured  verbally,  but  explicitly,  that  upon 
his  declaration  of  independence  a  commercial  inter 
course  will  be  opened,  and  continue  while  he  main 
tains  it,  and  gives  due  protection  to  our  vessels  and 
property.  I  incline  to  think  the  declaration  of  in 
dependence  ought  to  precede. 

1  Reprinted  from  the  History  of  the  Republic,  vii.,  277. 


Private  Correspondence  343 

TO   WASHINGTON 

(Private.) 

NEW  YORK,  Feb.  16,  1799. 

DEAR  SIR: 

Different  reasons  have  conspired  to  prevent  my 
writing  to  you  since  my  return  to  New'York — the  mul 
tiplicity  of  my  avocations,  an  imperfect  state  of  health, 
and  the  want  of  some  thing  material  to  communicate. 

The  official  letter  herewith  transmitted,  will  in 
form  you  of  the  disposition  of  our  military  affairs 
which  has  been  recently  adopted  by  the  department 
of  war.  There  shall  be  no  want  of  exertion  on  my 
part  to  promote  the  branches  of  the  service  con 
fided  to  my  care. 

But  I  more  and  more  discover  cause  to  apprehend 
that  obstacles  of  a  very  peculiar  kind  stand  in  the 
way  of  an  efficient  and  successful  management  of 
our  military  concerns.  These  it  would  be  unsafe  at 
present  to  explain. 

It  may  be  useful  that  I  should  be  able  to  write  to 
you  hereafter  some  confidential  matters  relating  to 
our  administration  without  the  mention  of  names. 
When  this  happens,  I  shall  designate  the  President 
by  X,  the  Secretary  of  State  by  V,  of  the  Treasury 
by  I,  and  of  the  Department  of  War  by  C. 

Every  thing  in  the  northern  quarter,  as  far  as  I 
can  learn,  continues  favorable  to  the  government. 


TO   TIMOTHY   PICKERING 

NEW  YORK,  Feb.  21,  1799. 

MY  DEAR  SIR: 

The  multiplicity  of  my  avocations  joined  to  im 
perfect  health  has  delayed  the  communication  you 


344  Alexander  Hamilton 

desired  respecting  St.  Domingo.  And  what  is  worse, 
it  has  prevented  my  bestowing  sufficient  thought  to 
offer  at  present  any  thing  worth  having. 

No  regular  system  of  liberty  will  at  present  suit 
St.  Domingo.  The  government,  if  independent,  must 
be  military — partaking  of  the  feodal  system. 

A  hereditary  chief  would  be  best,  but  this  I  fear 
is  impracticable. 

Let  there  be  then,  a  single  Executive,  to  hold  his 
place  for  life. 

The  person  to  succeed  on  a  vacancy  to  be  either 
the  officer  next  in  command  in  the  island  at  the  time 
of  the  death  of  the  predecessor,  or  the  person  who  by 
plurality  of  voices  of  the  commandants  of  regiments 
shall  be  designated  within  a  certain  time.  In  the 
meantime  the  principal  military  officers  to  admin 
ister. 

All  the  males  within  certain  ages  to  be  arranged  in 
military  corps,  and  to  be  compellable  to  military  ser 
vice.  This  may  be  connected  with  the  tenure  of  lands. 

Let  the  supreme  judiciary  authority  be  vested  in 
twelve  judges  to  be  chosen  for  life  by  the  generals  or 
chief  military  officers. 

Trial  by  jury  in  all  criminal  causes  not  military  to 
be  established.  The  mode  of  appointing  them  must 
be  regulated  with  reference  to  the  general  spirit  of 
the  establishment. 

Every  law  inflicting  capital  or  other  corporal  pun 
ishment,  or  levying  a  tax  or  contribution  in  any 
shape,  to  be  proposed  by  the  Executive  to  an  assem 
bly  composed  of  the  generals  and  commandants  of 
regiments  for  their  sanction  or  rejection. 


Private  Correspondence  345 

All  other  laws  to  be  enacted  by  the  sole  authority 
of  the  Executive. 

The  powers  of  war  and  treaty  to  be  in  the  Execu 
tive. 

The  Executive  to  be  obliged  to  have  three  minis 
ters — of  finance,  war,  and  foreign  affairs — whom  he 
shall  nominate  to  the  generals  for  their  approbation 
or  rejection. 

The  colonels  and  generals,  when  once  appointed, 
to  hold  their  offices  during  good  behavior,  removed 
only  by  conviction  of  an  infamous  crime  in  due  course 
of  law  or  the  sentence  of  a  court-martial  cashiering 
them. 

Court-martials  for  trial  of  officers  and  capital  of 
fences  to  be  not  less  than  twelve,  and  well  guarded 
as  to  mode  of  appointment. 

Duties  of  import  and  export,  taxes  on  lands  and 
buildings  to  constitute  the  chief  branches  of  revenue. 

These  thoughts  are  very  crude,  but  perhaps  they 
may  afford  some  hints. 

How  is  the  sending  an  agent  to  Toussaint  to  en 
courage  the  independency  of  St.  Domingo,  and  a 
minister  to  France  to  negotiate  an  accommodation 
reconcilable  to  consistency  or  good  faith? x 


TO   THEODORE   SEDGWICK 

NEW  YORK,  Feb.  21,  1799. 

The  step  announced  in  your  letter  just  received, 
in  all  its  circumstances,  would  astonish,  if  any  thing 
from  that  quarter  could  astonish. 

1  Now  first  printed  from  the  Pickering  papers  in  the  possession  of  the 
Massachusetts  Historical  Society. 


34-6  Alexander  Hamilton 

But  as  it  has  happened,  my  present  impression  is 
that  the  measure  must  go  into  effect  with  the  addi 
tional  idea  of  a  commission  of  three. 

The  mode  must  be  accommodated  with  the  Presi 
dent.  Murray  is  certainly  not  strong  enough  for  so 
immensely  important  a  mission.1 

I  will  write  to-morrow  if  my  impression  varies. 


TO   OLIVER   WOLCOTT 

NEW  YORK,  March  13,  1799. 

DEAD  SIR: 

It  is  natural  for  people,  where  their  interest  is 
concerned,  to  die  hard.  Mr.  Juhel,  the  bearer  of 
this,  goes  to  Philadelphia  to  lay  before  you  some 
supplementary  evidence  with  regard  to  the  ship 
Get 'mania ,  which  he  hopes  may  vary  your  determina 
tion.  At  his  request  I  give  him  this  line  to  you, 
merely  to  say  that  he  is  a  merchant  of  this  city,  of 
reputation,  and,  so  far  as  his  conduct  has  fallen 
under  my  observation,  of  candor  and  probity.  I 
wish  him  success  as  far  as  personal  considerations 
alone  are  concerned  and  no  general  rule  of  policy  is 
contravened. 

But  having  occasion  to  write  you  on  a  subject  con 
nected  with  the  law  prohibiting  intercourse  with  the 
French  territories,  I  ought  not  to  withhold  from  you 
an  opinion  which  I  deliberately  entertain.  It  is  that 
whatever  may  have  been  the  intention  of  the  Legis- 

1  This  letter  refers  to  the  message  of  John  Adams  of  February  18, 
1799,  announcing  his  intention  of  reopening  negotiations  with  France 
and  nominating  William  Vans  Murray  as  Minister  to  the  French  Repub 
lic.  This  action  on  the  part  of  the  President,  taken  without  consulting 
even  his  Cabinet,  astonished  the  country  and  fell  like  a  thunderbolt 
upon  the  Federalists. 


Private  Correspondence  347 

lature  in  framing  this  law,  it  is  in  fact  so  worded 
that  it  will  be  a  very  violent  thing  in  a  court  of  jus 
tice  to  pronounce  that  the  prohibition  of  the  third 
section  extends  to  any  but  a  French  bottom. 

The  leading  and  prominent  feature  of  the  pro 
hibition,  as  to  the  subject,  is  a  "French  ship  or 
vessel.1'  There  are  subsequent  words  which,  by  im 
plication,  look  to  vessels  of  other  descriptions,  but 
they  may  be  understood  consistently  with  the  main 
and  preliminary  feature. 

Thus  the  proviso  excepts  ships  or  vessels  "bona 
fide  the  property  <?/,  or  hired  or  employed  by,  the 
citizens  of  the  United  States/'  A  French  bottom, 
by  her  build  and  registry,  may  be  the  property  of 
citizens  of  the  United  States.  Again,  these  words 
will  be  satisfied  by  supposing  that  they  intend  ships 
and  vessels  which  were  French  immediately  before 
the  voyage  in  question,  but  were  purchased  for  the 
voyage  by  citizens  of  the  United  States. 

And  this  construction  will  better  consist  with  the 
principles  which  govern  the  interpretation  of  penal 
laws,  than  to  extend  the  prohibition  which  is  to  con 
stitute  the  penalty  beyond  the  letter  by  implication 
and  force  of  proviso  which  is  introduced  to  make  an 
exception  to  the  general  terms. 

I  am  well  aware  of  the  course  which  in  such  a  case 
policy  will  dictate  to  the  Executive,  but  if  this  view 
of  the  law  be  correct,  it  may  afford  an  argument 
for  a  mitigated  course  where  no  actual  intention  to 
evade  appears.1 

1  Now  first  printed  from  the  Wolcott  papers  in  the  possession  of  the 
Connecticut  Historical  Society. 


348  Alexander  Hamilton 

TO  GENERAL  KNOX 

MY  DEAR  SIR:  NEW  Y°RK«  March  14, 1799- 

The  enclosed  letters,  as  I  concluded  from  others 
which  accompany  them,have  been  a  long  time  getting 
to  hand.  There  was  a  moment  when  their  object 
seemed  to  present  itself  as  one  not  entirely  chimeri 
cal,  but  the  probability  has  diminished.  T  is,  how 
ever,  a  thing  on  which  the  mind  may  still  speculate 
as  in  the  chapter  of  extraordinary  events  which 
characterize  the  present  wonderful  epoch. 

My  judgment  tells  me  I  ought  to  be  silent  on  a  cer 
tain  subject ;  but  my  heart  advises  otherwise,  and  my 
heart  has  always  been  the  master  of  my  judgment. 
Believe  me  I  have  felt  much  pain  at  the  idea,  that  any 
circumstance  personal  to  me  should  have  deprived 
the  public  of  your  services  or  occasioned  to  you  the 
smallest  dissatisfaction.  Be  persuaded,  also,  that  the 
views  of  others,  not  my  own,  have  given  shape  to  what 
has  taken  place — and  that  there  has  been  a  serious 
struggle  between  my  respect  and  attachment  for  you 
and  the  impression  of  duty.  This  sounds,  I  know, 
like  affectation,  but  it  is  nevertheless  the  truth.  In  a 
case  in  which  such  great  public  interests  were  con 
cerned,  it  seemed  to  me  the  dictate  of  reason  and 
propriety,  not  to  exercise  an  opinion  of  my  own,  but 
to  leave  that  of  others,  who  could  influence  the  issue, 
to  take  a  free  course.  In  saying  this  much,  my  only 
motive  is  to  preserve,  if  I  may,  a  claim  on  your 
friendly  disposition  towards  me,  and  to  give  you 
some  evidence  that  my  regard  for  you  is  unabated.1 

1  This  last  paragraph  refers  to  Hamilton's  having  been  placed  at 
the  head  of  the  provisional  army,  which  had  so  much  chagrined  Knox 
that  he  had  resigned  his  commission. 


Private  Correspondence 


349 


TO  JAMES  McHENRY 
(Private,) 

NEW  YORK,  March  18,  1799. 

Beware,  my  dear  sir,  of  magnifying  a  riot  into  an 
insurrection,  by  employing,  in  the  first  instance,  an 
inadequate  force.  'T  is  better  far  to  err  on  the  other 
side. 

Whenever  the  government  appears  in  arms,  it 
ought  to  appear  like  a  Hercules,  and  inspire  respect 
by  the  display  of  strength.  The  consideration  of 
expense  is  of  no  moment  compared  with  the  advan 
tages  of  energy.  'T  is  true  this  is  always  a  relative 
question,  but  't  is  always  important  to  make  no 
mistake.  I  only  offer  a  principle  and  a  caution. 

A  large  corps  of  auxiliary  cavalry  may  be  had  in 
Jersey,  New  York,  Delaware,  Maryland,  without  in 
terfering  with  farming  pursuits. 

Will  it  be  inexpedient  to  put  under  marching  orders 
a  large  force  provisionally,  as  an  eventual  support  of 
the  corps  to  be  employed,  to  awe  the  disaffected  ? 

Let  all  be  well  considered.1 


TO   OLIVER   WOLCOTT* 

NEW  YORK,  March  21,  1799. 

DEAR  SIR: 

It  is  a  good  principle  for  the  United  States  to  em 
ploy  directly  its  own  means,  only  do  not  let  this  be 

1  Reprinted  from  the  History  of  the  Republic,  vii.,  313. 

2  This  letter  and  the  preceding  refer  to  the  troubles  which  became 
known  as  the  Fries  rebellion,  and  which  grew  out  of  the  resistance  in 
Pennsylvania  to  the  direct  taxes.     The  disturbances  were  violent  and 
riotous,  and  at  last  the  President  issued  a  proclamation  and  ordered 
out  some  troops,  and  the  whole  affair  ended.     Fries  was  arrested,  tried, 
convicted  of  treason,  sentenced  to  death,  and  pardoned  by  President 
Adams. 


35°  Alexander  Hamilton 

carried  so  far  as  to  confine  it  to  the  use  of  inadequate 
means,  or  to  embarrass  the  auxiliary  means  which 
circumstances  may  require. 

The  idea  of  the  late  President's  administration  of 
considering  the  governor  of  each  State  as  the  first 
general  of  the  militia,  and  its  immediate  organ  in 
acting  upon  the  militia,  was  wisely  considered,  and, 
in  my  opinion,  wisely  adopted,  and  well  to  be  ad 
hered  to.  In  its  final  operation,  it  will  obviate  many 
difficulties  and  collisions,  and  by  enhancing  their  im 
portance,  tend  to  draw  the  State  Executives  to  the 
general  government.  Take  good  care  that  in  the 
present  instance  the  force  be  not  inadequate. 


TO   TIMOTHY   PICKERING 

NEW  YORK,  April  4,  1799. 

SIR: 

I  observe,  by  the  Boston  papers,  that  some  dis 
patches  have  been  lately  found  on  board  a  vessel 
from  this  port  which  was  carried  into  Gibraltar. 
The  late  consul  here,  Mr.  Rosier,  has  just  been  with 
me,  and  suggested  that  the  dispatches  are  probably 
from  him,  and  allude  (but  without  naming  me)  to 
some  conversations  with  me  relating  to  his  being 
received  as  consul-general  some  time  last  winter. 
Being  so  much  engaged  as  not  to  have  been  able 
conveniently  to  call  upon  you,  I  mentioned  the  sub 
ject  while  in  Philadelphia  to  Mr.  Wolcott,  and  was 
informed  by  him  that  Mr.  Rosier  could  not  then  be 
received.  In  the  interviews  respecting  this  object, 


Private  Correspondence  351 

some  general  conversation  took  place  about  the 
state  of  things  between  the  two  countries.  Mr. 
Rosier  will  write  to  you  offering  the  means  of  de 
ciphering  his  dispatches,  which  he  assures  me,  with 
every  appearance  of  candor,  will  be  found  to  contain 
nothing  unfriendly  to  this  country.  It  is  his  wish, 
in  the  meantime,  that  no  idea  may  circulate  of  his 
being  a  conspirator. 


TO   OLIVER   WOLCOTT 

NEW  YORK,  April  8,  1799. 

DEAR  SIR: 

I  send  you  in  confidence  the  copy  of  a  letter  of  this 
date  to  the  Secretary  of  War  and  of  the  plan  to 
which  it  refers.  Consider  it  well.  Make  the  Secre 
tary  of  War  talk  to  you  about  it,  without  letting  him 
know  that  I  have  sent  it  to  you.  And  urge  the  es 
tablishment  of  some  plan  which  will  effectually  or 
ganize  this  important  branch  of  our  military  service. 
The  proper  course  in  the  interest  of  the  army  is  in 
dicated  by  the  plan  I  present.  The  connections  be 
tween  the  agents  with  the  army  and  the  principal 
officers  at  the  seat  of  the  government  admit  of  such 
modifications  as  may  be  deemed  best.  I  think  it 
desirable  to  separate  the  quartermaster-general  from 
the  business  of  procuring  supplies,  and  make  him  and 
his  deputies,  in  this  respect,  checks.  In  addition  to 
this  duty  he  will  have  numerous  military  functions 
of  great  importance  which  will  give  him  abundant 
employment.1 

1  Now  first  printed  from  the  Wolcott  papers  in  the  possession  of  the 
Connecticut  Historical  Society. 


35 2  Alexander  Hamilton 

TO   WASHINGTON 
(Private.) 

NEW  YORK,  June  15,  1799. 

DEAR  SIR: 

I  wrote  to  you  a  few  days  since,  chiefly  to  inform 
you  of  the  progress  of  the  measures  respecting  the 
recruiting  service,  and  that  the  symptoms  with  re 
gard  to  it  were  sufficiently  promising.  The  accounts 
continue  favorable. 

1  have  just  received  a  letter  from  General  Wilkin 
son,1  dated  the  i3th  April,  in  which  he  assures  me 
he  will  set  out  in  the  ensuing  month  for  the  seat  of 
government.  The  interview  with  him  will  be  useful. 

It  strikes  me  forcibly  that  it  will  be  both  right 
and  expedient  to  advance  this  gentleman  to  the 
grade  of  major-general.  He  has  been  long  steadily 
in  service  and  long  a  brigadier.  This  in  so  con 
siderable  an  extension  of  the  military  establishment 
gives  him  a  pretension  to  promotion. 

I  am  aware  that  some  doubts  have  been  enter 
tained  of  him,  and  that  his  character  on  certain 
sides  gives  room  for  doubts.  Yet  he  is  at  present  in 
the  service,  is  a  man  of  more  than  ordinary  talent — 
of  courage  and  enterprise, — has  discovered  upon 
various  occasions  a  good  zeal,  has  embraced  military 

1  James  Wilkinson,  a  soldier  of  the  Revolution,  and  conspicuous  at 
the  time  of  Burr's  conspiracy  and  in  the  War  of  1812.  He  was  a  born 
intriguer.  During  the  Revolutionary  War  he  was  mixed  up  in  the 
Conway  cabal.  He  was  involved  with  Burr,  whom  he  finally  decided 
to  give  up,  at  the  time  of  the  latter' s  conspiracy,  and  in  the  War  of 
1812  he  was  singularly  unsuccessful  and  contentious.  Hamilton's 
apparently  favorable  opinion  is  rather  curious,  although  it  is  obvious 
that  he  recommends  Wilkinson's  promotion  with  many  doubts. 


Private  Correspondence  353 

pursuits  as  a  profession,  and  will  naturally  find  his 
interest,  as  an  ambitious  man,  in  deserving  the 
favor  of  the  government.  While  he  will  be  apt  to 
become  disgusted  if  neglected,  and  through  disgust 
may  be  rendered  really  what  he  is  now  only  sus 
pected  to  be.  Under  such  circumstances  it  seems  to 
me  good  policy  to  avoid  all  just  grounds  of  discon 
tent  and  to  make  it  the  interest  of  the  individual  to 
pursue  his  duty. 

If  you  should  be  also  of  this  opinion,  I  submit  to 
your  consideration  whether  it  would  not  be  advisa 
ble  for  you  to  express  it  in  a  private  letter  to  the 
Secretary  of  War.1 


TO   COLONEL  TAYLOR3 

NEW  YORK,  July  3,  1799. 

SIR: 

I  have  written  to  the  Secretary  of  War  agreeably 
to  the  suggestion  of  your  letter  of  the  26th  of  June, 
respecting  Abijah  Fenn.  It  is  to  be  lamented  that 
the  most  circumspect  men  are  apt  to  have  too  much 
facility  about  recommendations.  Warned  by  this 
instance,  it  is  hoped  that  you  will  in  future  not  pre 
sent  a  candidate  without  personal  knowledge  or  in 
quiry  through  various  channels. 

1  Now  first  printed  from  the  Hamilton  papers  In  the  State  Depart 
ment. 

a  I  have  not  been  able  to  determine  absolutely  the  identity  of  Col. 
Taylor,  but  I  think  it  must  have  been  Robert  Barnard  Taylor,  of 
Virginia,  afterwards  Brigadier-General  of  Virginia  militia  and  finally 
General  in  the  regular  army.  This  letter  is  now  first  printed  from  the 
Hamilton  papers  in  the  State  Department. 

VOL.  X.— 23. 


354  Alexander  Hamilton 

TO  JAMES  McHENRY 

(Private.) 

NEW  YORK,  July  10,  1799. 

Why,  my  dear  friend,  do  you  suffer  the  business 
of  providing  to  go  on  as  it  does?  Every  moment 
proves  the  insufficiency  of  the  existing  plan  and  the 
necessity  of  auxiliaries.  I  have  no  doubt  that  at 
Baltimore,  New  York,  Providence,  and  Boston  addi 
tional  supplies  of  clothing  may  promptly  be  pro 
cured  and  prepared  by  your  agents,  and  it  ought 
to  be  done,  though  it  should  enhance  the  expense. 
'T  is  terrible  at  this  juncture  that  there  should  be 
wants  anywhere. 

So  of  tents.  Calls  for  them  are  repeated  from 
Massachusetts,  where,  better  and  cheaper  than  any 
where  else,  they  can  certainly  be  provided. 

Pray,  take  a  resolution  adequate  to  the  emer 
gency,  and  rescue  the  credit  of  your  department.1 


TO   JOSIAH   O.    HOFFMAN  a 

1799. 

SIR: 

Greenleaf 's  New  Daily  Advertiser  of  this  morning 
contains  a  publication  entitled,  "  Extract  of  a  Letter 
from  Philadelphia,  dated  September  2oth,"  which 
charges  me  with  being  at  the  "bottom  of  an  effort 
recently  made  to  suppress  the  Aurora"  (a  news 
paper  of  that  city)  by  pecuniary  means. 

1  Now  first  printed  from  the  Hamilton  papers  in  the  State  Depart 
ment. 

2  Attorney-General  of  New  York.     This  letter  is  undated  in  original, 
and  is  dated  and  placed  here  according  to  the  edition  of  1850.     It  was 
probably  written  in  September  or  October  of  this  year. 


Private  Correspondence  355 

It  is  well  known  that  I  have  long  been  the  object 
of  the  most  malignant  calumnies  of  the  faction  op 
posed  to  our  government  through  the  medium  of 
the  papers  devoted  to  their  views.  Hitherto  I  have 
forborne  to  resort  to  the  laws  for  the  punishment  of 
the  authors  or  abettors,  and  were  I  to  consult  per 
sonal  considerations  alone,  I  should  continue  in  this 
course,  repaying  hatred  with  contempt. 

But  public  motives  now  compel  me  to  a  different 
conduct.  The  designs  of  that  faction  to  overturn 
our  government,  and  with  it  the  great  pillars  of 
social  security  and  happiness  in  this  country,  be 
come  every  day  more  manifest,  and  have  of  late 
acquired  a  degree  of  system  which  renders  them 
formidable. 

One  principal  engine  for  effecting  the  scheme  is  by 
audacious  falsehoods  to  destroy  the  confidence  of 
the  people  in  all  those  who  are  in  any  degree  con 
spicuous  among  the  supporters  of  the  government — 
an  engine  which  has  been  employed  in  time  past 
with  too  much  success,  and  which,  unless  counter 
acted  in  future,  is  likely  to  be  attended  with  very 
fatal  consequences. 

To  counteract  it  is  therefore  a  duty  to  the  com 
munity.  Among  the  specimens  of  this  contrivance, 
that  which  is  the  subject  of  the  present  letter  demands 
peculiar  attention.  A  bolder  calumny — one  more 
absolutely  destitute  of  foundation — was  never  propa 
gated,  and  its  dangerous  tendency  needs  no  com 
ment  ;  being  calculated  to  inspire  the  belief  that  the 
independence  and  liberty  of  the  press  are  endangered 
by  the  intrigues  of  ambitious  citizens  aided  by 


356  Alexander  Hamilton 

foreign  gold.     In  so  flagrant  a  case  the  force  of  the 
laws  must  be  tried. 

I  therefore  request  that  you  will  take  immediate 
measures  towards  the  prosecution  of  the  persons  who 
conduct  the  enclosed  paper. 


TO   WASHINGTON 

NEW  YORK,  Oct.  21,  1799. 

DEAR  SIR: 

On  my  return  from  Trenton  the  day  before  yes 
terday  I  found  your  private  letter  of  the  i3th  as 
well  as  your  public  letter  of  the  i5th  instant. 

The  newspapers  have  probably  informed  you  that 
poor  Avery  is  dead  of  the  yellow  fever. 

The  President  has  resolved  to  send  the  commis 
sioners  to  France,  notwithstanding  the  change  of 
affairs  there.  He  is  not  understood  to  have  con 
sulted  either  of  his  ministers;  certainly  not  either 
the  Secretary  of  War  or  of  Finance.  All  my  calcula 
tions  lead  me  to  regret  the  measure.  I  hope  that  it 
may  not  in  its  consequences  involve  the  United 
States  in  a  war  on  the  side  of  France  with  her 
enemies. 

My  trust  in  Providence,  which  has  so  often  inter 
posed  in  our  favor,  is  my  only  consolation. 

TO   TOBIAS   LEAR  T 

NEW  YORK,  Jan.  2,  1800. 

DEAR  SIR: 

Your  letter  of  the  i5th  of  December  last  was  de 
layed  in  getting  to  hand  by  the  circumstance  of  its 

1  Washington's  private  secretary. 


Private  Correspondence  357 

having  gone  to  New  York  while  I  was  at  Philadelphia, 
and  of  its  having  arrived  at  Philadelphia  after  I  had 
set  out  on  my  return  to  New  York. 

The  very  painful  event  which  it  announces  had, 
previous  to  the  receipt  of  it,  filled  my  heart  with 
bitterness.  Perhaps  no  man  in  this  community  has 
equal  cause  with  myself  to  deplore  the  loss.  I  have 
been  much  indebted  to  the  kindness  of  the  General, 
and  he  was  an  ALgis  very  essential  to  me.  But  re 
grets  are  unavailing.  For  great  misfortunes  it  is  the 
business  of  reason  to  seek  consolation.  The  friends 
of  General  Washington  have  very  noble  ones.  If 
virtue  can  secure  happiness  in  another  world,  he  is 
happy.  In  this  the  seal  is  now  put  upon  his  glory. 
It  is  no  longer  in  jeopardy  from  the  fickleness  of 
fortune. 

P.  S. — In  whose  hands  are  his  papers  gone?  Our 
very  confidential  situation  will  not  permit  this  to  be 
a  point  of  indifference  to  me. 


TO   RUFUS   KING 

NEW  YORK,  Jan.  5,  1800. 

It  is  indeed  a  long  time,  my  dear  sir,  since  I  have 
written  to  you,  and  I  feel  my  obligation  to  you  for 
the  continuance  of  your  correspondence,  notwith 
standing  my  delinquency. 

Had  it  been  true  that  I  had  left  every  thing  else  to 
follow  the  drum,  my  delinquency  would  not  have 
been  so  great.  But  our  military  establishment 
offers  too  little  inducement,  and  is  too  precarious  to 


358  Alexander  Hamilton 

have  permitted  a  total  dereliction  of  professional 
pursuits.  The  double  occupation  occasioned  by 
these  added  military  duties,  and  the  attention  which 
circumstances  call  me  to  pay  to  collateral  objects, 
engage  my  time  more  than  ever,  and  leave  me  less 
leisure  to  communicate  with  distant  friends. 

If  the  projected  cipher  was  established,  I  should 
now  have  very  much  to  say  to  you.  But  for  this  the 
arrangement  is  not  yet  mature.  Soon,  however,  I 
hope  to  make  it  so,  by  forwarding  to  you  the  coun 
terpart,  which  is  in  preparation.  I  must,  however, 
give  you  some  sketch  of  our  affairs. 

At  home  every  thing  is  in  the  main  well;  except 
as  to  the  perverseness  and  capriciousness  of  one,  and 
the  spirit  of  faction  of  many. 

Our  measures  from  the  first  cause  are  too  much 
the  effect  of  momentary  impulse.  Vanity  and 
jealousy  exclude  all  counsel.  Passion  wrests  the 
helm  from  reason. 

The  irreparable  loss  of  an  inestimable  man  removes 
a  control  which  was  felt,  and  was  very  salutary. 

The  leading  friends  of  the  government  are  in  a  sad 
dilemma.  Shall  they  risk  a  serious  schism  by  an 
attempt  to  change?  Or  shall  they  annihilate  them 
selves  and  hazard  their  cause  by  continuing  to  up 
hold  those  who  suspect  or  hate  them,  and  who  are 
likely  to  pursue  a  course  for  no  better  reason  than 
because  it  is  contrary  to  that  which  they  approve? 

The  spirit  of  faction  is  abated  nowhere.  In  Vir 
ginia  it  is  more  violent  than  ever.  It  seems  de 
monstrated  that  the  leaders  there,  who  possess 
completely  all  the  powers  of  the  local  government, 


Private  Correspondence  359 

are  resolved  to  possess  those  of  the  national,  by  the 
most  dangerous  combinations;  and,  if  they  cannot 
effect  this,  to  resort  to  the  employment  of  physical 
force.  The  want  of  disposition  in  the  people  to  sec 
ond  them  will  be  the  only  preventive.  It  is  believed 
that  it  will  be  an  effectual  one. 

In  the  two  houses  of  Congress  we  have  a  decided 
majority.  But  the  dread  of  unpopularity  is  likely 
to  paralyze  it,  and  to  prevent  the  erection  of  addi 
tional  buttresses  to  the  Constitution,  a  fabric  which 
can  hardly  be  stationary,  and  which  will  retrograde 
if  it  cannot  be  made  to  advance. 

In  the  mass  of  the  people  the  dispositions  are  not 
bad.  An  attachment  to  the  system  of  peace  con 
tinues.  No  project  contrary  to  it  could  easily  con 
ciliate  favor.  Good-will  towards  the  government, 
in  my  opinion,  predominates;  though  a  numerous 
party  is  still  actuated  by  an  opposite  sentiment,  and 
some  vague  discontents  have  a  more  diffused  influ 
ence.  Sympathy  with  the  French  Revolution  acts 
in  a  much  narrower  circle  than  formerly,  but  the 
jealousy  of  monarchy,  which  is  as  actual  as  ever, 
still  furnishes  a  handle  by  which  the  factions  mis 
lead  well-meaning  persons. 

In  our  councils  there  is  no  fixed  plan.  Some  are 
for  preserving  and  invigorating  the  navy  and  de 
stroying  the  army.  Some  among  the  friends  of 
government  for  diminishing  both  on  pecuniary 
considerations. 

My  plan  is  to  complete  the  navy  to  the  contem 
plated  extent:  say,  six  ships  of  the  line,  twelve  frig 
ates,  and  twenty-four  sloops  of  war;  to  make  no 


360  Alexander  Hamilton 

alteration  for  the  present  as  to  the  military  force; 
and,  finally,  to  preserve  the  organs  of  the  existing 
force,  reducing  the  men  to  a  very  moderate  number. 
For  this  plan  there  are  various  reasons  that  appear 
to  me  solid.  I  must  doubt,  however,  that  it  will 
finally  prevail. 

The  recent  depredations  of  British  cruisers,  sanc 
tioned  in  various  instances  by  the  courts,  have  re 
kindled  in  many  hearts  an  animosity  which  was  fast 
being  extinguished.  Such  persons  think  they  see 
in  this  circumstance  a  new  proof  that  friendship 
towards  this  country  on  the  part  of  Great  Britain 
will  always  be  measured  by  the  scale  of  her  success. 
A  very  perplexing  conflict  of  sensations  is  the  result 
of  this  impression. 

I  must  hasten  to  a  conclusion.  It  was  unnecessary 
for  me  to  have  told  you  that  for  the  loss  of  our  illus 
trious  friend  every  heart  is  in  mourning.  Adieu. 

Who  is  to  be  Commander-in-Chief  ? 
Not  the  next  in  command.     The  appointment  will 
probably  be  deferred. 


TO   MRS.    MARTHA   WASHINGTON 

NEW  YORK,  Jan.  12,  1800. 

I  did  not  think  it  proper,  madam,  to  intrude  amidst 
the  first  effusions  of  your  grief;  but  I  can  no  longer 
restrain  my  sensibility  from  conveying  to  you  an 
imperfect  expression  of  my  affectionate  sympathy 
in  the  sorrows  you  experience.  No  one  better  than 
myself  knows  the  greatness  of  your  loss,  or  how  much 
your  excellent  heart  is  formed  to  feel  it  in  all  its  ex- 


Private  Correspondence  361 

tent.  Satisfied  that  you  cannot  receive  consolation, 
I  will  attempt  to  offer  none.  Resignation  to  the  will 
of  Heaven,  which  the  practice  of  your  life  insures, 
can  alone  alleviate  the  sufferings  of  so  heartrending 
an  affliction. 

There  can  be  few  who  equally  with  me  participate 
in  the  loss  you  deplore.  In  expressing  this  senti 
ment,  I  may,  without  impropriety,  allude  to  the  nu 
merous  and  distinguished  marks  of  confidence  and 
friendship  of  which  you  have  yourself  been  a  witness, 
but  I  cannot  say  in  how  many  ways  the  continuance 
of  that  confidence  and  friendship  was  necessary  to 
me  in  future  relations.  Vain,  however,  are  regrets. 
From  a  calamity  which  is  common  to  a  mourning  na 
tion,  who  can  expect  to  be  exempt?  Perhaps  it  is 
even  a  privilege  to  have  a  claim  to  a  larger  portion 
of  it  than  others. 

I  will  only  add,  madam,  that  I  shall  esteem  it  a 
real  and  a  great  happiness  if  any  future  occurrence 
shall  enable  me  to  give  you  proof  of  that  respectful 
and  cordial  attachment  with  which,  etc. 


TO   CAPTAIN   GEORGE   IZARD  x 

NEW  YORK,  Feb.  27,  1800. 

SIR: 

Your  letter  of  the  2  5th  instant  was  received  yes 
terday.  I  should  certainly  regret  any  occurrence 

1  Son  of  Ralph  Izard,  delegate  and  Senator  from  South  Carolina. 
He  was  at  this  time  Hamilton's  aid,  and  remained  in  the  army  until 
1803,  when  he  resigned.  He  re-entered  the  army  in  1812,  and  at  the 
close  of  the  war  was  a  major-general,  when  he  again  resigned  from  the 
army,  and  was  appointed  governor  of  the  Territory  of  Arkansas,  a  post 
he  held  until  his  death  in  1825. 


362  Alexander  Hamilton 

which  might  deprive  me  of  your  services,  unless 
being  one  which  was  likely  to  redound  to  your  own 
honor  and  advantage. 

It  is  very  certain  that  the  military  career  in  this 
country  offers  too  few  inducements,  and  it  is  equally 
certain  that  my  present  station  in  the  army  cannot 
very  long  continue  under  the  plan  which  seems  to 
govern.  With  these  impressions  it  would  consist 
with  a  candid  and  friendly  part  towards  you  to  dis 
courage  your  acceptance  of  the  invitation  you  men 
tion.  You  are  doubtless  aware  of  the  uncertainties 
which  rest  on  the  diplomatic  state  also,  and  after 
balancing  well  you  will  make  your  election,  perfectly 
assured  of  my  cordial  acquiescence  in  either  event 
and  of  my  constant  wishes  for  your  success. 

Major  Toussard  has  informed  me  of  his  progress 
in  preparing  the  regulations.  The  necessity  of  your 
further  attention  to  this  object  has  ceased.1 


TO   THEODORE   SEDGWICK 

NEW  YORK,  Feb.  27,  1800. 

DEAR  SIR: 

When  will  Congress  probably  adjourn?  Will  any 
thing  be  settled  as  to  a  certain  election?  Will  my 
presence  be  requisite  as  to  this  or  any  other  purpose, 
and  when? 

I  observe  more  and  more  that  by  the  jealousy  and 
envy  of  some,  the  miserliness  of  others,  and  the  con 
curring  influence  of  all  foreign  powers,  America,  if 

1  Now  first  printed  from  the  Hamilton  papers  in  the  State  Depart 
ment. 


Private  Correspondence  363 

she  attains  to  greatness,  must  creep  to  it.  Will  it  be 
so  ?  Slow  and  sure  is  no  bad  maxim.  Snails  are  a 
wise  generation. 

P.  S. — Unless  for  indispensable  reasons,  I  had 
rather  not  come. 


TO   HENRY   LEE 

NEW  YORK,  March  7,  1800. 

MY  DEAR  SIR: 

The  letters  to  which  you  allude  in  yours  of  the  5th 
instant  have  never  been  seen  by  me.  The  truth  is, 
that  I  pay  very  little  attention  to  such  newspaper 
ebullitions,  unless  some  friend  points  out  a  par 
ticular  case  which  may  demand  attention. 

But  be  assured  once  for  all,  that  it  is  not  easy  for 
these  miscreants  to  impair  the  confidence  in  and 
friendship  for  you,  which  are  long  habits  of  my  mind; 
so  that  you  may  join  me  in  looking  with  indifference 
upon  their  malicious  efforts. 

You  have  mistaken  a  little  an  observation  in  my 
last.  Believe  me,  that  I  feel  no  despondency  of  any 
sort.  As  to  the  country,  it  is  too  young  and  vigor 
ous  to  be  quacked  out  of  its  political  health ;  and 
as  to  myself,  I  feel  that  I  stand  on  ground  which, 
sooner  or  later,  will  insure  me  a  triumph  over  all  my 
enemies. 

But  in  the  meantime  I  am  not  wholly  insensible  of 
the  injustice  which  I  from  time  to  time  experience, 
and  of  which,  in  my  opinion,  I  am  at  this  moment 
the  victim. 


364  Alexander  Hamilton 

Perhaps  my  sensibility  is  the  effect  of  an  exag 
gerated  estimate  of  my  services  to  the  United  States ; 
but  on  such  a  subject  a  man  will  judge  for  himself; 
and  if  he  is  misled  by  his  vanity,  he  must  be  content 
with  the  mortifications  to  which  it  exposes  him.  In 
no  event,  however,  will  any  displeasure  I  may  feel 
be  at  war  with  the  public  interest.  This  in  my  eyes 
is  sacred.  Adieu. 


TO   WILLIAM   SMITH 

NEW  YORK,  March  n,  1800. 

DEAR  SIR: 

You  will  probably  have  heard,  before  this  reaches 
you,  that  I  had  appointed  Captain  Izard  one  of  my 
aids.  I  part  with  him  to  you  with  all  the  reluctance 
that  a  strong  impression  of  his  merit  can  inspire. 
Yet  I  do  not  resist  his  going,  because  our  military- 
prospects  in  general,  and  mine  in  particular,  are  very 
uncertain. 

Though  we  have  had  no  communication  since  your 
departure,  you  may  be  assured  that  I  have  not 
ceased  to  interest  myself  in  your  welfare.  If  you  go 
to  Constantinople,  I  wish  you  good  luck.  It  is,  per 
haps,  past  the  time  for  you  to  play  the  false  Ibrahim. 
You  see  I  am  in  a  humor  to  laugh.  What  can  we 
do  better  in  this  best  of  all  possible  worlds  f  Should 
you  even  be  shut  up  in  the  seven  towers,  or  get  the 
plague,  if  you  are  a  true  philosopher  you  will  con 
sider  this  only  a  laughing  matter.  Adieu. 


Private  Correspondence  365 

TO   OLIVER   WOLCOTT 

NEW  YORK,  March  12,  1800. 

SIR: 

I  have  written  to  you  heretofore  respecting  Mr. 
Benjamin  Wells,  who  acted  as  an  excise  officer  in  the 
western  part  of  Pennsylvania  at  the  time  of  the  dis 
turbances  there.  But  this  gentleman  has  just  ar 
rived  here,  and  requests  me  to  mention  his  case  again 
to  you.  I  comply  with  his  request. 

It  appeared  from  what  I  saw  and  heard  at  the 
time,  that  Mr.  Wells  distinguished  himself  by  per 
severing  exertion  to  carry  the  laws  into  effect.  He 
was,  of  course,  marked  out  as  an  object  of  vengeance. 
The  losses  which  he  sustained  were  very  considerable, 
and  proceeded  from  the  zeal  he  had  displayed  in  sup 
port  of  the  government.  To  repair  his  losses  and 
reward  his  zeal,  is  therefore  a  duty  imposed  on  the 
government  by  the  principles  both  of  justice  and 
policy.  It  is  imposed  by  justice — for  the  injuries 
were  committed  by  persons  in  disguise,  or  under 
circumstances  which  render  it  impossible  to  discover 
the  offenders.  It  is  vain,  therefore,  to  refer  Mr. 
Wells  to  the  individuals  by  whose  acts  he  suffered. 
This  is  to  tell  him  that  his  losses  will  never  be  re 
paired. 

Policy  speaks  in  this  case  the  same  language  with 
justice.  Mr.  Wells  suffered  in  consequence  of  his 
efforts  to  support  the  government,  and  of  his  atten 
tion  to  duty.  Will  the  government  then  refuse  to 
make  him  compensation?  To  do  so,  will  be  to  vio 
late  the  plainest  maxims  of  policy,  as  it  will  effectu 
ally  damp  the  zeal  of  public  officers  in  every  future 


366  Alexander  Hamilton 

case  of  difficulty.  It  is  not  to  be  expected  that  in 
dividuals  will  expose  their  persons  to  violence,  and 
their  property  to  destruction,  in  support  of  a  govern 
ment  that  has  not  generosity  sufficient  to  reward 
those  who  suffer  in  its  cause. 

There  appears  to  me  to  be  no  doubt  of  the  meri 
torious  exertions  of  Mr.  Wells.  Even  if  there  were 
some  doubt,  yet  the  excellent  effect  which  the  meas 
ure  is  calculated  to  produce  on  public  officers,  will 
prove  a  full  compensation  for  the  money  that  may 
be  advanced.  I  recollect  to  have  mentioned  to  Mr. 
Wells,  and  other  persons  in  the  same  capacity,  that 
I  considered  the  government  as  bound  to  indemnify 
them.  So  far,  therefore,  as  my  opinion  could  pledge 
the  government,  it  was  pledged.  In  giving  this 
opinion  I  thought  I  was  promoting  the  best  interests 
of  the  nation,  and  it  appears  to  me  that  the  govern 
ment  will  very  widely  mistake  its  policy  in  refusing 
to  allow  these  men  all  reasonable  claims. 


TO   TIMOTHY   PICKERING 

NEW  YORK,  March  15, 1800. 

DEAR  SIR: 

The  bearer  of  this,  Mr.  DuPont,  formerly  consul 
at  Charleston,  is  personally  known  to  you.  He 
comes  with  the  rest  of  his  family  to  establish  them 
selves  in  the  United  States.  They  are  desirous  of 
being  favorably  viewed  by  our  government,  and  my 
intervention  for  this  purpose  has  been  requested. 

Inclosed  is  a  letter  from  General  Pinckney,  which 


Private  Correspondence  367 

speaks  for  itself.  All  that  has  come  to  my  know 
ledge  of  this  particular  gentleman  is  recommenda 
tory  of  him,  as  far  as  situation  has  permitted.  I 
have  always  understood  that  his  sentiments  towards 
this  country  have  been  amicable,  and  that  he  has 
not  been  very  deeply  tinctured  with  the  revolution 
ary  spirit  of  his  own,  though  circumstances  have 
placed  him  in  office  under  the  new  government.  And 
I  believe,  if  ever  diseased,  he  is  now  perfectly  cured. 
He  is  afraid  that  some  expressions  respecting  the  in 
fluence  of  the  British  Government  in  this  country 
may  have  given  an  ill  impression.  He  explains  by 
saying,  first,  that  they  are  qualified;  second,  that 
they  were  a  necessary  concession  to  the  prejudices 
of  the  persons  to  whom  his  observations  were  ad 
dressed,  calculated  to  procure  attention  to  the  con 
ciliatory  plan  which  he  recommended,  by  screening 
him  from  the  suspicion  of  being  a  corrupted  partisan 
of  this  country.  This  solution  seems  to  me  an  ad 
missible  one.  In  addressing  enthusiasts,  it  is  com 
monly  requisite  to  adopt  a  little  of  their  nonsense. 

He  has  delivered  me  a  paper  which  he  sent  to  the 
Aurora  to  be  published,  but  which  he  said  was  sup 
pressed,  and  some  thing  of  an  insidious  complexion 
substituted.  He  delivers  the  true  communication, 
that  it  may  be  seen  what  he  really  did. 

I  am  much  mistaken  if  his  father  be  not  really  a 
benevolent,  well-disposed  man.  Indeed,  the  family 
generally  impress  us  here  agreeably,  and  we  are  in 
clined  to  augur  well  of  them.1 

1  Now  first  printed  from  the  Pickering  papers  in  the  possession  of  the 
Massachusetts  Historical  Society. 


368  Alexander  Hamilton 

TO    OLIVER  WOLCOTT 

NEW  YORK,  April  7,  1800. 

DEAR  SIR: 

I  thank  you  for  the  disposition  shown  to  accom 
modate  Mr.  Robertson.  When  I  saw  him  some  days 
ago,  he  hoped  that  the  matter  would  be  placed  upon 
the  footing  which  was  indicated. 

I  would  readily  comply  with  the  wish  of  Mr.  Evans, 
was  I  sure  that  it  would  not  be  a  breach  of  propriety 
towards  Mr.  Madison.  But  if  my  memory  does  not 
deceive  me,  there  was  a  sort  of  understanding  be 
tween  us  that  there  should  be  no  disclosure  but  by 
mutual  consent.  You  will  be  sensible  that  I  ought 
to  be  peculiarly  circumspect  with  regard  to  this 
gentleman.1 


TO   GENERAL  CHARLES   COTESWORTH   PINCKNEY 
(Private.) 

NEW  YORK,  April  10,  1800. 

DEAR  SIR: 

I  am  perfectly  content  with  the  delay  of  com 
munication  to  the  Rev.  Mr.  Hill  until  the  effect  of 
your  experiments  with  the  Secretary  of  War  shall  be 
known. 

I  have  heard  nothing  as  to  the  impression  made 
by  our  mission  to  France  upon  the  combined  powers, 

1  Now  first  printed  from  the  Wolcott  papers  in  the  possession  of  the 
Connecticut  Historical  Society.  Mr.  Evans's  question  must  have  re 
ferred,  I  think,  to  the  authorship  of  the  Federalist,  and  one  cannot  help 
contrasting  Hamilton's  nice  sense  of  honor,  as  shown  here,  with  the 
course  of  Monroe  in  the  Reynolds  case.  With  Hamilton  his  differences 
with  Madison  only  served  to  make  him  more  circumspect. 


Private  Correspondence  369 

but  I  cannot  doubt  that  it  is  a  disagreeable  one,  and 
certainly  the  course  of  events  lately  has  not  said 
much  for  the  good  policy  of  the  measure.  This  cal 
culation  of  the  President  on  a  general  peace  as  the 
main  argument  for  what  was  done,  proves  at  least 
to  be  as  fallacious  as  I  ventured  to  predict  to  him 
just  after  he  had  resolved  to  consummate  the  error. 
Captain  Izard  has  accepted  his  appointment  under 
Mr.  Smith,  and  has  sailed  for  Europe. 

Mrs.  H.  and  myself  have  learned  with  great 
pleasure  the  amendment  of  Mrs.  P.'s  health.  Offer 
her  and  accept  yourself  our  felicitations  and  best 
wishes. 


TO   TIMOTHY   PICKERING 

April  25,  1800. 

DEAR  SIR: 

I  send  you  the  paragraph  of  a  newspaper  just  pub 
lished.  I  hope  it  is  an  electioneering  lie;  but  as  it 
is  likely  to  do  mischief,  I  will  thank  you,  by  return 
of  post,  to  inform  me  whether  you  have  any  thing  to 
confirm  or  refute,  and  particularly  whether  you  have 
heard  of  the  list  with  which  Commodore  Truxtun's1 
name  is  connected. 

1  Thomas  Truxtun,  the  first  of  our  naval  officers  to  win  distinction. 
He  had  been  Captain  of  the  Constellation,  and  in  that  frigate  captured 
the  French  frigate  L'Insurgente,  Feb.  9,  1799.  A  year  later  he  over 
came  another — La  Vengeance,  but  she  escaped  by  an  accident  to  one 
of  the  masts  of  Truxtun's  ship.  In  1802,  he  was  given  the  command 
of  the  Tripoli  expedition,  but  refusing  to  go  because  the  department 
would  not  allow  him  a  captain  as  usual  for  his  flag-ship,  Jefferson  dis 
missed  him  from  the  service.  It  is  needless  to  add  that  he  had  always 
been  a  strong  Federalist. 

VOL.   X.— 24. 


370  Alexander  Hamilton 

(Copy  of  enclosed  paragraph) 

NEW  HAVEN,  April 

Captain  James  Stewart,  of  Chatham,  in  the  brig  Sally, 
arrived  at  New  London  on  the  4th  instant,  from  Jamaica, 
brings  the  most  unpleasant  accounts  from  that  quarter. 
He  states  that  the  British  capture  all  American  vessels 
that  afford  the  slightest  pretext  for  condemnation,  and 
impress  all  their  seamen  without  discrimination.  Cap 
tain  Stewart  was  taken  by  his  majesty's  ship  Acasto,  of 
forty-four  guns,  the  commander  of  which,  Edward  Fel 
lows,  came  on  board  the  Sally  himself,  ordered  Captain 
Stewart's  chest  open,  and,  with  his  own  hands,  took  out 
4250  dollars,  besides  plundering  the  captain  of  other 
articles. 

On  the  arrival  of  the  brig  at  Kingston,  every  man  on 
board  except  the  captain  and  boy,  all  natives  of  Con 
necticut,  were  impressed,  and  are  left  there.  Captain 
Nathan  Allyn,  of  Groton,  had  all  his  people  impressed, 
with  their  protections  in  their  hands.  Captain  Water 
man,  of  New  York,  was  treated  in  the  same  manner,  with 
many  others.  And  Mr.  Savage,  the  American  agent  in 
Kingston,  informed  Captain  Stewart  that  he  had  for 
warded  to  the  Secretary  of  State,  by  Commodore  Trux- 
tun,  an  attested  list  of  the  names  of  one  thousand  and 
one  bona  fide  American  seamen  who  have  lately  been  im 
pressed  by  the  British  in  that  single  port.  American 
vessels  and  cargoes  were  constantly  condemned  in  that 
place,  a  full  account  of  which  must  soon  be  made  public. 
Several  masters  and  supercargoes  of  condemned  vessels 
came  home  with  Captain  Stewart,  who,  besides  the  gen 
eral  usage,  was  himself  treated  with  personal  incivilities 
and  contempt. 


Private  Correspondence  371 

TO   THEODORE   SEDGWICK 

May  4,  1800. 

DEAR  SIR: 

You  have  heard  of  the  loss  of  our  election  in  the 
city  of  New  York.  This  renders  it  too  probable  that 
the  electors  of  President  for  this  State  will  be  anti- 
federal.  If  so,  the  policy  which  I  was  desirous  of 
pursuing  at  the  last  election  is  now  recommended  by 
motives  of  additional  cogency. 

To  support  Adams  and  Pinckney  equally  is  the 
only  thing  that  can  possibly  save  us  from  the  fangs 
of  Jefferson. 

It  is,  therefore,  essential  that  the  Federalists 
should  not  separate  without  coming  to  a  distinct 
and  solemn  concert  to  pursue  this  course  bona  fide. 

Pray  attend  to  this,  and  let  me  speedily  hear  from 
you  that  it  is  done. 


TO   JOHN  JAY 

NEW  YORK,  May  7,  1800. 

DEAR  SIR: 

You  have  been  informed  of  the  loss  of  our  election 
in  this  city.  It  is  also  known  that  we  have  been 
unfortunate  throughout  Long  Island  and  in  West- 
chester.  According  to  the  returns  hitherto,  it  is  too 
probable  that  we  lose  our  senators  for  this  district. 

The  moral  certainty  therefore  is,  that  there  will 
be  an  anti-federal  majority  in  the  ensuing  Legisla 
ture  ;  and  the  very  high  probability  is  that  this  will 
bring  Jefferson  into  the  chief  magistracy,  unless  it  be 


372  Alexander  Hamilton 

prevented  by  the  measure  which  I  shall  now  submit 
to  your  consideration,  namely,  the  immediate  calling 
together  of  the  existing  Legislature. 

I  am  aware  that  there  are  weighty  objections  to 
the  measure,  but  the  reasons  for  it  appear  to  me  to 
outweigh  the  objections;  and  in  times  like  these  in 
which  we  live,  it  will  not  do  to  be  over-scrupulous. 
It  is  easy  to  sacrifice  the  substantial  interests  of  society 
by  a  strict  adherence  to  ordinary  rules. 

In  observing  this,  I  shall  not  be  supposed  to  mean 
that  any  thing  ought  to  be  done  which  integrity  will 
forbid,  but  merely  that  the  scruples  of  delicacy  and 
propriety,  as  relative  to  a  common  course  of  things, 
ought  to  yield  to  the  extraordinary  nature  of  the 
crisis.  They  ought  not  to  hinder  the  taking  of  a 
legal  and  constitutional  step  to  prevent  an  atheist  in 
religion,  and  a  fanatic  in  politics,  from  getting  pos 
session  of  the  helm  of  state. 

You,  sir,  know  in  a  great  degree  the  anti-federal 
party;  but  I  fear  you  do  not  know  them  as  well  as  I 
do.  It  is  a  composition,  indeed,  of  very  incongru 
ous  materials;  but  all  tending  to  mischief — some  of 
them,  to  the  OVERTHROW  of  the  GOVERNMENT,  by 
stripping  it  of  its  due  energies;  others  of  them,  to  a 
REVOLUTION,  after  the  manner  of  BONAPARTE.  I 
speak  from  indubitable  facts,  not  from  conjectures 
and  inferences.  In  proportion  as  the  true  character 
of  the  party  is  understood,  is  the  force  of  the  con 
siderations  which  urge  to  every  effort  to  disappoint 
it;  and  it  seems  to  me,  that  there  is  a  very  solemn 
obligation  to  employ  the  means  in  our  power. 

The  calling  of  the  Legislature  will  have  for  its  ob- 


Private  Correspondence  373 

' 
ject  the  choosing  of  electors  by  the  people  in  districts; 

this  (as  Pennsylvania  will  do  nothing)  will  insure  a 
majority  of  votes  in  the  United  States  for  a  federal 
candidate.  The  measure  will  not  fail  to  be  approved 
by  all  the  federal  party;  while  it  will,  no  doubt,  be 
condemned  by  the  opposite.  As  to  its  intrinsic  na 
ture,  it  is  justified  by  unequivocal  reasons  of  PUBLIC 
SAFETY. 

The  reasonable  part  of  the  world  will,  I  believe, 
approve  it.  They  will  see  it  as  a  proceeding  out  of 
the  common  course,  but  warranted  by  the  particular 
nature  of  the  crisis  and  the  great  cause  of  social 
order. 

If  done,  the  motive  ought  to  be  frankly  avowed. 
In  your  communication  to  the  Legislature  they  ought 
to  be  told  that  temporary  circumstances  had  ren 
dered  it  probable  that,  without  their  interposition, 
the  executive  authority  of  the  general  government 
would  be  transferred  to  hands  hostile  to  the  system 
heretofore  pursued  with  so  much  success,  and  dan 
gerous  to  the  peace,  happiness,  and  order  of  the 
country;  that  under  this  impression,  from  facts  con 
vincing  to  your  own  mind,  you  had  thought  it  your 
duty  to  give  the  existing  Legislature  an  opportunity 
for  deliberating  whether  it  would  not  be  proper  to 
interpose,  and  endeavor  to  prevent  so  great  an  evil 
by  referring  the  choice  of  electors  to  the  people  dis 
tributed  into  districts. 

In  weighing  this  suggestion  you  will  doubtless  bear 
in  mind  that  popular  governments  must  certainly  be 
overturned,  and,  while  they  endure,  prove  engines 
of  mischief,  if  one  party  will  call  to  its  aid  all  the 


374  Alexander  Hamilton 

resources  which  vice  can  give,  and  if  the  other  (how 
ever  pressing  the  emergency)  confines  itself  within 
all  the  ordinary  forms  of  delicacy  and  decorum. 

The  Legislature  can  be  brought  together  in  three 
weeks,  so  that  there  will  be  full  time  for  the  object; 
but  none  ought  to  be  lost. 

Think  well,  my  dear  sir,  of  this  proposition — ap 
preciate  the  extreme  danger  of  the  crisis;  and  I  am 
unusually  mistaken  in  my  view  of  the  matter,  if 
you  do  not  see  it  right  and  expedient  to  adopt  the 
measure.1 


TO   THEODORE   SEDGWICK 

NEW  YORK,  May  8,  1800. 

I  thank  you,  my  dear  sir,  for  your  letter  of  the  5th 
instant,  which  was  received  yesterday.  The  measure 
you  mention  has  been  attempted,  but  without  much 
hope  of  success. 

Yet  our  friends  are  to-day  in  good  spirits.  The 
accounts  from  the  northward,  apparently  authentic, 
give  us  the  strong  hope  of  still  having  a  majority  in 
our  Legislature.  But,  be  this  as  it  may,  our  welfare 
depends  absolutely  on  a  faithful  adherence  to  the 
plan  which  has  been  adopted.  New  York,  if  federal, 
will  not  go  for  Mr.  Adams  unless  there  shall  be  as 
firm  a  pledge  as  the  nature  of  the  thing  will  admit, 
that  Mr.  Pinckney  will  be  equally  supported  in  the 
Northern  States. 

1  The  proposition  in  this  letter  was  one  entirely  unworthy  of  Hamil 
ton.  It  was  due  to  his  anger  and  disgust  at  the  result  of  the  election 
in  New  York.  Jay  endorsed  the  letter  "Proposing  a  measure  for 
party  purposes  which  it  would  not  become  me  to  adopt." 


Private  Correspondence  375 

TO   THEODORE   SEDGWICK 

NEW  YORK,  May  10,  1800. 

DEAR  SIR: 

I  am  very  sorry  for  the  information  contained  in 
your  letter  of  the  yth.  But  I  am  not  intimate  enough 
with  Dexter  to  put  myself  upon  paper  to  him. 

If  on  his  return  I  can  catch  him  at  New  York  I 
shall  have  a  particular  conversation  with  him. 

He  is,  I  am  persuaded,  much  mistaken  as  to  the 
opinion  entertained  of  Mr.  Adams  by  the  federal 
party.  Were  I  to  determine  from  my  own  observa 
tion,  I  should  say  most  of  the  most  influential  men  of 
that  party  consider  him  as  a  very  unfit  and  incapable 
character. 

For  my  individual  part  my  mind  is  made  up.  I 
will  never  more  be  responsible  for  him  by  my  direct 
support,  even  though  the  consequence  should  be  the 
election  of  Jefferson. 

If  we  must  have  an  enemy  at  the  head  of  the  gov 
ernment,  let  it  be  one  whom  we  can  oppose,  and  for 
whom  we  are  not  responsible,  who  will  not  involve 
our  party  in  the  disgrace  of  his  foolish  and  bad 
measures.  Under  Adams,  as  under  Jefferson,  the 
government  will  sink.  The  party  in  the  hands  of 
whose  chief  it  shall  sink  will  sink  with  it,  and  the 
advantage  will  all  be  on  the  side  of  his  adversaries. 

T  is  a  notable  expedient  for  keeping  the  federal 
party  together,  to  have  at  the  head  of  it  a  man  who 
hates  and  is  despised  by  those  men  of  it  who,  in 
time  past,  have  been  its  most  efficient  supporters. 
If  the  cause  is  to  be  sacrificed  to  a  weak  and  per 
verse  man,  I  withdraw  from  the  party  and  act  upon 


376  Alexander  Hamilton 

my  own  ground — never  certainly  against  my  prin 
ciples,  but  in  pursuance  of  them  in  my  own  way.  I 
am  mistaken  if  others  do  not  do  the  same. 

The  only  way  to  prevent  a  fatal  schism  in  the  fed 
eral  party  is  to  support  General  Pinckney  in  good 
earnest. 

If  I  can  be  perfectly  satisfied  that  Adams  and 
Pinckney  will  be  upheld  in  the  East  with  entire  good 
faith,  on  the  ground  of  conformity,  I  will,  wherever 
my  influence  may  extend,  pursue  the  same  plan. 

If  not,  I  will  pursue  Mr.  Pinckney  as  my  single 
object.  Adieu. 


TO   TIMOTHY   PICKERING 

May  14,  1800. 

MY  DEAR  SIR: 

I  perceive  that  you  as  well  as  McHenry  are  quitting 
the  administration.  I  am  not  informed  how  all  this 
has  been,  though  I  conjecture.  Allow  me  to  suggest 
that  you  ought  to  take  with  you  copies  and  extracts 
of  all  such  documents  as  will  enable  you  to  explain 
both  Jefferson  and  Adams.  You  are  aware  of  a  very 
curious  journal  of  the  latter  when  he  was  in  Europe 
— a  tissue  of  weakness  and  vanity. 

The  time  is  coming  when  men  of  real  integrity 
and  energy  must  write  against  all  empirics.1 

1  Now  first  printed  from  the  Pickering  papers  in  the  possession  of  the 
Massachusetts  Historical  Society. 


Private  Correspondence  377 

TO   OLIVER   WOLCOTT 

NEW  YORK,  July  i,  1800. 

DEAR  SIR: 

I  send  you  the  enclosed;  if  any  good  use  can  be 
made  of  it,  you  will  do  it.  I  have  been  in  Massa 
chusetts,  New  Hampshire,  and  Rhode  Island.  There 
is  little  doubt  of  federal  electors  in  all,  but  there  is 
considerable  doubt  of  a  perfect  union  in  favor  of 
Pinckney. 

The  leaders  of  the  first  class  are  generally  right, 
but  those  of  the  second  class  are  too  much  disposed 
to  be  wrong.  It  is  essential  to  inform  the  most  dis 
creet  of  this  description  of  the  facts  which  denote 
unfitness  in  Mr.  Adams.  I  have  promised  confiden 
tial  friends  a  correct  statement.  To  be  able  to  give 
it,  I  must  derive  aid  from  you,  and  any  thing  you 
may  write  shall,  if  you  please,  be  returned  to  you. 
But  you  must  be  exact,  and  much  in  detail.  The 
history  of  the  mission  to  France,  from  the  first  steps 
connected  with  the  declarations  in  the  speech  to  Con 
gress  down  to  the  last  proceeding,  is  very  important. 

I  have  serious  thoughts  of  writing  to  the  President, 
to  tell  him  that  I  have  heard  of  his  having  repeatedly 
mentioned  the  existence  of  a  British  faction  in  this 
country,  and  alluded  to  me  as  one  of  that  faction, 
requesting  that  he  will  inform  me  of  the  truth  of  this 
information,  and,  if  true,  what  have  been  the  grounds 
of  the  suggestion.  His  friends  are  industrious  in 
propagating  the  idea,  to  defeat  the  efforts  to  unite 
for  Pinckney.  The  inquiry  I  propose  may  furnish  an 
antidote  and  vindicate  character.  What  think  you 
of  this  idea  ?  For  my  part,  I  can  set  malice  at  defiance. 


Alexander  Hamilton 

TO   CHARLES    CARROLL  x 

NEW  YORK,  July  i,  1800. 

DEAR  SIR: 

I  yesterday  returned  from  an  excursion  through 
three  of  the  four  Eastern  States,  and  found  your 
letter  of  the  i8th  of  April.  It  is  very  necessary  that 
the  true  and  independent  friends  of  the  government 
should  communicate  and  understand  each  other  at 
the  present  very  embarrassed  and  dangerous  crisis 
of  public  affairs.  I  am  glad,  therefore,  of  the  oppor 
tunity  which  your  letter  affords  me  of  giving  you 
some  explanations  which  may  be  useful.  They  are 
given  without  reserve,  because  the  times  forbid  tem 
porizing,  and  I  hold  no  opinions  which  I  have  any 
motives  to  dissemble.  As  to  the  situation  of  this 
State  with  regard  to  the  election  of  President,  it 
is  perfectly  ascertained  that,  on  a  joint  ballot  of 
the  two  houses  of  our  Legislature,  the  opposers  of 
the  government  will  have  a  majority  of  more  than 
twenty,  a  majority  which  can  by  no  means  be  over 
come.  Consequently  all  our  electors  will  vote  for 
Mr.  Jefferson  and  Mr.  Burr.  I  think  there  is  little 
cause  to  doubt  that  the  electors  in  the  four  Eastern 
States  will  all  be  federal. 

The  only  question  seems  to  be  as  to  Rhode  Island, 
where  there  is  some  division,  and  a  state  of  things 
rather  loose.  Governor  Fenner,  as  far  as  he  may 
dare,  will  promote  the  interest  of  Jefferson. 

A  considerable  diversion  in  favor  of  the  opposition 

1  Charles  Carroll,  of  Maryland,  who  lived  to  be  the  last  survivor  of  the 
signers  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence.  Among  the  Hamilton 
papers  in  the  State  Department  is  a  draft  of  this  letter  addressed  to 
Jonathan  R.  Wilmer,  also  of  Maryland. 


Private  Correspondence  379 

has  lately  been  made  in  New  Jersey,  but  the  best 
and  best-informed  men  there  entertain  no  doubt  that 
all  her  electors  will  still  be  federal,  and  I  believe  this 
opinion  may  be  relied  upon. 

I  go  no  further  south,  as  I  take  it  for  granted  your 
means  of  calculation  with  regard  to  that  quarter  are 
at  least  equal  to  mine. 

The  result  of  a  comprehensive  view  of  the  subject 
seems  to  me  to  be  that  the  event  is  uncertain,  but 
that  the  probability  is  that  a  universal  adherence  of 
the  Federalists  to  Pinckney  will  exclude  Jefferson. 

On  this  point  there  is  some  danger,  though  the 
greatest  number  of  strong-minded  men  in  New  Eng 
land  are  not  only  satisfied  of  the  expediency  of  sup 
porting  Pinckney  as  giving  the  best  chance  against 
Jefferson,  but  even  prefer  him  to  Adams;  yet,  in  the 
body  of  that  people  there  is  a  strong  personal  at 
tachment  to  this  gentleman,  and  most  of  the  leaders 
of  the  second  class  are  so  anxious  for  his  re-election 
that  it  will  be  difficult  to  convince  them  that  there 
is  as  much  danger  of  its  failure  as  there  unquestion 
ably  is,  or  to  induce  them  faithfully  to  co-operate 
in  Mr.  Pinckney,  notwithstanding  their  common  and 
strong  dread  of  Jefferson. 

It  may  become  advisable,  in  order  to  oppose  their 
fears  to  their  prejudices,  for  the  middle  States  to  de 
clare  that  Mr.  Adams  will  not  be  supported  at  all, 
when,  seeing  his  success  desperate,  they  would  be 
driven  to  adhere  to  Pinckney.  In  this  plan  New 
Jersey,  and  even  Connecticut,  may  be  brought  to 
concur.  For  both  these  States  have  generally  lost 
confidence  in  Mr.  Adams. 


380  Alexander  Hamilton 

But  this  will  be  best  decided  by  future  events  and 
elucidations.  In  the  meantime,  it  is  not  advisable 
that  Maryland  should  be  too  deeply  pledged  to  the 
support  of  Mr.  Adams. 

That  this  gentleman  ought  not  to  be  the  object 
of  the  federal  wish  is,  with  me,  reduced  to  demon 
stration.  His  administration  has  already  very  ma 
terially  disgraced  and  sunk  the  government.  There 
are  defects  in  his  character  which  must  inevitably 
continue  to  do  this  more  and  more.  And  if  he  is 
supported  by  the  federal  party,  his  party  must,  in 
the  issue,  fall  with  him.  Every  other  calculation 
will,  in  my  judgment,  prove  illusory. 

Doctor  Franklin,  a  sagacious  observer  of  human 
nature,  drew  this  portrait  of  Mr.  Adams:  "  He  is 
always  honest,  sometimes  great,  but  often  mad.11  I 
subscribe  to  the  justness  of  this  picture,  adding,  as 
to  the  first  trait  of  it,  this  qualification:  "as  far  as 
a  man  excessively  vain  and  jealous  and  ignobly  at 
tached  to  place  can  be." 


TO   SAMUEL   DEXTER  x 

NEW  YORK,  July  9,  1800. 

SIR: 

From  a  letter  (not,  however,  couched  in  very  ex 
plicit  terms)  which  I  have  received  from  Mr.  Bu 
reaux  de  Pusy,2  I  am  induced  to  think  that  this 

1  Samuel  Dexter,  the  eminent  lawyer  of  Massachusetts,  at  this  time 
Secretary  of  War. 

2  Jean  Xavier  Bureaux  de  Pusy  was,  as  here  said,  a  distinguished 
French  officer  and  friend  of  Lafayette,  whose  imprisonment  he  shared 
at  Olmutz.     He  came  to  this  country  in  1797,  but  returned  after  the 
1 8th  Brumaire,  and  filled  in  succession  three  important  prefectures 
under  Napoleon. 


Private  Correspondence  381 

gentleman  would  be  willing  to  accept  an  appointment 
in  the  service  of  the  United  States. 

He  was,  under  the  royal  government,  an  engineer 
of  distinction  in  the  service  of  France.  You  are,  I 
dare  say,  informed  of  his  political  history.  He  was 
a  member  and  once  president  of  the  constituent 
assembly.  Attached  warmly  to  Lafayette  and  in 
volved  in  his  fortunes,  he  withdrew  with  him  and  was 
his  fellow  prisoner  with  the  Russians  and  Austrians. 
Tired  of  the  tempest  of  Europe  himself,  with  his 
father-in-law  DuPont  de  Nemours,1  and  the  whole 
connection  have  removed  to  this  country  and  made 
a  little  establishment  in  Bergen  County,  New  Jersey. 

His  professional  pretensions  admit  of  no  dispute. 
His  private  character  is  amiable ;  his  intelligence  and 
information  are  highly  respectable. 

After  mature  reflection  I  am  well  satisfied  that  it 
is  advisable  for  the  United  States  to  engage  him  if 
they  can.  He  may  be  one  of  the  two  engineers 
whom  the  President  is  empowered  to  employ  with 
the  grade  of  colonel  and  such  emoluments  as  he  may 
think  proper  to  agree  for. 

As  the  grade  is  rather  below  the  pretensions  of 
Mr.  de  Pusy,  he  may  expect  an  increase  of  emolu 
ments,  which  indeed  is  agreeable  to  the  spirit  of  the 
provision  made  for  this  object. 

There  is  a  little  probability  of  finding  a  person 

1  Pierre  Samuel  DuPont  de  Nemours,  an  eminent  French  economist 
and  statesman.  He  took  an  active  part  in  the  Revolution,  sustaining 
the  moderate  party,  was  thrown  into  prison,  and  narrowly  escaped 
transportation.  He  came  to  this  country  in  1797,  returned  in  1802, 
but  declined  office  under  Napoleon,  and  in  1815  came  back  to  the 
United  States,  where  he  died  two  years  later. 


382  Alexander  Hamilton 

better  qualified  than  in  all  probability  is  this  gentle 
man. 

The  institution  of  a  military  academy  being  an 
object  of  primary  importance,  will,  I  doubt  not, 
be  zealously  pursued.  Whenever  it  shall  take  place, 
Mr.  de  Pusy  will  be  a  most  desirable  character  to  be 
at  the  head  of  it.1 


TO   JOHN   ADAMS 

NEW  YORK,  Aug.  i,  1800. 

SIR: 

It  has  been  repeatedly  mentioned  to  me  that  you 
have  on  different  occasions  asserted  the  existence  of 
a  British  faction  in  this  country,  embracing  a  num 
ber  of  leading  or  influential  characters  of  the  federal 
party,  as  usually  denominated;  and  that  you  have 
sometimes  named  me,  at  others  plainly  alluded  to 
me,  as  one  of  this  description  of  persons.  And  I 
have  likewise  been  assured  that  of  late  some  of  your 
warm  adherents,  for  electioneering  purposes,  have 
employed  a  corresponding  language.  I  must,  sir, 
take  it  for  granted  that  you  cannot  have  made  such 
assertions  or  insinuations  without  being  willing  to 
avow  them,  and  to  assign  the  reasons  to  a  party  who 
may  conceive  himself  injured  by  them.  I  therefore 
trust  that  you  will  not  deem  it  improper,  that  I 
apply  directly  to  yourself,  to  ascertain  from  you,  in 
reference  to  your  own  declarations,  whether  the  in 
formation  I  have  received  is  correct  or  not,  and  if 
correct,  what  are  the  grounds  upon  which  you  have 
founded  the  suggestion. 

1  Now  first  printed  from  the  Hamilton  papers  in  the  State  Depart 
ment. 


Private  Correspondence  383 

TO    OLIVER   WOLCOTT 

NEW  YORK,  Aug.  3,  1800. 

DEAR  SIR: 

I  have,  two  days  since,  written  to  Mr.  Adams  a 
respectful  letter  on  the  subject  I  heretofore  men 
tioned  to  you.  Occupation  at  court  prevented  its 
being  done  sooner. 

But  I  wait  with  impatience  for  the  statement  of 
facts  which  you  promised  me.  It  is  plain  that,  un 
less  we  give  our  reasons  in  some  form  or  other,  Mr. 
Adams'  personal  friends,  seconded  by  the  Jacobins, 
will  completely  run  us  down  in  ike  public  opinion. 
Your  name,  in  company  with  mine,  that  of  T.  Pick 
ering  etc.,  is  in  full  circulation,  as  one  of  the  British 
faction  of  which  Mr.  Adams  has  talked  so  much. 

I  have  serious  thoughts  of  giving  to  the  public  my 
opinion  respecting  Mr.  Adams,  with  my  reasons,  in 
a  letter  to  a  friend,  with  my  signature.  This  seems 
to  me  the  most  authentic  way  of  conveying  the  in 
formation,  and  best  suited  to  the  plain  dealing  of  my 
character.  There  are,  however,  reasons  against  it; 
and  a  very  strong  one  is,  that  some  of  the  principal 
causes  of  my  disapprobation  proceed  from  yourself, 
and  other  members  of  the  administration,  who 
would  be  understood  to  be  the  sources  of  my  infor 
mation,  whatever  cover  I  might  give  the  thing. 

What  say  you  to  this  measure?  I  could  predicate 
it  on  the  fact  that  I  am  abused  by  the  friends  of  Mr. 
Adams,  who  ascribe  my  opposition  to  pique  and 
disappointment;  and  could  give  it  the  shape  of  a 
defence  of  myself. 

You  have  doubtless  seen  the  Aurora  publication 


384  Alexander  Hamilton 

of  treasury  documents,  and  the  manner  in  which  my 
name  is  connected  with  it.  These  publications  do 
harm  with  the  ignorant,  who  are  the  greatest  num 
ber.  I  have  thoughts  of  insinuating  an  action  of 
slander,  to  be  tried  by  a  struck  jury,  against  the 
editor.  If  I  do  it,  I  should  claim  you  and  the  super 
visors,  collectors,  and  loan  officers  of  all  the  States, 
from  Maryland  to  New  York,  inclusively,  as  wit 
nesses,  to  demonstrate  completely  the  malice  and 
falsity  of  the  accusation.  What  think  you  of  this? 
You  see  I  am  in  a  very  belligerent  humor. 

But  I  remember  that,  at  the  outset,  before  the 
sums  payable  for  interest,  pensions,  etc.,  were  as 
certained,  I  placed  the  money  in  the  hands  of  the 
paying  officers,  upon  estimate,  and  that,  to  avoid 
disappointment,  I  made  the  estimates  large.  Pray 
look  into  this,  and  see  how  far  it  may  give  any  color 
to  the  calumny. 

Let  me  hear  from  you  soon. 


TO   JAMES   ASHTON   BAYARD  x 

NEW  YORK,  Aug.  6,  1800. 

DEAR  SIR: 

The  president  of  Columbia  College,  in  this  city,  has 
resigned,  and  we  are  looking  out  for  a  successor.  Dr. 
Wharton  has  occurred  to  me  as  a  character  worthy 
of  inquiry;  and  the  great  confidence  I  feel  in  your 
judgment  and  candor,  induces  me  to  have  recourse 
to  you. 

1  At  this  time  member  of  Congress,  from  Delaware;  afterwards  for 
many  years  Senator  from  that  State.  He  was  one  of  the  peace  com 
missioners  at  Ghent,  and  died  soon  after  his  return,  in  August,  1815. 


Private  Correspondence  385 

We  are  extremely  anxious  to  have  a  well-qualified 
man,  as  this  is  the  only  thing  wanted  to  render  our 
institution  very  flourishing.  We  have  two  very  good 
professors — one  of  the  languages,  the  other  of  the 
mathematics  and  natural  philosophy;  and  we  have 
a  professor  of  chemistry — this  branch  having  been 
lately  made  a  part  of  the  academic  course, — together 
with  better  funds,  as  I  believe,  than  any  similar  in 
stitution  in  the  United  States.  I  mention  these  par 
ticulars  to  impress  you  with  the  importance  of  our 
college  to  the  cause  of  literature,  and  with  the  duty 
which  thence  results  of  peculiar  circumspection  and 
care  in  the  choice  of  a  president.  It  is  essential 
that  he  be  a  gentleman  in  his  manners,  as  well  as  a 
sound  and  polite  scholar;  that  his  moral  character 
be  irreproachable;  that  he  possess  energy  of  body 
and  mind,  and  be  of  a  disposition  to  maintain  disci 
pline  without  undue  austerity;  and,  in  the  last  place, 
that  his  politics  be  of  the  right  sort.  I  beg  you  to 
inform  me  particularly  how  far  Dr.  Wharton  meets 
this  description,  in  what,  if  any  thing,  he  fails.  You 
will,  of  course,  see  the  propriety  of  mentioning  no 
thing  about  this  inquiry. 

In  the  present  eventful  crisis  of  our  affairs,  a  mu 
tual  communication  of  informations  and  opinions 
among  influential  men  of  the  federal  party,  may  be 
attended  with  some  advantage  to  their  cause.  Un 
der  this  impression  I  shall  give  you  a  summary  of  the 
state  of  things  north  of  the  Delaware;  south  of  it, 
your  information  is  likely  to  be  as  good  as  mine ;  and, 
accordingly,  I  shall  request  your  view  of  what  is  to 
be  expected  from  that  quarter.  In  New  Hampshire 


VOL.  X.— 25. 


386  Alexander  Hamilton 

there  is  no  doubt  of  federal  electors;  but  there  is 
a  decided  partiality  for  Mr.  Adams.  I  took  pains 
to  possess  Governor  Oilman,  whose  influence  is  very 
preponderating,  of  the  errors  and  defects  of  Mr. 
Adams,  and  of  the  danger  that  no  candidate  can  pre 
vail,  by  mere  federal  strength;  consequently  of  the 
expediency  and  necessity  of  unanimously  voting  for 
General  Pinckney  (who,  in  the  South,  may  get  some 
anti-federal  votes)  as  the  best  chance  of  excluding 
Mr.  Jefferson.  The  Governor  appeared  convinced  of 
the  soundness  of  these  views,  and  cautiously  gave 
me  to  expect  his  co-operation.  Yet  I  do  not  count 
upon  New  Hampshire  for  more  than  two  things: 
one,  a  unanimous  vote  for  Mr.  Adams;  the  other,  no 
vote  for  any  Anti-federalist.  In  Massachusetts,  al 
most  all  the  leaders  of  the  first  class  are  dissatisfied 
with  Mr.  Adams ;  and  enter  heartily  into  the  policy 
of  supporting  General  Pinckney.  But  most  of  the 
leaders  of  the  second  class  are  attached  to  Mr.  Adams, 
and  fearful  of  jeopardizing  his  election  by  promoting 
that  of  General  Pinckney;  and  the  mass  of  the  peo 
ple  are  well  affected  to  him  and  to  his  administra 
tion.  Yet  I  have  strong  hopes  that,  by  the  exertions 
of  the  principal  Federalists,  Massachusetts  will  unani 
mously  vote  for  Adams  and  Pinckney.  Rhode 
Island  is  in  a  state  somewhat  uncertain.  Schisms 
have  grown  up  from  personal  rivalships,  which  have 
been  improved  by  the  Anti-federalists,  to  strengthen 
their  interests.  Governor  Fenner  expresses  a  hope 
that  there  will  be  two  anti-federal  electors;  but  our 
friends  reject  this  idea  as  wholly  improbable.  But 
I  am  not  quite  convinced  that  they  know  the  ground. 


Private  Correspondence  387 

In  every  event,  however,  I  expect  that  Mr.  Adams 
will  have  there  an  unanimous  vote. 

I  think  nothing  can  be  relied  upon  as  to  General 
Pinckney.  Connecticut  will,  I  doubt  not,  unani 
mously  vote  for  General  Pinckney,  but,  being  very 
much  displeased  with  Mr.  Adams,  it  will  require  the 
explicit  advice  of  certain  gentlemen  to  induce  them 
to  vote  for  him.  No  Anti-federalist  has  any  chance 
there.  About  Vermont  I  am  not  as  yet  accurately 
informed,  but  I  believe  Adams  and  Pinckney  will 
both  have  all  the  votes.  In  New  York,  all  the  votes 
will  certainly  be  for  Jefferson  and  Burr.  New  Jersey 
does  not  stand  as  well  as  she  used  to  do.  The  Antis 
hope  for  the  votes  of  this  State,  but  I  think  they  will 
be  disappointed.  If  the  electors  are  federal,  Pinck 
ney  will  certainly  be  voted  for,  and  Adams  will  be, 
or  not,  as  leading  friends  shall  advise.  Adding  to 
this  view  of  the  Northern  what  I  have  understood 
of  the  Southern  quarter,  our  prospects  are  not  bril 
liant.  There  seems  to  be  too  much  probability  that 
Jefferson  or  Burr  will  be  President.  The  latter  is 
intriguing  with  all  his  might  in  New  Jersey,  Rhode 
Island,  and  Vermont,  and  there  is  a  possibility  of 
some  success  in  his  intrigues.  He  counts  positively 
on  the  universal  support  of  the  Anti-federalists,  and 
that,  by  some  adventitious  aid  from  other  quarters, 
he  will  overtop  his  friend  Jefferson.  Admitting  the 
first  point,  the  conclusion  may  be  realized;  and  if  it 
is  so,  Burr  will  certainly  attempt  to  reform  the  gov 
ernment  a  la  Bonaparte.  He  is  as  unprincipled  and 
dangerous  a  man  as  any  country  can  boast — as  true 
•a  Catiline  as  ever  met  in  midnight  conclave. 


388  Alexander  Hamilton 

TO  JAMES  McHENRY 

NEW  YORK,  Aug.  27,  1800. 

Indeed,  my  dear  Mac.,  I  have  not  enough  the  gift 
of  second  sight  to  foresee  what  New  England  will  do. 

The  mass  of  the  people  there  are  attached  to 
Adams  and  the  leaders  of  the  second  class  pretty 
generally.  The  leaders  of  the  first  class  pretty  gen 
erally  promote  the  joint  support  of  Adams  and 
Pinckney,  either  because  they  dislike  Adams,  or  hate 
or  fear  Jefferson. 

Upon  the  whole,  I  believe,  though  not  with  perfect 
assurance,  that  Pinckney  will  have  almost  all  the 
votes  of  New  England.  Adams  will  have  all. 

The  State  of  New  Jersey  is  more  uncertain  than  I 
could  wish.  Parties  will  be  too  nicely  balanced  there. 
But  our  friends  continue  confident  of  a  favorable 
result.  If  the  electors  in  this  State  are  federal,  they 
will  certainly  vote  for  Pinckney,  and  I  rather  think 
will  do,  with  respect  to  Mr.  Adams,  what  may  be 
thought  right. 

In  New  York,  there  is  no  chance  for  any  federal 
candidate. 

I  think,  at  all  events,  Maryland  had  better  choose 
by  the  Legislature.  If  we  have  a  majority  of  federal 
votes  throughout,  we  can  certainly  exclude  Jeffer 
son,  and,  if  we  please,  bring  the  question  between 
Adams  and  Pinckney  to  the  House  of  Represent 
atives. 

We  fight  Adams  on  very  unequal  grounds,  because 
we  do  not  declare  the  motives  of  our  dislike.  The 
exposition  of  these  is  very  important — but  how?  I 
would  make  it  and  put  my  name  to  it,  but  I  cannot 


Private  Correspondence  389 

do  it  without  its  being  conclusively  inferred  that  as 
to  very  material  facts  I  must  have  derived  my  in 
formation  from  members  of  the  administration.  Yet, 
without  this,  we  have  the  air  of  mere  caballers,  and 
shall  be  completely  run  down  in  the  public  opinion. 
I  have  written  a  letter,  of  which  I  shall  send  a  copy 
to  you,  another  to  Wolcott.  If  I  am  not  forbidden, 
Colonel  Ogden,  to  whom  it  will  be  addressed,  will 
commit  it  to  the  newspapers. 

P.  S. — I  have  concluded  to  send  the  enclosed  to 
you  instead  of  Major  Jackson.1 


TO   OLIVER  WOLCOTT 

NEW  YORK,  Sept.  26,  1800. 

DEAR  SIR: 

As  I  hinted  to  you  some  time  since,  I  have  drafted 
a  letter  which  it  is  my  wish  to  send  to  influential  in 
dividuals  in  the  New  England  States.  I  hope  from 
it  two  advantages — the  promoting  of  Mr.  Pinckney's 
election  and  the  vindication  of  ourselves. 

You  may  depend  upon  it,  a  very  serious  impres 
sion  has  been  made  on  the  public  mind,  by  the  par 
tisans  of  Mr.  Adams,  to  our  disadvantage;  that  the 
facts  hitherto  known  have  very  partially  impaired 
the  confidence  of  the  body  of  the  Federalists  in  Mr. 
Adams,  who,  for  want  of  information,  are  disposed 
to  regard  his  opponents  as  factious  men.  If  this  can 
not  be  counteracted,  our  characters  are  the  sacrifice. 

1  Now  first  printed  from  the  Hamilton  papers  in  the  State  Depart 
ment. 


39°  Alexander  Hamilton 

To  do  it,  facts  must  be  stated  with  some  authentic 
stamp.  Decorum  may  not  permit  going  into  the 
newspapers,  but  the  letter  may  be  addressed  to  so 
many  respectable  men  of  influence  as  may  give  its 
contents  general  circulation. 

What  say  you  to  the  measure?  Anonymous  pub 
lications  can  now  effect  nothing. 

Some  of  the  most  delicate  of  the  facts  stated  I  hold 
from  the  three  ministers,  yourself  particularly,  and  I 
do  not  think  myself  at  liberty  to  take  the  step  with 
out  your  consent.  I  never  mean  to  bring  proof,  but 
to  stand  upon  the  credit  of  my  own  veracity. 

Say  quickly  what  is  to  be  done,  for  there  is  no 
time  to  spare.  Give  me  your  opinion  not  only  of  the 
measure,  but  of  the  fashion  and  spirit  of  the  letter  in 
regard  to  utility  and  propriety.  If  there  are  excep 
tionable  ideas  or  phrases,  note  them. 

As  it  is  a  first  draught,  there  is  much  I  should  my 
self  mend.  But  I  have  not  now  leisure  for  it  pre 
vious  to  your  inspection.1 


TO   JOHN   ADAMS 

NEW  YORK,  Oct.  z,  1800. 

SIR: 

The  time  which  has  elapsed  since  my  letter  of  the 
ist  Aug.  was  delivered  to  you  precludes  the  further 
expectation  of  an  answer. 

From  this  silence  I  will  draw  no  inference,  nor  will 
I  presume  to  judge  of  the  fitness  of  silence  on  such  an 

1  Reprinted  from  the  Administrations  of  Washington  and  Adams,  ii., 
421. 


Private  Correspondence  391 

occasion  on  the  part  of  the  chief  magistrate  of  a  re 
public  towards  a  citizen  who,  without  a  stain,  has 
discharged  so  many  important  public  trusts. 

But  this  much  I  will  affirm,  that  by  whomsoever  a 
charge  of  the  kind  mentioned  in  my  former  letter 
may  at  any  time  have  been  made  or  insinuated 
against  me,  it  is  a  base,  wicked,  and  cruel  calumny, 
destitute  even  of  a  plausible  pretext  to  excuse  the 
folly  or  the  depravity  which  must  have  dictated  it. 


TO   TIMOTHY    PICKERING 

NEW  YORK,  Nov.  13,  1800. 

DEAR  SIR: 

You  no  doubt  have  seen  my  pamphlet  respecting 
the  conduct  and  character  of  President  Adams.  The 
press  teems  with  replies,  and  I  may  finally  think  it 
expedient  to  publish  a  second  time.  In  this  case  I 
shall  reinforce  my  charges  by  new  anecdotes.  My 
friends  will,  no  doubt,  be  disposed  to  aid  me.  You 
probably  possess  some  which  are  unknown  to  me. 
Pray  let  me  have  them  without  delay. 

You  will  observe  that  a  prejudice  is  attempted  to 
be  excited  against  you  as  wishing  to  bring  about  an 
alliance  with  Great  Britain.  Explain  to  me  fully 
this  affair.  I  remember  that  you  once  consulted  me 
about  the  expediency  of  the  measure,  and  that  I  in 
reply  gave  you  my  opinion.  I  think  it  was  that  the 
thing  was  in  any  event  problematical — that  it  was 
not  advisable  to  go  into  at  the  time — that  the  most 
prudent  course  would  be  for  Great  Britain  to  have 
a  power  competent  to  the  purpose  vested  in  her 


39 2  Alexander  Hamilton 

Minister  in  this  country,  and  to  take  the  matter  ad 
referendum  to  be  governed  by  future  circumstances. 
I  have  not  a  copy  of  my  letter.     You  will  oblige 
me  by  letting  me  have  it. 

TO   OLIVER   WOLCOTT 

NEW  YORK,  Dec.  16,  1800. 

It  is  now,  my  dear  sir,  ascertained  that  Jefferson 
or  Burr  will  be  President,  and  it  seems  probable  that 
they  will  come  with  equal  votes  to  the  House  of 
Representatives.  It  is  also  circulated  here  that,  in 
this  event,  the  Federalists  in  Congress,  or  some  of 
them,  talk  of  preferring  Burr.  I  trust  New  England, 
at  least,  will  not  so  far  lose  its  head  as  to  fall  into 
this  snare.  There  is  no  doubt  but  that,  upon  every 
virtuous  and  prudent  calculation,  Jefferson  is  to  be 
preferred.  He  is  by  far  not  so  dangerous  a  man; 
and  he  has  pretensions  to  character. 

As  to  Burr,  there  is  nothing  in  his  favor.  His  pri 
vate  character  is  not  defended  by  his  most  partial 
friends.  He  is  bankrupt  beyond  redemption,  except 
by  the  plunder  of  his  country.  His  public  principles 
have  no  other  spring  or  aim  than  his  own  aggrand 
izement,  per  fas  et  nefas.  If  he  can,  he  will  certainly 
disturb  our  institutions,  to  secure  to  himself  per 
manent  power,  and  with  it  wealth.  He  is  truly  the 
Catiline  of  America;  and,  if  I  may  credit  Major 
Wilcocks,  he  has  held  very  vindictive  language  re 
specting  his  opponents. 

But  early  measures  must  be  taken  to  fix  on  this 
point  the  opinions  of  the  Federalists.  Among  them, 


Private  Correspondence  393 

from  different  motives,  Burr  will  find  partisans.  If 
the  thing  be  neglected,  he  may  possibly  go  far. 

Yet  it  may  be  well  enough  to  throw  out  a  lure  for 
him,  in  order  to  tempt  him  to  start  for  the  plate,  and 
then  lay  the  foundation  of  dissension  between  the 
two  chiefs. 

You  may  communicate  this  letter  to  Marshall1 
and  Sedgwick.  Let  me  hear  speedily  from  you  in 
reply. 


TO   OLIVER   WOLCOTT 

December  17,  1800. 

Your  last  letter,  my  dear  sir,  has  given  me  great 
pain,  not  only  because  it  informed  me  that  the  opin 
ion  in  favor  of  Mr.  Burr  was  increasing  among  the 
Federalists,  but  because  it  also  told  me  that  Mr. 
Sedgwick  was  one  of  its  partisans.  I  have  a  letter 
from  this  gentleman,  in  which  he  expresses  decidedly 
his  preference  of  Mr.  Jefferson.  I  hope  you  have 
been  mistaken,  and  that  it  is  not  possible  for  him  to 
have  been  guilty  of  so  great  duplicity.3 

There  is  no  circumstance  which  has  occurred  in 
the  course  of  our  political  affairs  that  has  given  me 
so  much  pain  as  the  idea  that  Mr.  Burr  might  be  ele 
vated  to  the  Presidency  by  the  means  of  the  Federal 
ists.  I  am  of  opinion  that  this  party  has  hitherto 
solid  claims  of  merit  with  the  public,  and  so  long  as 
it  does  nothing  to  forfeit  its  title  to  confidence,  I 

1  John  Marshall,  at  this  time  Secretary  of  State,  and  afterwards 
Chief -Justice. 

2  Hamilton  was  right,  and  Wolcott  mistaken;   Sedgwick  preferred 
Jefferson. 


394  Alexander  Hamilton 

shall  continue  to  hope  that  our  misfortunes  are  tem 
porary,  and  that  the  party  will  erelong  emerge  from 
its  depression.  But  if  it  shall  act  a  foolish  or  un 
worthy  part  in  any  capital  instance,  I  shall  then 
despair. 

Such,  without  doubt,  will  be  the  part  it  will  act,  if 
it  shall  seriously  attempt  to  support  Mr.  Burr,  in  op 
position  to  Mr.  Jefferson.  If  it  fails,  as,  after  all,  is 
not  improbable,  it  will  have  riveted  the  animosity 
of  that  person ;  will  have  destroyed  or  weakened  the 
motives  to  moderation  which  he  must  at  present  feel, 
and  it  will  expose  them  to  the  disgrace  of  a  defeat,  in 
an  attempt  to  elevate  to  the  first  place  of  the  govern 
ment  one  of  the  worst  men  in  the  community. 

If  it  succeeds,  it  will  have  done  nothing  more  nor 
less  than  place  in  that  station  a  man  who  will  possess 
the  boldness  and  daring  necessary  to  give  success  to 
the  Jacobin  system,  instead  of  one  who,  for  want  of 
that  quality,  will  be  less  fitted  to  promote  it. 

Let  it  not  be  imagined  that  Mr.  Burr  can  be  won  to 
the  federal  views.  It  is  a  vain  hope.  Stronger  ties 
and  stronger  inducements  than  they  can  offer  will 
impel  him  in  a  different  direction.  His  ambition 
will  not  be  content  with  those  objects  which  virtuous 
men  of  either  party  will  allot  to  it,  and  his  situation 
and  his  habits  will  oblige  him  to  have  recourse  to 
corrupt  expedients,  from  which  he  will  be  restrained 
by  no  moral  scruple.  To  accomplish  his  ends,  he 
must  lean  upon  unprincipled  men,  and  will  continue 
to  adhere  to  the  myrmidons  who  have  hitherto  sec 
onded  him.  To  these  he  will,  no  doubt,  add  able 
rogues  of  the  federal  party,  but  he  will  employ  the 


Private  Correspondence  395 

rogues  of  all  parties  to  overrule  the  good  men  of  all 
parties,  and  to  prosecute  projects  which  wise  men 
of  every  description  will  disapprove. 

These  things  are  to  be  inferred,  with  moral  cer 
tainty,  from  the  character  of  the  man.  Every  step 
in  his  career  proves  that  he  has  formed  himself  upon 
the  model  of  Catiline,  and  he  is  too  cold-blooded  and 
too  determined  a  conspirator  ever  to  change  his  plan. 

What  would  you  think  of  these  toasts  and  this 
conversation  at  his  table  within  the  last  three  or  four 
weeks? 

ist.    The  French  republic. 

2d.  The  commissioners  on  both  sides  who  nego 
tiated  the  convention. 

3d.     Bonaparte. 

4th.    Lafayette. 

What  would  you  think  of  his  having  seconded  the 
positions,  that  it  was  the  interest  of  this  country  to 
allow  the  belligerent  powers  to  bring  in  and  sell  then- 
prizes,  and  build  and  equip  ships  in  our  ports?  Do 
you  not  see  in  this  the  scheme  of  war  with  Great 
Britain,  as  the  instrument  of  power  and  wealth? 
Can  it  be  doubted  that  a  man  who  has  all  his  life 
speculated  upon  the  popular  prejudices,  will  consult 
them  in  the  object  of  a  war  when  he  thinks  it  is  expe 
dient  to  make  one?  Can  a  man  who,  despising  de 
mocracy,  has  chimed  in  with  all  its  absurdities,  be 
diverted  from  the  plan  of  ambition  which  must  have 
directed  his  course?  They  who  suppose  it  must 
understand  little  of  human  nature. 

If  Jefferson  is  President,  the  whole  responsibility 
of  bad  measures  will  rest  with  the  Anti-federalists. 


396  Alexander  Hamilton 

If  Burr  is  made  so  by  the  Federalists,  the  whole  re 
sponsibility  will  rest  with  them.  The  other  party 
will  say  to  the  people:  We  intended  him  only  for 
Vice-President;  here  he  might  have  done  very  well, 
or  been  at  least  harmless.  But  the  Federalists,  to 
disappoint  us,  and  a  majority  of  you,  took  advan 
tage  of  a  momentary  superiority  to  put  him  in  the 
first  place.  He  is  therefore  their  President,  and 
they  must  answer  for  all  the  evils  of  his  bad  conduct. 
And  the  people  will  believe  them. 

Will  any  reasonable  calculation  on  the  part  of  the 
Federalists  uphold  the  policy  of  assuming  so  great 
a  responsibility  in  the  support  of  so  unpromising  a 
character?  The  negative  is  so  manifest  that,  had 
I  not  been  assured  of  the  contrary,  I  should  have 
thought  it  impossible  that  assent  to  it  would  have 
been  attended  with  a  moment's  hesitation. 

Alas!  when  will  men  consult  their  reason  rather 
than  their  passions?  Whatever  they  may  imagine, 
the  desire  of  mortifying  the  adverse  party  must  be 
the  chief  spring  of  the  disposition  to  prefer  Mr.  Burr. 
This  disposition  reminds  me  of  the  conduct  of  the 
Dutch  moneyed  men,  who,  from  their  hatred  of  the 
old  aristocracy,  favored  the  admission  of  the  French 
into  Holland,  to  overturn  every  thing. 

Adieu  to  the  Federal  Troy,  if  they  once  introduce 
this  Grecian  horse  into  their  citadel. 

Trust  me,  my  dear  friend,  you  cannot  render  a 
greater  service  to  your  country  than  to  resist  this 
project.  Far  better  will  it  be  to  endeavor  to  obtain 
from  Jefferson  assurances  on  some  cardinal  points: 

ist.     The  preservation  of  the  actual  fiscal  system. 


Private  Correspondence  397 

2d.     Adherence  to  the  neutral  plan. 

3d.  The  preservation  and  gradual  increase  of  the 
navy. 

4th.  The  continuance  of  our  friends  in  the  offices 
they  fill,  except  in  the  great  departments,  in  which 
he  ought  to  be  left  free. 


TO   THEODORE   SEDGWICK 

NEW  YORK,  Dec.  22,  1800. 

I  entirely  agree  with  you,  my  dear  sir,  that,  in  the 
event  of  Jefferson  and  Burr  coming  to  the  House  of 
Representatives,  the  former  is  to  be  preferred.  The 
appointment  of  Burr  as  President  would  disgrace 
our  country  abroad.  No  agreement  with  him  could 
be  relied  upon.  His  private  circumstances  render 
disorder  a  necessary  resource.  His  public  principles 
offer  no  obstacle.  His  ambition  aims  at  nothing 
short  of  permanent  power  and  wealth  in  his  own 
person.  For  heaven's  sake,  let  not  the  federal  party 
be  responsible  for  the  elevation  of  this  man! 

The  convention  with  France  is  just  such  an  issue 
as  was  to  have  been  expected.  It  plays  into  the 
hands  of  France,  by  the  precedent  of  those  prin 
ciples  of  navigation  which  she  is  at  this  moment  de 
sirous  of  making  the  basis  of  a  league  of  the  northern 
powers  against  England.  This  feature  will  be  pe 
culiarly  disagreeable  to  the  latter,  and,  as  it  relates 
to  the  general  politics  of  the  world,  is  a  make- weight 
in  the  wrong  scale. 

The  stipulation  about  privateers  and  prizes  is  of 


39^  Alexander  Hamilton 

questionable  propriety.  If  third  powers  are  en 
titled  to  the  benefit  of  annulling  our  treaties  with 
France,  it  is  a  plain  violation  of  our  compact  with 
Great  Britain. 

But  I  rather  think  it  the  better  opinion  that,  pend 
ing  the  differences  which  produced  that  measure,  it 
is  a  matter  purely  between  France  and  ourselves,  by 
which  no  third  power  has  a  right  to  profit,  and  that 
even  the  status  quo  would  not  have  been  a  violation 
of  our  engagements  with  Great  Britain. 

Thus  situated,  I  am  of  opinion  the  treaty  must  be 
ratified.  The  contrary  condition  would,  I  think,  ut 
terly  ruin  the  federal  party  and  endanger  our  internal 
tranquillity.  Moreover,  it  is  better  to  close  the 
thing  where  it  is,  than  to  leave  it  to  a  Jacobin  to  do 
much  worse. 

This  is  a  deliberately  formed  sentiment,  and  I  hope 
will  accord  with  the  conclusions  of  our  friends.  At 
the  same  time,  I  wish  it  to  be  declared  by  our  friends 
in  the  Senate,  that  they  think  the  treaty  liable  to 
strong  objections  and  pregnant  with  dangers  to  the 
interests  of  this  country,  but  having  been  negotiated, 
they  will  not  withhold  their  assent. 

Reasons  should  be  given. 


TO   GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS  x 

NEW  YORK,  Dec.  24,  1800. 

DEAR  SIR: 

I  will  run  the  risk  with  you  of  giving  countenance 
to  a  charge  lately  brought  against  me,  though  it  has 

1  At  this  time  Senator  from  New  York. 


Private  Correspondence  399 

certainly  had  a  very  false  direction.  I  mean  that  of 
being  fond  of  giving  advice. 

Several  friends  at  Washington  inform  me  that 
there  is  likely  to  be  much  hesitation  in  the  Senate 
about  ratifying  the  convention  with  France.  I  do 
not  wonder  at  it,  and  yet  I  should  be  sorry  that  it 
should  mature  itself  into  a  disagreement  to  the  in 
strument.  Having  received  its  present  form,  I  think 
it  should  be  ratified. 

In  my  opinion,  there  is  nothing  in  it  contrary  to 
our  treaty  with  Great  Britain.  The  annulling  of  our 
former  treaties  with  France  was  an  act  of  reprisal  in 
consequence  of  hostile  differences,  of  which  no  other 
power  had  a  right  to  benefit,  and  which,  upon  an  ac 
commodation,  might  have  been  rescinded,  even  to 
the  restoration  of  the  status  quo.  Great  Britain  is 
now,  in  this  respect,  in  a  better  situation  than  she 
was  when  she  made  the  treaty.  She  has,  so  far,  no 
good  cause  to  complain. 

There  are,  indeed,  features  which  will  not  be 
pleasant  to  the  British  cabinet,  particularly  the  prin 
ciple  that  free  ships  shall  make  free  goods,  and  that 
the  flag  of  ships-of-war  shall  protect.  As  these  are 
points  upon  which  France  was  endeavoring  to  form 
hostile  combinations  against  Great  Britain,  the  giv 
ing  place  to  them  in  the  convention  will  have  an  un 
friendly  countenance  towards  her  and  us,  and  is  to 
be  regretted  in  the  present  moment.  Yet  we  had  a 
right  to  make  these  stipulations,  and  as  they  may  be 
fairly  supposed  to  be  advantageous  to  us,  they  are 
not  in  fact  indications  of  enmity.  They  give  no 
real  cause  of  umbrage,  and,  considering  the  general 


400  Alexander  Hamilton 

interests  of  Great  Britain  and  her  particular  situa 
tion,  it  does  not  seem  probable  that  they  will  produce 
on  her  part  a  hostile  conduct. 

As  to  the  indemnification  for  spoliations,  that  was 
rather  to  be  wished  than  expected,  while  France  is 
laying  the  world  under  contribution.  The  people  of 
this  country  will  not  endure  that  a  definitive  rupture 
with  France  shall  be  hazarded  on  this  ground. 

If  this  convention  is  not  closed,  the  leaving  of  the 
whole  subject  open  will  render  it  easier  for  the  Jacobin 
administration  to  make  a  worse  thing. 

On  the  whole,  the  least  evil  is  to  ratify.  The  con 
trary  would  finish  the  ruin  of  the  federal  party,  and 
endanger  our  internal  tranquillity.  It  is  better  to 
risk  the  dangers  on  the  other  hand,  than  on  this  side. 

Another  subject.  Jefferson  or  Burr?  the  former 
without  all  doubt.  The  latter,  in  my  judgment,  has 
no  principle,  public  or  private;  could  be  bound  by 
no  agreement ;  will  listen  to  no  monitor  but  his  am 
bition,  and  for  this  purpose  will  use  the  worst  part 
of  the  community  as  a  ladder  to  climb  to  permanent 
power,  and  an  instrument  to  crush  the  better  part. 
He  is  bankrupt  beyond  redemption,  except  by  the 
resources  that  grow  out  of  war  and  disorder,  or  by 
a  sale  to  a  foreign  power,  or  by  great  peculation. 
War  with  Great  Britain  would  be  the  immediate 
instrument.  He  is  sanguine  enough  to  hope  every 
thing,  daring  enough  to  attempt  every  thing,  wicked 
enough  to  scruple  nothing.  From  the  elevation  of 
such  a  man  may  heaven  preserve  the  country! 

Let  our  situation  be  improved  to  obtain  from  Jef 
ferson  assurances  on  certain  points :  the  maintenance 


Private  Correspondence  401 

of  the  present  system,  especially  on  the  cardinal  ar 
ticles  of  public  credit — a  navy,  neutrality.  Make 
any  discreet  use  you  may  think  fit  of  this  letter. 


TO   GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS 

NEW  YORK,  Dec.  26,  1800. 

DEAR  SIR: 

The  post  of  yesterday  gave  me  the  pleasure  of  a 
letter  from  you.  I  thank  you  for  the  communica 
tion.  I  trust  that  a  letter  which  I  wrote  you  the  day 
before  the  receipt  of  yours  will  have  duly  reached  you, 
as  it  contains  some  very  free  and  confidential  ob 
servations  ending  in  two  results. 

i  st.  That  the  convention  with  France  ought  to 
be  ratified  as  the  least  of  two  evils. 

2d.  That  on  the  same  ground  Jefferson  ought  to 
be  preferred  to  Burr. 

I  trust  the  Federalists  will  not  finally  be  so  mad 
as  to  vote  for  the  latter.  I  speak  with  an  intimate 
and  accurate  knowledge  of  character.  His  elevation 
can  only  promote  the  purposes  of  the  desperate  and 
profligate. 

If  there  be  a  man  in  the  world  I  ought  to  hate,  it  is 
Jefferson.  With  Burr  I  have  always  been  personally 
well.  But  the  public  good  must  be  paramount  to 
every  private  consideration. 

My  opinion  may  be  freely  used  with  such  reserves 
as  you  shall  think  discreet. 

VOL.  X.— 26. 


4O2  Alexander  Hamilton 

TO    JAMES    A.    BAYARD 

NEW  YORK,  Dec.  27,  1800. 

DEAR  SIR: 

Several  letters  to  myself  and  others  from  the  city 
of  Washington,  excite  in  my  mind  extreme  alarm  on 
the  subject  of  the  future  President.  It  seems  nearly 
ascertained  that  Jefferson  and  Burr  will  come  into 
the  House  of  Representatives  with  equal  votes,  and 
those  letters  express  the  probability  that  the  federal 
party  may  prefer  the  latter.  In  my  opinion,  a  cir 
cumstance  more  ruinous  to  them,  or  more  disastrous 
to  the  country,  could  not  happen. 

This  opinion  is  dictated  by  a  long  and  close  atten 
tion  to  the  character  of  B.,  with  the  best  opportuni 
ties  of  knowing  it — an  advantage  of  judging  which, 
few  of  our  friends  possess,  and  which  ought  to  give 
some  weight  to  my  opinion. 

Be  assured,  my  dear  sir,  that  this  man  has  no  prin 
ciple,  public  nor  private.  As  a  politician,  his  sole 
spring  of  action  is  an  inordinate  ambition ;  as  an  in 
dividual,  he  is  believed  by  friends  as  well  as  foes  to 
be  without  probity;  and  a  voluptuary  by  system — 
with  habits  of  expense  that  can  be  satisfied  by  no 
fair  expedients.  As  to  his  talents,  great  manage 
ment  and  cunning  are  the  predominant  features;  he 
is  yet  to  give  proofs  of  those  solid  abilities  which 
characterize  the  statesman.  Daring  and  energy 
must  be  allowed  him;  but  these  qualities,  under  the 
direction  of  the  worst  passions,  are  certainly  strong 
objections,  not  recommendations.  He  is  of  a  temper 
to  undertake  the  most  hazardous  enterprises,  be 
cause  he  is  sanguine  enough  to  think  nothing  im- 


Private  Correspondence  403 

practicable;  and  of  an  ambition  that  will  be  content 
with  nothing  less  than  permanent  power  in  his  own 
hands.  The  maintenance  of  the  existing  institu 
tions  will  not  suit  him;  because  under  them  his 
power  will  be  too  narrow  and  too  precarious.  Yet 
the  innovations  he  may  attempt  will  not  offer  the 
substitute  of  a  system  durable  and  safe,  calculated 
to  give  lasting  prosperity,  and  to  unite  liberty  with 
strength.  It  will  be  the  system  of  the  day,  sufficient 
to  serve  his  own  turn,  and  not  looking  beyond  him 
self.  To  execute  this  plan,  as  the  good  men  of  the 
country  cannot  be  relied  upon,  the  worst  will  be  used. 
Let  it  not  be  imagined  that  the  difficulties  of  execu 
tion  will  deter,  or  a  calculation  of  interest  restrain. 
The  truth  is,  that  under  forms  of  government  like 
ours,  too  much  is  practicable  to  men  who  will,  with 
out  scruple,  avail  themselves  of  the  bad  passions  of 
human  nature.  To  a  man  of  this  description,  pos 
sessing  the  requisite  talents,  the  acquisition  of  per 
manent  power  is  not  a  chimera.  I  know  that  Mr. 
Burr  does  not  view  it  as  such,  and  I  am  sure  there 
are  no  means  too  atrocious  to  be  employed  by  him. 
In  debt,  vastly  beyond  his  means  of  payment,  with 
all  the  habits  of  excessive  expense,  he  cannot  be 
satisfied  with  the  regular  emoluments  of  any  office 
of  our  government.  Corrupt  expedients  will  be  to 
him  a  necessary  resource.  Will  any  prudent  man 
offer  such  a  President  to  the  temptations  of  foreign 
gold?  No  engagement  that  can  be  made  with  him 
can  be  depended  upon ;  while  making  it,  he  will  laugh 
in  his  sleeve  at  the  credulity  of  those  with  whom  he 
makes  it; — and  the  first  moment  it  suits  his  views  to 


404  Alexander  Hamilton 

break  it,  he  will  do  so.1  Let  me  add,  that  I  could 
scarcely  name  a  discreet  man  of  either  party  in  our 
State,  who  does  not  think  Mr.  Burr  the  most  unfit 
man  in  the  United  States  for  the  office  of  President. 
Disgrace  abroad,  ruin  at  home,  are  the  probable 
fruits  of  his  elevation.  To  contribute  to  the  disap 
pointment  and  mortification  of  Mr.  J.,  would  be,  on 
my  part,  only  to  retaliate  for  unequivocal  proofs  of 
enmity;  but  in  a  case  like  this,  it  would  be  base  to 
listen  to  personal  considerations.  In  alluding  to  the 
situation,  I  mean  only  to  illustrate  how  strong  must 
be  the  motives  which  induced  me  to  promote  his 
elevation  in  exclusion  of  another. 

For  heaven's  sake,  my  dear  sir,  exert  yourself  to 
the  utmost  to  save  our  country  from  so  great  a 
calamity.  Let  us  not  be  responsible  for  the  evils, 
which  in  all  probability  will  follow  the  preference.  All 
calculations  that  may  lead  to  it  must  prove  fallacious. 


TO   JOHN   RUTLEDGE 

December,  1800. 

As  long  as  the  federal  party  pursue  their  high 
ground  of  integrity  and  principle,  I  shall  not  despair 

1  A  recent  incident  will  give  you  an  idea  of  his  views  as  to  foreign 
politics.  I  dined  with  him  lately.  His  toasts  were :  "The  French  Re 
public,"  "The  Commissioners  who  Negotiated  the  Convention,"  "Buo 
naparte,"  *'  The  Marquis  La  Fayette."  His  doctrines,  that  it  would  be 
the  interest  of  this  country  to  permit  the  indiscriminate  sale  of  prizes 
by  the  belligerent  powers;  and  the  building  and  equipment  of  vessels 
—a  project  amounting  to  nothing  more  nor  less  (with  the  semblance  of 
equality)  than  to  turn  all  our  naval  resources  into  the  channel  of  France, 
and  compel  Great  Britain  to  war.  Indeed,  Mr.  Burr  must  have  war, 
as  the  instrument  of  his  ambition  and  cupidity.  The  peculiarity  of 
the  occasion  will  excuse  my  mentioning  in  confidence  the  occurrences  of 
a  private  table. 


1 


Private  Correspondence  405 

of  the  public  weal;  but  if  they  quit  it  and  descend  to 
be  willing  instruments  of  the  elevation  of  the  most 
unfit  and  most  dangerous  man  of  the  community  to 
the  highest  station  in  the  government,  I  shall  no 
longer  see  any  anchor  for  the  hopes  of  good  men.  I 
shall  at  once  anticipate  all  the  evils  that  a  daring  and 
unprincipled  ambition,  wielding  the  lever  of  Jacob 
inism,  can  bring  upon  an  infatuated  country.  'T  is 
not  to  the  chapter  of  accidents  that  we  ought  to 
trust  the  government,  peace,  and  happiness  of  our 
country.  'T  is  enough  for  us  to  know  that  Mr.  Bun- 
is  one  of  the  most  unprincipled  men  in  the  United 
States,  to  determine  us  to  decline  being  responsible 
for  the  precarious  issues  of  his  calculations  of  inter 
est.  You  cannot,  in  my  opinion,  render  a  greater 
service  to  your  country  than  by  exerting  your  in 
fluence  to  counteract  the  impolitic  and  impure  idea 
of  raising  Mr.  Burr  to  the  chief  magistracy.1 


TO   JAMES    ROSS  2 

1801. 

Letters  which  myself  and  others  have  received 
from  Washington  give  me  much  alarm  at  the  pro 
spect  that  Mr.  Burr  may  be  supported  by  the  Feder 
alists  in  preference  to  Mr.  Jefferson.  Be  assured,  my 
dear  sir,  that  this  would  be  a  fatal  mistake.  From 

1  Reprinted  from  the  History  of  the  Republic,  vii.,  445.     General 
John  Rutledge,  of  South  Carolina,  to  whom  this  letter  is  addressed, 
was  the  son  of  the  revolutionary  patriot  and  statesman  of  the  same 
name.    He  was  at  this  time  Member  of  Congress  from  South  Carolina. 

2  James  Ross,  Senator  from  Pennsylvania,  was  one  of  the  leaders  of 
the  Federalists  and  a  lawyer  of  distinguished  ability. 


406  Alexander  Hamilton 

a  thorough  knowledge  of  the  characters,  I  can  pro 
nounce  with  confidence  that  Mr.  Burr  is  the  last 
man  in  the  United  States  to  be  supported  by  the 
Federalists. 

First.  It  is  an  opinion  firmly  entertained  by  his 
enemies  and  not  disputed  by  his  friends,  that,  as  a 
man,  he  is  deficient  in  honesty.  Some  very  sad 
stories  are  related  of  him.  That  he  is  bankrupt  for 
a  large  deficit,  is  certain.  Second.  As  a  politician, 
discerning  men  of  both  parties  admit  that  he  has  but 
one  principle — to  get  power  by  any  means,  and  to 
keep  it  by  all  means.  Third.  Of  an  ambition  too 
irregular  and  inordinate  to  be  content  with  institu 
tions  that  leave  his  power  precarious,  he  is  of  too 
bold  and  sanguine  a  temper  to  think  any  thing  too 
hazardous  to  be  attempted,  or  too  difficult  to  be  ac 
complished.  Fourth.  As  to  talents,  they  are  great 
for  management  and  intrigue — but  he  is  yet  to  give 
the  first  proofs  that  they  are  equal  to  the  act  of 
governing  well.  Fifth.  As  to  his  theory,  no  man  can 
tell  what  it  is.  Institutions  that  would  serve  his  own 
purposes  (such  as  the  government  of  France  of  the 
present  day),  not  such  as  would  promise  lasting  pro 
sperity  and  glory  to  the  country,  would  be  his  prefer 
ence,  because  he  cares  only  for  himself,  and  nothing 
for  his  country  or  glory.  Sixth.  Certain  that  his 
irregular  ambition  cannot  be  supported  by  good  men, 
he  will  court  and  employ  the  worst  men  of  all  parties 
as  the  most  eligible  instruments.  Jacobinism  in 
its  most  pernicious  form  will  scourge  the  country. 
Seventh.  As  to  foreign  politics,  war  will  be  a  neces 
sary  means  of  power  and  wealth.  The  animosity  to 


Private  Correspondence  407 

the  British  will  be  the  handle  by  which  he  will  at 
tempt  to  wield  the  nation  to  that  point.  Within  a 
fortnight  he  has  advocated  positions,  which,  if  acted 
upon,  would  in  six  months  place  us  in  a  state  of  war 
with  that  power.  From  the  elevation  of  such  a  man 
may  heaven  preserve  the  country.  Should  it  be  by 
the  means  of  the  Federalists,  I  should  at  once  despair. 
I  should  see  no  longer  any  thing  upon  which  to  rest 
the  hope  of  public  or  private  prosperity. 

No.     Let  the  Federalists  vote  for  Jefferson. 

But,  as  they  have  much  in  their  power,  let  them 
improve  the  situation  to  obtain  assurances  from  him: 

1.  The   preservation   of   the   actual   system   of 
finance  and  public  credit. 

2.  The  support  and  gradual  increase  of  the  navy. 

3.  A   bona   fide   neutrality   towards   belligerent 
powers. 

4.  The  preservation  in  office  of  our  friends,  ex 
cept  in  the  great  departments,  in  respect  to  which 
and  to  future  appointments  he  ought  to  be  at  liberty 
to  promote  his  friends.1 


TO   GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS 

NEW  YORK,  Jan.  9,  1801. 

I  have  lately,  my  dear  sir,  written  you  two  letters. 
As  they  contained  some  delicate  topics,  I  shall  be 
glad  to  know  that  they  got  to  hand. 

It  has  occurred  to  me  that  perhaps  the  Federalists 
may  be  disposed  to  play  the  game  of  preventing  an 
election,  and  leaving  the  executive  power  in  the 

1  Reprinted  from  the  History  of  the  Republic,  vii.,  445. 


Alexander  Hamilton 

hands  of  a  future  President  of  the  Senate.  This,  if 
it  could  succeed,  would  be,  for  obvious  reasons,  a 
most  dangerous  and  unbecoming  policy.  But  it  is 
well  it  should  be  understood  that  it  cannot  succeed. 
The  Anti-federalists,  as  a  body,  prefer  Jefferson,  but 
among  them  are  many  who  will  be  better  suited  by 
the  dashing,  projecting  spirit  of  Burr,  and  who,  after 
doing  what  they  will  suppose  to  be  saving  appear 
ances,  they  will  go  over  to  Mr.  Burr.  Edward  Liv 
ingston  has  declared  among  his  friends  that  his  first 
ballot  will  be  for  Jefferson ;  his  second  for  Burr. 

The  present  is  a  crisis  which  demands  the  exertions 
of  men  who  have  an  interest  in  public  order. 


TO   GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS 

NEW  YORK,  Jan.  10,  1801. 

I  thank  you,  my  dear  sir,  for  your  letter  of  the 
instant.  The  scruples  you  express  about  the  rati 
fication  of  the  convention  are  very  respectable.  No 
well-informed  man  can  doubt  that  it  is  an  exception 
able  instrument,  but  I  continue  of  the  opinion  that 
it  is  best,  upon  the  whole,  to  ratify  it  unconditionally. 

It  does  not  appear  to  me  that,  on  fair  construction, 
the  existence  of  the  old  treaties  is  recognized,  though 
a  right  of  mutual  indemnities  as  to  the  past  is  ad 
mitted.  But  inasmuch  as  it  is  declared  that  they 
shall  hereafter  have  no  effect  until  a  future  agree 
ment,  this  appears  to  me  to  amount  to  the  consent 
of  France  that  they  shall  become  inoperative  and 
null,  unless  they  shall  be  revived  by  the  consent  of 


Private  Correspondence  409 

the  United  States.  So  far  I  think  that  some  thing 
is  gained.  For  the  right  of  one  party  to  annul  a 
treaty  is  a  litigious  right,  never  consummated  till  the 
other  party  waives  its  opposition.  This  is  now  in 
substance  done  by  France.  And,  in  my  opinion,  to 
have  advanced  so  far  is  a  matter  of  considerable 
importance. 

The  indemnification  for  spoliation  is,  I  admit,  vir 
tually  relinquished  as  the  price  of  the  waiver  of  the 
treaties ;  but  considering  our  situation,  and  the  im 
mense  and  growing  power  of  France,  that  price  is  not 
too  great. 

Further,  there  are  such  potent  obstacles  in  the 
nature  of  things  to  the  obtaining  of  effectual  in 
demnification,  that  it  is  very  well  to  leave  it  to  the 
chapter  of  accidents. 

The  restoration  of  ships-of-war  is  an  unpleasant, 
and,  I  do  not  deny,  rather  a  humiliating  thing. 

But  as  it  is  in  form  reciprocal,  it  does  not  seem 
to  me  that  unequivocal  species  of  dishonor  which 
ought  to  induce  us  to  run  great  risks.  Our  conduct 
heretofore  has  gone  on  the  ground  that,  though  we 
ought  not  to  submit  to  unequivocal  disgrace,  yet  we 
ought  not  to  be  too  susceptible  or  overcurious  and 
nice.  In  this  spirit  we  have  borne  a  great  deal, 
sometimes  too  much,  from  all  the  belligerents.  Cir 
cumstances  do  not  now  invite  to  a  different  course. 
Our  rapid  progress  to  strength  will,  erelong,  encour 
age  to  and  warrant  higher  pretensions. 

You  seem  to  have  gotten  over  the  difficulty  of 
the  supposed  collision  between  the  convention  and 
our  treaty  with  Britain.  You  already  know  that  this 


4io  Alexander  Hamilton 

accords  with  my  opinion.  Yet  it  seems  to  me  the 
most  thorny  point,  as  it  draws  into  question  our 
faith  towards  a  third  power. 

This  gotten  over,  there  is  not,  in  my  apprehension, 
any  remaining  obstacle  to  a  full  ratification  which 
may  not  be  overcome. 

The  limitation  of  the  treaty  as  to  time  is  doubtless 
desirable,  but  we  may  be  sure  it  will  not  be  eternal 
in  fact.  Perpetual  peace  will  not  exist.  A  war  cuts 
the  knot,  and  leaves  us  free  to  renew  or  not,  to  renew 
absolutely,  or  with  qualifications. 

With  this  view  of  the  subject,  I  do  not  consider 
the  objections  to  a  simple  ratification  to  be  strong 
enough  to  countervail  the  dangers  of  a  qualified  one, 
which  certainly  will  leave  it  in  the  option  of  the  other 
party  to  recede. 

It  is  possible  that,  in  the  pride  of  success,  our 
backwardness  to  ratify  may  be  the  pretext  of  a 
rupture  to  punish  the  presumption.  Under  existing 
circumstances,  such  an  event  would  be  disastrous, 
if  not  for  the  evils  which  the  arms  of  France  might 
inflict,  yet  for  the  hazard  of  internal  schisms  and  dis 
cord.  The  mania  for  France  has  in  a  great  degree 
revived  in  our  country,  and  the  party  which  should 
invite  a  rupture  would  be  likely  to  be  ruined. 

Perhaps,  with  the  administration  we  are  going  to 
have,  there  may  be  less  danger  of  rupture  than  with 
one  of  a  different  cast ;  yet  not  much  reliance  can  be 
placed  on  this  circumstance,  and  there  is  another 
side  to  the  question  which  deserves  attention. 

If  the  present  convention  be  ratified,  our  relations 
to  France  will  have  received  a  precise  shape.  To 


Private  Correspondence  411 

take  up  the  subject  anew  and  mould  it  into  a  shape 
better  according  with  Jacobin  projects  will  not  be 
as  easy  as  finding  the  whole  business  open  to  give  it 
that  shape.  I  think  it  politic,  therefore,  to  close  as 
far  as  we  can. 

Again,  it  will  be  of  consequence  to  the  federal 
cause  in  future  to  be  able  to  say  the  federal  adminis 
tration  steered  the  vessel  through  all  the  storms 
raised  by  the  contentions  of  Europe  into  a  peaceful 
and  safe  port.  This  cannot  be  said  if  the  contest 
with  France  continues  open. 

Inclosed  you  have  some  recent  intelligence  which 
seems  to  strengthen  the  argument  for  a  simple  rati 
fication.  Great  Britain  stands  on  a  precipice.  The 
misfortune  for  her  is  that  there  are  manifest  symp 
toms  of  a  depreciated  and  depreciating  paper  cur 
rency.  This  may  cut  deep. 

The  result  is  that  good  understanding  with  the 
United  States  is  more  than  ever  necessary  to  Great 
Britain.  She  will  not  lightly  take  umbrage  while 
France  is  in  a  position  to  ride  a  high  horse.  These 
facts  cannot  prudently  be  excluded  from  the  calcu 
lation. 

So  our  eastern  friends  want  to  join  the  armed  neu 
trality  and  make  war  upon  Britain.  I  infer  this 
from  their  mad  propensity  to  make  Burr  President. 
If  Jefferson  has  prejudices  leading  to  that  result,  he 
has  defects  of  character  to  keep  him  back.  Burr, 
with  the  same  propensities,  will  find  the  thing  neces 
sary  to  his  projects,  and  will  dare  to  hazard  all  con 
sequences.  They  may  as  well  think  to  bind  a  giant 
by  a  cobweb  as  his  ambition  by  promises. 


4I2  Alexander  Hamilton 

TO   JAMES   A.    BAYARD 

NEW  YORK,  Jan.  16,  1801. 

I  was  glad  to  find,  my  dear  sir,  by  your  letter  that 
you  had  not  yet  determined  to  go  with  the  current 
of  the  federal  party  in  the  support  of  Mr.  Burr,  and 
that  you  were  resolved  to  hold  yourself  disengaged 
till  the  moment  of  final  decision.  Your  resolution 
to  separate  yourself  in  this  instance  from  the  federal 
party,  if  your  conviction  shall  be  strong  of  the  un- 
fitness  of  Mr.  Burr,  is  certainly  laudable.  So  much 
does  it  coincide  with  my  ideas,  that  if  the  party  shall, 
by  supporting  Mr.  Burr  as  President,  adopt  him  for 
their  official  chief,  I  shall  be  obliged  to  consider  my 
self  as  an  isolated  man.  It  will  be  impossible  for  me 
to  reconcile  with  my  notions  of  honor  or  policy  the 
continuing  to  be  of  a  party  which,  according  to 
my  apprehension,  will  have  degraded  itself  and  the 
country. 

I  am  sure,  nevertheless,  that  the  motives  of  many 
will  be  good,  and  I  shall  never  cease  to  esteem  the  in 
dividuals,  though  I  shall  deplore  a  step  which,  I  fear, 
experience  will  show  to  be  a  very  fatal  one.  Among 
the  letters  which  I  receive  assigning  the  reasons  pro 
and  con  for  preferring  Burr  to  J.,  I  observe  no  small 
exaggeration  to  the  prejudice  of  the  latter,  and 
some  things  taken  for  granted  as  to  the  former,  which 
are  at  least  questionable.  Perhaps  myself  the  first, 
at  some  expense  of  popularity,  to  unfold  the  true 
character  of  Jefferson,  it  is  too  late  for  me  to  become 
his  apologist ;  nor  can  I  have  any  disposition  to  do  it. 

I  admit  that  his  politics  are  tinctured  with  fanatic- 


Private  Correspondence  413 

ism;  that  he  is  too  much  in  earnest  in  his  demo 
cracy;  that  he  has  been  a  mischievous  enemy  to  the 
principal  measures  of  our  past  administration;  that 
he  is  crafty  and  persevering  in  his  objects;  that  he  is 
not  scrupulous  about  the  means  of  success,  nor  very 
mindful  of  truth,  and  that  he  is  a  contemptible  hypo 
crite.  But  it  is  not  true,  as  is  alleged,  that  he  is  an 
enemy  to  the  power  of  the  Executive,  or  that  he  is 
for  confounding  all  the  powers  in  the  House  of  Re 
presentatives.  It  is  a  fact  which  I  have  frequently 
mentioned,  that,  while  we  were  in  the  administra 
tion  together,  he  was  generally  for  a  large  construc 
tion  of  the  Executive  authority  and  not  backward  to 
act  upon  it  in  cases  which  coincided  with  his  views. 
Let  it  be  added  that  in  his  theoretic  ideas  he  has 
considered  as  improper  the  participations  of  the  Sen 
ate  in  the  Executive  authority.  I  have  more  than 
once  made  the  reflection  that,  viewing  himself  as  the 
reversioner,  he  was  solicitous  to  come  into  the  pos 
session  of  a  good  estate.  Nor  is  it  true  that  Jeffer 
son  is  zealot  enough  to  do  any  thing  in  pursuance  of 
his  principles  which  will  contravene  his  popularity  or 
his  interest.  He  is  as  likely  as  any  man  I  know  to 
temporize — to  calculate  what  will  be  likely  to  pro 
mote  his  own  reputation  and  advantage;  and  the 
probable  result  of  such  a  temper  is  the  preservation 
of  systems,  though  originally  opposed,  which,  being 
once  established,  could  not  be  overturned  without 
danger  to  the  person  who  did  it.  To  my  mind  a 
true  estimate  of  Mr.  Jefferson's  character  war 
rants  the  expectation  of  a  temporizing  rather  than 
a  violent  system.  That  Jefferson  has  manifested  a 


414  Alexander  Hamilton 

culpable  predilection  for  France  is  certainly  true;  but 
I  think  it  a  question  whether  it  did  not  proceed  quite 
as  much  from  her  popularity  among  us  as  from  senti 
ment,  and,  in  proportion  as  that  popularity  is  di 
minished,  his  zeal  will  cool.  Add  to  this  that  there  is 
no  fair  reason  to  suppose  him  capable  of  being  cor 
rupted,  which  is  a  security  that  he  will  not  go  be 
yond  certain  limits.  It  is  not  at  all  improbable  that 
under  the  change  of  circumstances  Jefferson's  Gal 
licism  has  considerably  abated. 

As  to  Burr  these  things  are  admitted,  and  indeed 
cannot  be  denied,  that  he  is  a  man  of  extreme  and 
irregular  ambition;  that  he  is  selfish  to  a  degree 
which  excludes  all  social  affections,  and  that  he  is 
decidedly  profligate.  But  it  is  said  (i)  that  he  is 
artful  and  dexterous  to  accomplish  his  ends;  (2)  that 
he  holds  no  pernicious  theories,  but  is  a  mere  matter- 
of-fact  man;  (3)  that  his  very  selfishness  x  is  a  guard 
against  mischievous  foreign  predilections;  (4)  that 
his  local  situation  has  enabled  him  to  appreciate  the 
utility  of  our  commercial  and  fiscal  systems,  and  the 
same  quality  of  selfishness  will  lead  him  to  support 
and  invigorate  them;  (5)  that  he  is  now  disliked  by 
the  Jacobins;  that  his  elevation  will  be  a  mortal 
stab  to  them,  breed  an  invincible  hatred  to  him,  and 
compel  him  to  lead  on  the  Federalists;  (6)  that 
Burr's  ambition  will  be  checked  by  his  good  sense, 
by  the  manifest  impossibility  of  succeeding  in  any 
scheme  of  usurpation,  and  that,  if  attempted,  there 
is  nothing  to  fear  from  the  attempt.  These  topics 
are,  in  my  judgment,  more  plausible  than  solid.  As 

1  It  is  always  very  dangerous  to  look  at  the  vices  of  men  for  good. 


Private  Correspondence  415 

to  the  first  point,  the  fact  must  be  admitted,  but 
those  qualities  are  objections  rather  than  recom 
mendations,  when  they  are  under  the  direction  of 
bad  principles.  As  to  the  second  point,  too  much  is 
taken  for  granted.  If  Burr's  conversation  is  to  be 
credited,  he  is  not  very  far  from  being  a  visionary. 
He  has  quoted  to  me  Connecticut  as  an  example  of 
the  success  of  the  democratic  theory,  and  as  au 
thority,  I  have  serious  doubts  whether  it  was  not  a 
good  one.  It  is  ascertained  in  some  instances  that 
he  has  talked  perfect  Godwinism.  I  have  myself 
heard  him  speak  with  applause  of  the  French  sys 
tem,  as  unshackling  the  mind  and  leaving  it  to  its 
natural  energies,  and  I  have  been  present  when  he 
has  contended  against  banking  systems  x  with  earn 
estness  and  with  the  same  arguments  that  Jefferson 
would  use. 

The  truth  is,  that  Burr  is  a  man  of  a  very  subtle 
imagination,  and  a  mind  of  this  make  is  rarely  free 
from  ingenious  whimsies.  Yet  I  admit  that  he  has 
no  fixed  theory,  and  that  his  peculiar  notions  will 
easily  give  way  to  his  interest.  But  is  it  a  recom 
mendation  to  have  no  theory?  Can  that  man  be  a 
systematic  or  able  statesman  who  has  none?  I  be 
lieve  not.  No  general  principles  will  hardly  work 
much  better  than  erroneous  ones. 

As  to  the  third  point,  it  is  certain  that  Burr, 
generally  speaking,  has  been  as  warm  a  partisan  of 
France  as  Jefferson;  that  he  has,  in  some  instances, 

1  Yet  he  has  lately,  by  a  trick,  established  a  bank — a  perfect  monster 
in  its  principles,  but  a  very  convenient  instrument  of  profit  and  in 
fluence. 


4i 6  Alexander  Hamilton 

shown  himself  to  be  so  with  passion.  But  if  it  was 
from  calculation,  who  will  say  that  his  calculations 
will  not  continue  him  so?  His  selfishness,1  so  far 
from  being  an  obstacle,  may  be  a  prompter.  If  cor 
rupt  as  well  as  selfish,  he  may  be  a  partisan  for  gain. 
If  ambitious  as  well  as  selfish,  he  may  be  a  partisan 
for  the  sake  of  aid  to  his  views.  No  man  has  traf 
ficked  more  than  he  in  the  floating  passions  of  the 
multitude.  Hatred  to  Great  Britain  and  attach 
ment  to  France,  in  the  public  mind,  will  naturally 
lead  a  man  of  his  selfishness,  attached  to  place  and 
power,  to  favor  France  and  oppose  Great  Britain. 
The  Gallicism  of  many  of  our  patriots  is  to  be  thus 
resolved,  and,  in  my  opinion,  it  is  morally  certain 
that  Burr  will  continue  to  be  influenced  by  this 
calculation. 

As  to  the  fourth  point,  the  instance  I  have  cited 
with  respect  to  banks,  proves  that  the  argument  is 
not  to  be  relied  on.  If  there  was  much  in  it,  why 
does  Chancellor  Livingston  maintain  that  we  ought 
not  to  cultivate  navigation,  but  ought  to  let  foreign 
ers  be  our  carriers?  France  is  of  the  opinion  too, 
and  Burr,  for  some  reason  or  other,  will  be  very  apt 
to  be  of  the  opinion  of  France. 

As  to  the  fifth  point,  nothing  can  be  more  falla 
cious.  It  is  demonstrated  by  recent  facts 2  that 
Burr  is  solicitous  to  keep  upon  anti-federal  ground,  to 
avoid  compromitting  himself  by  any  engagements,3 
with  the  Federalists.  With  or  without  such  engage- 

1  Unprincipled  selfishness  is  more  apt  to  seek  rapid  gain  in  disorderly 
practices  than  slow  advantages  from  orderly  systems. 

2  My  letter  to  Mr.  Morris  states  some  of  them. 

3  He  trusts  to  their  prejudices  and  hopes  for  support. 


Private  Correspondence  417 

ments,  he  will  easily  persuade  his  former  friends  that 
he  does  stand  on  that  ground,  and  after  their  first 
resentment  they  will  be  glad  to  rally  under  him.  In 
the  meantime  he  will  take  care  not  to  disoblige  them, 
and  he  will  always  court  those  among  them  who  are 
best  fitted  for  tools.  He  will  never  choose  to  lean 
on  good  men,  because  he  knows  that  they  will  never 
support  his  bad  projects ;  but  instead  of  this  he  will 
endeavor  to  disorganize  both  parties,  and  to  form 
out  of  them  a  third,  composed  of  men  fitted  by  their 
characters  to  be  conspirators  and  instruments  of 
such  projects. 

That  this  will  be  his  future  conduct  may  be  in 
ferred  from  his  past  plan,  and  from  the  admitted 
quality  of  irregular  ambition.  Let  it  be  remembered 
that  Mr.  Burr  has  never  appeared  solicitous  for  fame, 
and  that  great  ambition,  unchecked  by  principle  or 
the  love  of  glory,  is  an  unruly  tyrant,  which  never 
can  keep  long  in  a  course  which  good  men  will 
approve.  As  to  the  last  point,  the  proposition  is 
against  the  experience  of  all  times.  Ambition  with 
out  principle  never  was  long  under  the  guidance  of 
good  sense.  Besides  that,  really,  the  force  of  Mr. 
Burr's  understanding  is  much  overrated.  He  is  far 
more  cunning  than  wise,  far  more  dextrous  than  able. 

(Very,  very  confidential. — In  my  opinion  he  is  in 
ferior  in  real  ability  to  Jefferson.  There  are  also 
facts  against  the  supposition.  It  is  past  all  doubt 
that  he  has  blamed  me  for  not  having  improved  the 
situation  I  once  was  in  to  change  the  government. 
That  when  answered  that  this  could  not  have  been 
done  without  guilt,  he  replied,  "Les  grandes  ames 

VOL.  X.— 27. 


4i 8  Alexander  Hamilton 

se  soucient  peu  des  petits  moraux  ";  that  when  told 
the  thing  was  never  practicable  from  the  genius  and 
situation  of  the  country,  he  answered,  "  That  depends, 
on  the  estimate  we  form  of  the  human  passions,  and 
of  the  means  of  influencing  them.'*  Does  this  prove 
that  Mr.  Burr  would  consider  a  scheme  of  usurpation 
as  visionary?) 

The  truth  is,  with  great  apparent  coldness  he  is  the 
most  sanguine  man  in  the  world.  He  thinks  every 
thing  possible  to  adventure  and  perseverance,  and, 
though  I  believe  he  will  fail,  I  think  it  almost  certain 
he  will  attempt  usurpation,  and  the  attempt  will  in 
volve  great  mischief.  But  there  is  one  point  of  view 
which  seems  to  me  decisive.  If  the  Anti-federalists 
who  prevailed  in  the  election  are  left  to  take  their 
own  man,  they  remain  responsible,  and  the  Federal 
ists  remain  free,  united,  and  without  stain,  in  a  situa 
tion  to  resist,  with  effect,  pernicious  measures.  If 
the  Federalists  substitute  Burr,  they  adopt  him  and 
become  answerable  for  him.  Whatever  may  be  the 
theory  of  the  case  abroad  and  at  home  (for  so  from 
the  beginning  will  be  taught),  Mr.  Burr  will  become 
in  fact  the  man  of  our  party;  and  if  he  acts  ill,  we 
must  share  in  the  blame  and  disgrace.  By  adopting 
him  we  do  all  we  can  to  reconcile  the  minds  of  the 
Federalists  to  him,  and  we  prepare  them  for  the 
effectual  operation  of  his  arts.  He  will  doubtless 
gain  many  of  them,  and  the  Federalists  will  become 
a  disorganized  and  contemptible  party.  Can  there 
be  any  serious  question  between  the  policy  of  leaving 
the  Anti-federalists  to  be  answerable  for  the  eleva 
tion  of  an  exceptionable  man,  and  that  of  adopting 


Private  Correspondence  419 

ourselves  and  becoming  answerable  for  a  man  who, 
on  all  hands,  is  acknowledged  to  be  a  complete 
Catiline?  JT  is  enough  to  state  the  question  to  in 
dicate  the  answer,  if  reason,  not  passion,  presides  in 
the  decision. 

You  may  communicate  this,  and  my  former  letter, 
to  discreet  and  confidential  friends. 


TO   GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS 

NEW  YORK,  January,  1801. 

DEAR  SIR: 

I  hasten  to  give  you  some  information  which  may 
be  useful.  I  know  as  a  fact  that  overtures  have 
been  made  by  leading  individuals  of  the  federal 
party  to  Mr.  Burr,  who  declines  to  give  any  assur 
ances  respecting  his  future  intentions  and  conduct, 
saying  that  to  do  it  might  injure  him  with  his  friends, 
and  prevent  their  co-operation;  that  all  ought  to  be 
inferred  from  the  necessity  of  his  future  situation,  as 
it  regarded  the  disappointment  and  animosity  of  the 
Anti-federalists;  that  the  Federalists,  relying  upon 
this,  might  proceed  in  the  certainty  that,  upon  a 
second  ballot,  New  York  and  Tennessee  would  join 
him.  It  is  likewise  ascertained  that  he  perfectly 
understands  himself  with  Edward  Livingston,  who 
will  be  his  agent  at  the  seat  of  government. 

Thus  you  see  that  Mr.  Burr  is  resolved  to  pre 
serve  himself  in  a  situation  to  adhere  to  his  former 
friends,  engagements,  and  projects,  and  to  use  the 
Federalists  as  tools  of  his  aggrandizement. 


420  Alexander  Hamilton 

The  hope  that  by  his  election  he  will  be  separated 
from  the  Anti-federalists,  is  a  perfect  farce. 

He  will  satisfy  them  that  he  has  kept  himself  free 
to  continue  his  relations  with  them,  and  as  many  of 
them  are  secretly  attached  to  him,  they  will  all  be 
speedily  induced  to  rally  under  his  standard,  to 
which  he  will  add  the  unprincipled  of  our  party,  and 
he  will  laugh  at  the  rest. 

It  is  a  fact  that  Mr.  Burr  is  now  in  frequent  and 
close  conference  with  a  Frenchman,  who  is  suspected 
of  being  an  agent  of  the  French  Government,  and  it 
is  not  to  be  doubted  that  he  will  be  the  firm  ally  of 
Buonaparte. 

You  are  at  liberty  to  show  this  letter  to  such  friends 
as  you  think  fit,  especially  Mr.  Bayard,  of  Delaware, 
in  whose  principles  and  sound  sense  I  have  much 
confidence. 

Depend  upon  it,  men  never  played  a  more  foolish 
game  than  will  do  the  Federalists  if  they  support 
Burr. 


TO   THEODORE   SEDGWICK 

ALBANY,  Jan.  ax,  1801. 

DEAR  SIR: 

Being  in  a  hurry  to  leave  New  York  for  this  place, 
I  compressed,  in  a  letter  to  Bayard,  some  observa 
tions  which,  had  I  time,  I  should  have  put  in  a  reply 
to  your  last.  I  requested  him  to  communicate  it  to 
you,  and  I  beg  of  you,  as  you  love  your  country, 
your  friends,  and  yourself,  to  reconsider  dispas 
sionately  the  opinion  you  have  expressed  in  favor 
of  Burr. 


Private  Correspondence  421 

I  never  was  so  much  mistaken  as  I  shall  be  if  our 
friends,  in  the  event  of  their  success,  do  not  rue  the 
preference  they  will  give  to  that  Catiline.  Adieu. 


TO  MRS.    HAMILTON 

ON  THE  ROAD  TO  ALBANY,  Feb.,  1801. 

The  roads  are  too  bad  for  you  to  venture  in  your 
carriage,  if  you  can  possibly  avoid  it.  Don't  forget 
to  visit  the  Grange.  From  what  I  saw  there,  it  is 
very  important  the  drains  should  be  better  regulated. 
Leave,  in  particular  charge  of  Philip,  what  you  can 
not  yourself  accomplish. 


TO   MRS.    HAMILTON 

February  19,  1801. 

I  arrived  here,  my  beloved,  about  five  this  after 
noon.  I  ought  now  to  be  much  further  advanced. 
But  somehow  "Riddle"  sprained  the  ankle  of  one 
of  his  hind  legs,  which  very  much  retarded  my  pro 
gress  to-day.  By  care  and  indulgence,  he  is  much 
better  this  evening.  I  have  travelled  comfortably, 
and  my  health  is  better.  Wife,  children,  and  hobby 
are  the  only  things  upon  which  I  have  permitted  my 
thoughts  to  run.  As  often  as  I  write,  you  may  ex 
pect  to  hear  some  thing  of  the  latter.  Don't  lose 
any  opportunity  which  may  offer  of  ploughing  up 
the  new  garden  spot,  and  let  the  wagon  make  a  tour 


422  Alexander  Hamilton 

of  the  ground  lately  purchased.  When  it  is  too  cold 
to  go  on  with  grubbing,  our  men  may  be  employed  in 
cutting  and  clearing  away  the  underbrush  in  the 
grove  and  the  other  woods;  only  let  the  centre  of 
the  principal  wood  in  the  line  of  the  different  rocks 
remain  rough  and  wild. 

(Again  he  writes) :  I  am  less  and  less  pleased  with 
the  prospect  of  so  long  a  separation  from  my  beloved 
family,  and  you  may  depend  shall  shorten  it  as  much 
as  possible.  "  Dumphy ' '  had  planted  the  tulip  trees 
in  a  row  along  the  outer  fence  of  the  garden  in  the 
road,  and  was  collecting  some  hemlock  trees  to  plant 
between  them.  I  desired  him  to  place  these  in  a 
row  along  the  inner  fence.  But,  having  attended  to 
them  in  my  route,  I  shall  be  glad,  if  white  pines  are 
not  conveniently  to  be  had,  that  besides  those  along 
the  inner  fence,  there  may  be  one  hemlock  between 
every  two  of  the  tulip  trees  along  the  outer  fence. 


TO   MRS.    HAMILTON 

POUGHKEBPSIB,  Feb.  20,  i8oi. 

I  am  in  much  better  health  than  spirits.  The 
Swiss  malady  grows  upon  me  very  fast.  In  other 
words,  I  am  more  and  more  homesick.  This,  added 
to  some  other  circumstances  that  do  not  give  me 
pleasure  at  the  present  moment,  makes  me  rather 
heavy-hearted.  But  we  must  make  the  best  of 
those  ills  that  cannot  be  avoided.  The  occupation 
I  shall  have  at  Albany  will  divert  my  mind  from 


Private  Correspondence  423 

painful  reflections;  and  a  speedy  return  to  my  dear 
family  will  bring  me  a  cure.  Write  me  often,  and 
receive  every  wish  that  is  due  to  the  best  of  women. 
Kiss  my  children  for  me.  Adieu.1 


TO  

ALBANY,  Feb.  22,  1801. 

DEAR  SIR: 

After  my  ill  success  hitherto,  I  ought,  perhaps,  in 
prudence,  to  say  nothing  further  on  the  subject. 
But,  situated  as  things  now  are,  I  certainly  have  no 
advice  to  give.  Yet  I  may,  without  impropriety, 
communicate  a  fact;  it  is  this: 

Colonel  Burr  is  taking  an  active  personal  part  in 
favor  of  Mr.  Clinton  against  Mr.  Rensselaer,  as  gov 
ernor  of  this  State.  I  have,  upon  my  honor,  direct 
and  indubitable  evidence,  that  between  two  and 
three  weeks  past,  he  wrote  a  very  urgent  letter  to 
Oliver  Phelps,  of  the  western  part  of  this  State,  to 
induce  his  exertions  in  favor  of  Clinton.  Is  not  this 
an  unequivocal  confirmation  of  what  I  predicted 
that  he  will,  in  every  event,  continue  to  play  the 
Jacobin  game?  Can  any  thing  else  explain  his  con 
duct  at  such  a  moment,  and  under  such  circum 
stances?  I  might  add  several  other  things  to  prove 
that  he  is  resolved  to  adhere  to  and  cultivate  his  old 
party,  who  lately,  more  than  ever,  have  shown  the 
cloven  foot  of  rank  Jacobinism. 

1  These  three  letters  to  Mrs.  Hamilton  are  reprinted  from  the  History 
of  the  Republic,  vii.,  488  and  ff. 


424  Alexander  Hamilton 

TO   DR.    BENJAMIN   RUSH1 

NEW  YORK,  Feb.  12,  1802. 

DEAR  SIR: 

I  felt  all  the  weight  of  the  obligation  which  I  owed 
to  you  and  your  amiable  family  for  the  tender  con 
cern  they  manifested  in  an  event  beyond  comparison 
the  most  afflicting  of  my  life,  but  I  was  obliged  to 
wait  for  a  moment  of  greater  calm  to  express  my 
sense  of  the  kindness. 

My  loss  is  indeed  great.  The  brightest  as  well  as 
the  eldest  hope  of  my  family  has  been  taken  from  me. 
You  estimated  him  rightly.  He  was  a  fine  youth. 
But  why  should  I  repine?  It  was  the  will  of  heaven, 
and  he  is  now  out  of  the  reach  of  the  seductions  and 
calamities  of  a  world  full  of  folly,  full  of  vice,  full  of 
danger — of  least  value  in  proportion  as  it  is  best 
known.  I  firmly  trust,  also,  that  he  has  safely 
reached  the  haven  of  eternal  repose  and  felicity. 

You  will  easily  imagine  that  every  memorial  of 
the  goodness  of  his  heart  must  be  precious  to  me. 
You  allude  to  one  recorded  in  a  letter  to  your  son. 
If  no  special  reasons  forbid  it,  I  should  be  very  glad 
to  have  a  copy  of  that  letter. 

Mrs.  Hamilton,  who  has  drunk  deeply  of  the  cup 
of  sorrow,  joins  me  in  affectionate  thanks  to  Mrs. 
Rush  and  yourself;  our  wishes  for  your  happiness 
will  be  unceasing. 

1  The  distinguished  physician  and  patriot  of  Philadelphia.  The 
letter  refers  to  the  death  of  Hamilton's  eldest  son,  Philip,  who  was 
killed  in  a  duel  arising  from  a  political  quarrel. 


Private  Correspondence  425 

TO   GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS 

NEW  YORK,  Feb.  27,  1802. 

MY  DEAR  SIR: 

Your  letter  of  the  226.  is  the  third  favor  I  am  in 
debted  to  you  since  you  left  New  York. 

Your  frankness  in  giving  me  your  opinion  as  to  the 
expediency  of  an  application  of  our  bar  to  Congress, 
obliged  me.  But  you  know  we  are  not  readily  per 
suaded  to  think  we  have  been  wrong.  Were  the 
matter  to  be  done  over,  I  should  pursue  the  same 
course.  I  did  not  believe  the  measure  would  be  use 
ful  as  a  preventive,  and  for  the  people  an  expres 
sion  of  an  opinion  by  letter  would  be  as  good  as  a 
memorial. 

It  appeared  to  be  best,  because  it  saved  our  deli 
cacy,  and  because  in  the  abstract,  I  am  not  over  fond 
of  the  precedent  of  the  bar  addressing  Congress. 
But  I  did  what  I  thought  likely  to  do  more  good.  I 
induced  the  Chamber  of  Commerce  to  send  a  me 
morial.  As  to  the  rest,  I  should  be  a  very  unhappy 
man,  if  I  left  my  tranquillity  at  the  mercy  of  the 
misinterpretations  which  friends  as  well  as  foes  are 
fond  of  giving  to  my  conduct. 

Mine  is  an  odd  destiny.  Perhaps  no  man  in  the 
United  States  has  sacrificed  or  done  more  for  the 
present  Constitution  than  myself;  and  contrary  to 
all  my  anticipations  of  its  fate,  as  you  know  from 
the  very  beginning,  I  am  still  laboring  to  prop  the 
frail  and  worthless  fabric.  Yet  I  have  the  murmurs 
of  its  friends  no  less  than  the  curses  of  its  foes 
for  my  reward.  What  can  I  do  better  than  with 
draw  from  the  scene?  Every  day  proves  to  me 


426  Alexander  Hamilton 

more  and  more,  that  this  American  world  was  not 
made  for  me. 

The  suggestions  with  which  you  close  your  letter 
suppose  a  much  sounder  state  of  the  public  mind 
than  at  present  exists.  Attempts  to  make  a  show 
of  a  general  popular  dislike  of  the  pending  measures 
of  the  government,  would  only  serve  to  manifest  the 
direct  reverse.  Impressions  are  indeed  making,  but 
as  yet  within  a  very  narrow  sphere. 

The  time  may  erelong  arrive  when  the  minds  of 
men  will  be  prepared  to  make  an  effort  to  recover  the 
Constitution,  but  the  many  cannot  now  be  brought 
to  make  a  stand  for  its  preservation.  We  must 
wait  a  while. 

I  have  read  your  speeches  with  great  pleasure. 
They  are  truly  worthy  of  you.  Your  real  friends 
had  many  sources  of  satisfaction  on  account  of  them. 
The  conspiracy  of  dulness  was  at  work.  It  chose  to 
misinterpret  your  moderation  in  certain  transactions 
of  a  personal  reference. 

A  public  energetic  display  of  your  talents  and  prin 
ciples  was  requisite  to  silence  the  cavillers.  It  is 
now  done.  You,  friend  Morris,  are  by  birth  a  native 
of  this  country,  but  by  genius  an  exotic.  You  mis 
take,  if  you  fancy  that  you  are  more  of  a  favorite 
than  myself,  or  that  you  are  in  any  sort  upon  a 
theatre  suited  to  you. 


s.  OfT'J'V,     'Ji  I  J 


Private  Correspondence  427 

TO   GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS 

NEW  YORK,  March  4,  1802. 

MY  DEAR  SIR: 

You  have  seen  certain  resolutions  unanimously 
pass  our  Legislature  for  amending  the  Constitution; 
ist,  by  designating  separately  the  candidates  for 
President  and  Vice-President ;  2d,  by  having  electors 
chosen  by  the  people  in  districts  under  the  direction 
of  the  national  Legislature. 

After  mature  reflection,  I  was  thoroughly  con 
firmed  in  my  full  impression,  that  it  is  true  federal 
policy  to  promote  the  adoption  of  these  amendments. 

Of  the  first,  not  only  because  it  is  in  itself  right, 
that  the  people  should  know  whom  they  are  choosing, 
and  because  the  present  mode  gives  all  possible  scope 
to  intrigue,  and  is  dangerous  (as  we  have  seen)  to 
the  public  tranquillity ;  but  because  in  every  thing 
which  gives  opportunity  for  juggling  arts,  our  ad 
versaries  will  nine  times  out  of  ten  excel  us. 

Of  the  second,  because  it  removes  thus  far  the  in 
tervention  of  the  State  governments,  and  strengthens 
the  connection  between  the  Federal  head  and  the 
people,  and  because  it  diminishes  the  means  of  party 
combination,  in  which  also,  the  burning  zeal  of  our 
opponents  will  be  generally  an  overmatch  for  our 
temperate  flame. 

I  shall  be  very  happy  that  our  friends  may  think 
with  me,  and  that  no  temporary  motive  may  induce 
them  to  let  slip  the  precious  occasion  in  which  per 
sonal  motives  induce  the  other  party  to  forget  their 
true  policy. 

We  are  told  here,  that  at  the  close  of  your  birth- 


428  Alexander  Hamilton 

day  feast,  a  strange  apparition,  which  was  taken 
for  the  Vice-President,  appeared  among  you,  and 
toasted  "  the  union  of  all  honest  men."  I  often  hear 
at  the  corner  of  the  streets  important  federal  secrets, 
of  which  I  am  ignorant.  This  may  be  one. 

If  the  story  be  true,  't  is  a  good  thing,  if  we  use 
it  well.  As  an  instrument,  the  person  will  be  an 
auxiliary  of  some  value;  as  a  chief,  he  will  disgrace 
and  destroy  the  party. 

I  suspect,  however,  the  folly  of  the  mass  will  make 
him  the  latter,  and  from  the  moment  it  shall  appear 
that  this  is  the  plan,  it  may  be  depended  upon  much 
more  will  be  lost  than  gained.  I  know  of  no  more 
important  character,  who  has  a  less  founded  interest 
than  the  man  in  question.  His  talents  may  do  well 
enough  for  a  particular  plot,  but  they  are  ill  suited  to 
a  great  and  wise  drama.  But  what  has  wisdom  to 
do  with  weak  men?  Adieu. 


TO  GENERAL  CHARLES  COTESWORTH  PINCKNEY 

March  15,  1802. 

You  will  probably  have  learned  before  this  reaches 
you  that  the  act  of  last  session  for  the  better  organi 
zation  of  the  Judiciary  Department  has  been  re 
pealed,  and  I  take  it  for  granted  that  you  will,  with 
me,  view  this  measure  as  a  vital  blow  to  the  Con 
stitution.  In  my  opinion  it  demands  a  systematic 
and  persevering  effort  by  all  constitutional  means  to 
produce  a  revocation  of  the  precedent,  and  to  re 
store  the  Constitution.  For  this  purpose  I  deem  it 


Private  Correspondence  429 

essential  that  there  should  be,  without  delay,  a 
meeting  and  conference  of  a  small  number  of  lead 
ing  Federalists  from  different  States.  Unless  there 
shall  be  a  plan  of  conduct  proceeding  from  such  a 
source,  our  measures  will  be  disjointed,  discordant, 
and  of  course  ineffectual.  There  is  also  a  further 
danger  which  may  attend  the  want  of  a  plan  capable 
of  fixing  opinions  and  determining  objects.  There 
are  among  us  incorrect  men  with  very  incorrect 
views,  which  may  lead  to  combinations  and  projects 
injurious  to  us  as  a  party  and  very  detrimental  to 
the  country.  These  considerations  have  determined 
me  to  make  an  attempt  to  bring  about  such  a  meet 
ing.  And  it  has  occurred  that  the  first  Monday  of 
May  next,  at  the  city  of  Washington,  may  be  a  good 
time  and  place.  A  general  meeting  of  the  Society 
of  the  Cincinnati  is  to  be  then  and  there  held.  I 
have  likewise  taken  the  liberty  to  request  the  attend 
ance  of  Governor  Davie,  of  North  Carolina.  In  the 
event  of  your  concurring  in  sentiment  with  me,  it 
will  be  expedient  for  you  to  second  my  invitation  to 
him.1 


TO  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS 

NEW  YORK,  April  6,  1802. 

Amidst  the  humiliating  circumstances  which  at 
tend  our  country,  all  the  sound  part  of  the  com 
munity  must  find  cause  of  triumph  in  the  brilliant 
display  of  talents  which  have  been  employed,  though 
without  success,  in  resisting  the  follies  of  an  in- 

1  Reprinted  from  the  History  of  the  Republic,  vii.,  564. 


43°  Alexander  Hamilton 

fatuated  administration;  and  your  personal  friends 
will  not  have  much  reason  for  mortification  on  ac 
count  of  the  part  you  have  performed  in  the  interest 
ing  scene.  But,  my  dear  sir,  we  must  not  content 
ourselves  with  a  temporary  effort  to  oppose  the  ap 
proach  of  evil.  We  must  derive  instruction  from 
the  experience  before  us;  and  learning  to  form  a 
just  estimate  of  things  to  which  we  have  been  at 
tached,  there  must  be  a  systematic  and  persevering 
endeavor  to  establish  the  fortune  of  a  great  empire 
on  foundations  much  firmer  than  have  yet  been  de 
vised.  What  will  signify  a  vibration  of  power  if  it 
cannot  be  used  with  confidence  or  energy,  and  must 
be  again  quickly  restored  to  hands  which  will  pros 
trate  much  faster  than  we  shall  be  able  to  rear  under 
so  frail  a  system?  Nothing  will  be  done  until  the 
structure  of  our  national  edifice  shall  be  such  as 
naturally  to  control  eccentric  passions  and  views, 
and  to  keep  in  check  demagogues  and  knaves  in  the 
disguise  of  patriots.  Yet  I  fear  a  different  reasoning 
will  prevail,  and  an  eagerness  to  recover  lost  power 
will  betray  us  into  expedients  which  will  be  injurious 
to  the  country  and  disgraceful  and  ruinous  to  our 
selves.  What  meant  the  apparition  and  the  toast 
which  made  part  of  the  after-piece  of  the  birthday 
festival?  Is  it  possible  that  some  new  intrigue  is 
about  to  link  the  Federalists  with  a  man  who  can 
never  be  anything  else  than  the  bane  of  a  good  cause? 
I  dread  more  from  this  than  from  all  the  contrivances 
of  the  bloated  and  senseless  junto  of  Virginia. 

The  Federalists  and  Anti-federalists  of  this  State 
united  in  certain  amendments  to  the  Constitution 


Private  Correspondence  431 

now  before  your  House,  having  for  objects,  ist,  to 
discriminate  the  candidates  for  the  Presidency  and 
Vice-Presidency;  2d,  to  have  the  electors  of  these 
officers  chosen  by  the  people,  in  districts,  under  the 
direction  of  Congress.  Both  these  appear  to  me 
points  of  importance  in  true  federal  calculation. 
Surely  the  scene  of  last  session  ought  to  teach  us  the 
intrinsic  demerits  of  the  existing  plan.  It  proved 
to  us  how  possible  it  is  for  a  man  in  whom  no  party 
had  confidence,  and  who  deserved  the  confidence  of 
none,  by  mere  intrigue  and  accident,  to  acquire  the 
first  place  in  the  government  of  our  nation;  and  it 
also  proves  to  us  how  serious  a  danger  of  convulsion 
and  disorder  is  incident  to  the  plan.  On  this  point 
things  have  come  to  my  knowledge,  improper  for  a 
letter,  which  would  astonish  you.  Surely,  we  ought 
by  this  time  to  have  learnt  that  whatever  multi 
plies  the  opportunities  and  means  of  cabal,  is  more 
favorable  to  our  adversaries  than  to  us.  They  have 
certainly  the  advantage  in  the  game  by  greater  zeal, 
activity,  and  subtlety,  and  especially  by  an  aban 
donment  of  principle.  On  all  these  accounts  it  is 
our  true  policy  to  abridge  the  facilities  to  cabal  as 
much  as  possible  in  all  our  public  institutions  and 
measures.  As  to  the  second  of  the  amendments,  it 
has  ever  appeared  to  me  as  sound  principle  to  let  the 
federal  government  rest,  as  much  as  possible,  on  the 
shoulders  of  the  people,  and  as  little  as  possible  on 
those  of  the  State  Legislatures.  The  proposition 
accords  with  this  principle,  and,  in  my  view,  it  is 
further  recommended  by  its  tendency  to  exclude 
combinations \  which,  I  am  persuaded,  in  the  general 


43 2  Alexander  Hamilton 

and  permanent  course  of  things,  will  operate  more 
against  than  for  us.  Colonel  Burr,  without  doubt, 
will  resist  these  amendments;  and  he  may  induce 
some  of  our  friends  to  play  into  his  hands;  but  this 
will  be  a  very  bad  calculation,  even  admitting  the 
inadmissible  idea  that  he  ought  to  be  adopted  as  a 
chief  of  the  federal  party.  We  never  can  have  him 
fairly  in  our  power,  till  we  render  his  situation  ab 
solutely  hopeless  with  his  old  friends.  While  the 
indiscriminate  voting  prevails,  he  will  find  it  his  in 
terest  to  play  fast  and  loose,  and  to  keep  himself  in 
a  state  to  be  at  the  head  of  the  anti-federal  party. 
If  these  hopes  are  cut  off,  he  will  immediately  set 
about  forming  a  third  party,  of  which  he  will  be  at 
the  head;  and  then,  if  we  think  it  worth  the  while, 
we  can  purchase  him  with  his  flying  squadron. 

These  observations  are,  of  course,  hypothetical, 
for,  to  my  mind,  the  elevation  of  Mr.  Burr,  by  fed 
eral  means,  to  the  chief  magistracy  of  the  United 
States,  will  be  the  worst  kind  of  political  suicide. 


TO   JAMES    A.    BAYARD 

NEW  YORK,  April,  1802. 

MY  DEAR  SIR: 

Your  letter  of  the  i2th  instant  has  relieved  me 
from  some  apprehension.  Yet  it  is  well  that  it 
should  be  perfectly  understood  by  the  truly  sound 
part  of  the  Federalists  that  there  do,  in  fact,  exist 
intrigues  in  good  earnest  between  several  individuals 
not  unimportant,  of  the  federal  party,  and  the  per 
son  in  question,  which  are  bottomed  upcn  motives 


Private  Correspondence  433 

and  views  by  no  means  auspicious  to  the  real  welfare 
of  the  country.  I  am  glad  to  find  that  it  is  in  con 
templation  to  adopt  a  plan  of  conduct.  It  is  very 
necessary;  and,  to  be  useful,  it  must  be  efficient  and 
comprehensive  in  the  means  which  it  embraces,  at 
the  same  time  that  it  must  meditate  none  which  are 
not  really  constitutional  and  patriotic.  I  will  com 
ply  with  your  invitation  by  submitting  some  ideas 
which,  from  time  to  time,  have  passed  through  my 
mind.  Nothing  is  more  fallacious  than  to  expect  to 
produce  any  valuable  or  permanent  results  in  po 
litical  projects  by  relying  merely  on  the  reason  of 
men.  Men  are  rather  reasoning  than  reasonable 
animals,  for  the  most  part  governed  by  the  impulse 
of  passion.  This  is  a  truth  well  understood  by  our 
adversaries,  who  have  practised  upon  it  with  no 
small  benefit  to  their  cause;  for  at  the  very  moment 
they  are  eulogizing  the  reason  of  men,  and  professing 
to  appeal  only  to  that  faculty,  they  are  courting  the 
strongest  and  most  active  passion  of  the  human 
heart,  vanity!  It  is  no  less  true,  that  the  Federalists 
seem  not  to  have  attended  to  the  fact  sufficiently; 
and  that  they  erred  in  relying  so  much  on  the  recti 
tude  and  utility  of  their  measures  as  to  have  ne 
glected  the  cultivation  of  popular  favor,  by  fair  and 
justifiable  expedients.  The  observation  has  been 
repeatedly  made  by  me  to  individuals  with  whom  I 
particularly  conversed,  and  expedients  suggested  for 
gaining  good  will,  which  were  never  adopted.  Un 
luckily,  however,  for  us,  in  the  competition  for  the 
passions  of  the  people,  our  opponents  have  great  ad 
vantages  over  us;  for  the  plain  reason  that  the 


VOL.  x. — a8. 


434  Alexander  Hamilton 

vicious  are  far  more  active  than  the  good  passions; 
and  that,  to  win  the  former  to  our  side,  we  must  re 
nounce  our  principles  and  our  objects,  and  unite 
in  corrupting  public  opinion  till  it  becomes  fit  for 
nothing  but  mischief.  Yet,  unless  we  can  contrive 
to  take  hold  of,  and  carry  along  with  us  some  strong 
feelings  of  the  mind,  we  shall  in  vain  calculate  upon 
any  substantial  or  durable  results.  Whatever  plan 
we  may  adopt,  to  be  successful,  must  be  founded  on 
the  truth  of  this  proposition.  And  perhaps  it  is  not 
very  easy  for  us  to  give  it  full  effects ;  especially  not 
without  some  deviations  from  what,  on  other  occa 
sions,  we  have  maintained  to  be  right.  But  in  de 
termining  upon  the  propriety  of  the  deviations,  we 
must  consider  whether  it  be  possible  for  us  to  suc 
ceed,  without,  in  some  degree,  employing  the  weap 
ons  which  have  been  employed  against  us,  and 
whether  the  actual  state  and  future  prospect  of 
things  be  not  such  as  to  justify  the  reciprocal  use  of 
them.  I  need  not  tell  you  that  I  do  not  mean  to 
countenance  the  imitation  of  things  intrinsically  un 
worthy,  but  only  of  such  as  may  be  denominated 
irregular;  such  as,  in  a  sound  and  stable  order  of 
things,  ought  not  to  exist.  Neither  are  you  to  infer 
that  any  revolutionary  result  is  contemplated.  In 
my  opinion,  the  present  Constitution  is  the  standard 
to  which  we  are  to  cling.  Under  its  banners,  bona 
fide,  must  we  combat  our  political  foes,  rejecting  all 
changes  but  through  the  channel  itself  provides  for 
amendments.  By  these  general  views  of  the  subject 
have  my  reflections  been  guided.  I  now  offer  you 
the  outline  of  the  plan  which  they  have  suggested. 


Private  Correspondence  435 

Let  an  association  be  formed  to  be  denominated 
"  The  Christian  Constitutional  Society."  Its  objects 
to  be: 

i  st.     The  support  of  the  Christian  religion. 

2d.  The  support  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States. 

Its  organization 

i  st.  A  council,  consisting  of  a  president  and 
twelve  members,  of  whom  four  and  the  president  to 
be  a  quorum. 

2d.  A  sub-directing  council  in  each  State,  con 
sisting  of  a  vice-president  and  twelve  members,  of 
whom  four,  with  the  vice-president,  to  be  a  quorum. 

3d.  As  many  societies  in  each  State  as  local  cir 
cumstances  may  permit  to  be  formed  by  the  sub- 
directing  council. 

The  meeting  at  Washington  to  nominate  the 
president  and  vice-president,  together  with  four 
members  of  each  of  the  councils,  who  are  to  com 
plete  their  own  numbers  respectively. 

Its  means 

i  st.  The  diffusion  of  information.  For  this  pur 
pose  not  only  the  newspapers,  but  pamphlets,  must 
be  largely  employed,  and  to  do  this  a  fund  must  be 
created;  five  dollars  annually,  for  eight  years,  to  be 
contributed  by  each  member  who  can  really  afford 
it  (taking  care  not  to  burthen  the  less  able  brethren), 
may  afford  a  competent  fund  for  a  competent  term. 
It  is  essential  to  be  able  to  disseminate  gratis  useful 


436  Alexander  Hamilton 

publications.  Wherever  it  can  be  done,  and  there 
is  a  press,  clubs  should  be  formed,  to  meet  once 
a  week,  read  the  newspapers,  and  prepare  essays, 
paragraphs,  etc. 

2d.  The  use  of  all  lawful  means  in  concert  to  pro 
mote  the  election  of  -fit  men;  a  lively  correspondence 
must  be  kept  up  between  the  different  societies. 

3d.  The  promoting  of  institutions  of  a  charitable 
and  useful  nature  in  the  management  of  Federalists. 
The  populous  cities  ought  particularly  to  be  attended 
to;  perhaps  it  would  be  well  to  institute  in  such 
places — ist,  societies  for  the  relief  of  emigrants;  2d, 
academies,  each  with  one  professor,  for  instructing 
the  different  classes  of  mechanics  in  the  principles 
of  mechanics  and  the  elements  of  chemistry.  The 
cities  have  been  employed  by  the  Jacobins  to  give 
an  impulse  to  the  country;  and  it  is  believed  to  be 
an  alarming  fact  that,  while  the  question  of  presi 
dential  election  was  pending  in  the  House  of  Re 
presentatives,  parties  were  organizing  in  several  of 
the  cities  in  the  event  of  there  being  no  election,  to 
cut  off  the  leading  Federalists  and  seize  the  govern 
ment. 

The  foregoing  to  be  the  principal  engine,  and,  in 
addition,  let  measures  be  adopted  to  bring  as  soon  as 
possible  the  repeal  of  the  judiciary  law  before  the 
Supreme  Court;  afterwards,  if  not  before,  let  as 
many  Legislatures  as  can  be  prevailed  upon  instruct 
their  Senators  to  endeavor  to  procure  a  repeal  of  the 
repealing  law.  The  body  of  New  England,  speaking 
the  same  language,  will  give  a  powerful  impulse.  In 
Congress  our  friends  to  propose  little,  to  agree  cor- 


Private  Correspondence  437 

dially  to  all  good  measures,  and  to  resist  and  expose 
all  bad.  This  is  a  general  sketch  of  what  has  occurred 
to  me.  It  is  at  the  service  of  my  friends  for  so  much 
as  it  may  be  worth. 

TO   RUFUS   KING 

NEW  YORK,  June  3,  1802. 

MY  DEAR  SIR: 

I  have  been  long  very  delinquent  towards  you  as 
a  correspondent,  and  am  to  thank  you  that  you  have 
not  cast  me  off  altogether  as  an  irretrievable  repro 
bate.  But  you  know  how  to  appreciate  the  causes, 
and  you  have  made  a  construction  equally  just  and 
indulgent. 

In  your  last  you  ask  my  opinion  about  a  matter 
delicate  and  important,  both  in  a  public  and  in  a 
personal  view.  I  shall  give  it  with  the  frankness  to 
which  you  have  a  right,  and  I  may  add  that  the  im 
pressions  of  your  other  friends,  so  far  as  they  have 
fallen  under  my  observation,  do  not  differ  from  my 
own.  While  you  were  in  the  midst  of  a  negotiation 
interesting  to  your  country,  it  was  your  duty  to 
keep  your  post.  You  have  now  accomplished  the 
object,  and  with  the  good  fortune,  not  very  common, 
of  having  the  universal  plaudit.  This  done,  it  seems 
to  me  most  advisable  that  you  return  home.  There 
is  little  probability  that  your  continuance  in  your 
present  station  will  be  productive  of  much  positive 
good.  Nor  are  circumstances  such  as  to  give  reason 
to  apprehend  that  the  substitute  for  you,  whoever 
he  may  be,  can  do  much  harm.  Your  stay  or  return, 
therefore,  as  it  regards  our  transatlantic  concerns, 


Alexander  Hamilton 

is  probably  not  material,  while  your  presence  at 
home  may  be  useful  in  ways  which  it  is  not  neces 
sary  to  particularize.  Besides,  it  is  questionable 
whether  you  can  long  continue  in  the  service  of  the 
present  administration  consistently  with  what  is 
due,  as  well  to  your  own  character  as  to  the  common 
cause.  I  am  far  from  thinking  that  a  man  is  bound 
to  quit  a  public  office  merely  because  the  administra 
tion  of  the  government  may  have  changed  hands. 
But  when  those  who  have  come  into  power  are  un 
disguised  persecutors  of  the  party  to  which  he  has 
been  attached,  and  study  with  ostentation  to  heap 
upon  it  every  indignity  and  injury,  he  ought  not,  in 
my  opinion,  to  permit  himself  to  be  made  an  excep 
tion,  or  to  lend  his  talents  to  the  support  of  such 
characters.  If,  in  addition  to  this,  it  be  true  that 
the  principles  and  plans  of  the  men  at  the  head  of 
affairs  tend  to  the  degradation  of  the  government, 
and  to  their  own  disgrace,  it  will  hardly  be  possible 
to  be  in  any  way  connected  with  them  without  shar 
ing  in  the  disrepute  which  they  may  be  destined  to 
experience. 

I  wish  I  had  time  to  give  you  a  comprehensive  and 
particular  map  of  our  political  situation;  but  more 
than  a  rude  outline  is  beyond  my  leisure,  devoted  as 
I  am  more  than  ever  to  my  professional  pursuits. 

You  have  seen  the  course  of  the  administration 
hitherto,  especially  during  the  last  session  of  Con 
gress,  and  I  am  persuaded  you  will  agree  with  me  in 
opinion,  that  it  could  hardly  have  been  more  dili 
gent  in  mischief.  What,  you  will  ask,  has  been  and 
is  likely  to  be  the  effect  on  the  public  mind? 


Private  Correspondence  439 

Our  friends  are  sanguine  that  a  great  change  for 
the  better  has  been  wrought  and  is  progressive.  I 
suppose  good  has  been  done — that  the  Federal 
ists  have  been  reunited  and  cemented;  have  been 
awakened,  alarmed.  Perhaps,  too,  there  may  be 
some  sensible  and  moderate  men  of  the  opposite 
party  who  are  beginning  to  doubt.  But  I  as  yet 
discover  no  satisfactory  symptoms  of  a  revolution 
of  opinion  in  the  mass — "informe  ingens  cui  lumen 
ademptum."  Nor  do  I  look  with  much  expecta 
tion  to  any  serious  alteration  until  inconveniences 
are  extensively  felt,  or  until  time  has  produced  a 
disposition  to  coquet  it  with  new  lovers.  Vibra 
tions  of  power,  you  are  aware,  are  of  the  genius  of 
our  government. 

There  is,  however  a  circumstance  which  may  ac 
celerate  the  fall  of  the  present  party.  There  is  cer 
tainly  a  most  serious  schism  between  the  chief  and 
his  heir-apparent;  a  schism  absolutely  incurable,  be 
cause  founded  in  the  hearts  of  both,  in  the  rivalship 
of  an  insatiable  and  unprincipled  ambition.  The 
effects  are  already  apparent,  and  are  ripening  into  a 
more  bitter  animosity  between  the  partisans  of  the 
two  men,  than  ever  existed  between  the  Federalists 
and  Anti-federalists. 

Unluckily,  we  are  not  as  neutral  to  this  quarrel  as 
we  ought  to  be.  You  saw,  however,  how  far  our 
friends  in  Congress  went  in  polluting  themselves 
with  the  support  of  the  second  personage  for  the 
Presidency.  The  cabal  did  not  terminate  there. 
Several  men  of  no  inconsiderable  importance  among 
us  like  the  enterprising  and  adventurous  character 


44-O  Alexander  Hamilton 

of  this  man,  and  hope  to  soar  with  him  to  power. 
Many  more,  through  hatred  to  the  chief,  and  through 
an  impatience  to  recover  the  reins,  are  linking  them 
selves  to  the  new  chief  almost  without  perceiving  it, 
and  professing  to  have  no  other  object  than  to  make 
use  of  him;  while  he  knows  that  he  is  making  use  of 
them.  What  this  may  end  in,  it  is  difficult  to  per 
ceive. 

Of  one  thing  only  I  am  sure,  that  in  no  event  will 
I  be  directly  or  indirectly  implicated  in  a  responsi 
bility  for  the  elevation  or  support  of  either  of  two 
men  who,  in  different  senses,  are  in  my  eyes  equally 
unworthy  of  the  confidence  of  intelligent  or  honest 
men. 

Truly,  my  dear  sir,  the  prospects  of  our  country 
are  not  brilliant.  The  mass  is  far  from  sound.  At 
headquarters  a  most  visionary  theory  presides.  De 
pend  upon  it,  this  is  the  fact  to  a  great  extreme.  No 
army,  no  navy,  no  active  commerce;  national  de 
fence,  not  by  arms,  but  by  embargoes,  prohibitions 
of  trade,  etc. ;  as  little  government  as  possible  within ; 
— these  are  the  pernicious  dreams  which,  as  far  and 
as  fast  as  possible,  will  be  attempted  to  be  realized. 
Mr.  Jefferson  is  distressed  at  the  codfish  having  lat 
terly  emigrated  to  the  southern  coast,  lest  the  people 
there  should  be  tempted  to  catch  them,  and  com 
merce,  of  which  we  have  already  too  much,  receive 
an  accession.  Be  assured  this  is  no  pleasantry,  but 
a  very  sober  anecdote 

Among  Federalists  old  errors  are  not  cured. 
They  also  continue  to  dream,  though  not  quite  so 
preposterously  as  their  opponents.  All  will  be  very 


Private  Correspondence  441 

well  (say  they)  when  the  power  once  gets  back  into 
federal  hands.  The  people,  convinced  by  experience 
of  their  error,  will  repose  a  permanent  confidence  in 
good  men.  Risum  teneatis. 


TO  THE   EDITOR  OF  THE    "EVENING   POST" 

NEW  YORK,  Aug.  10,  1802. 

SIR: 

Finding  that  a  story,  long  since  propagated,  tinder 
circumstances  which  it  was  expected  would  soon  con 
sign  it  to  oblivion  (and  by  which  I  have  been  com 
plimented  at  the  expense  of  Generals  Washington 
and  Lafayette),  has  of  late  been  revived,  and  has 
acquired  a  degree  of  importance  by  being  repeated 
in  different  publications,  as  well  in  Europe  as  Amer 
ica,  it  becomes  a  duty  to  counteract  its  currency  and 
influence  by  an  explicit  disavowal.  The  story  im 
ports  in  substance,  that  General  Lafayette,  with  the 
approbation  or  connivance  of  General  Washington, 
ordered  me,  as  the  officer  who  was  to  command 
the  attack  on  a  British  redoubt,  in  the  course  of  the 
siege  of  York  Town,  to  put  to  death  all  those  of  the 
enemy  who  should  happen  to  be  taken  in  the  redoubt, 
and  that,  through  motives  of  humanity,  I  forbore  to 
execute  the  order.  Positively  and  unequivocally  I 
declare,  that  no  such  nor  similar  order,  nor  any  in 
timation  nor  hint  resembling  it,  was  ever  by  me 
received,  or  understood  to  have  been  given.  It  is 
needless  to  enter  into  an  explanation  of  some  occur 
rences  on  the  occasion  alluded  to,  which  may  be  con 
jectured  to  have  given  rise  to  the  calumny.  It  is 


44  2  Alexander  Hamilton 

enough  to  say  that  they  were  entirely  disconnected 
with  any  act  of  either  of  the  generals  who  have  been 
accused. 

With  esteem,  I  am,  sir,  your  most  obedient  ser 
vant.1 


TO    OLIVER   WOLCOTT 

GRANGE,  Aug.  14,  1802. 

MY  DEAR  SIR: 

When  you  were  last  in  town,  I  proposed  to  com 
municate  to  you  the  outline  of  a  project,  by  which  I 
think  you  may  enter  upon  a  career  of  business  bene 
ficial  to  yourself  and  friends.  My  almost  constant 
attendance  at  court  ever  since  you  were  here,  has 
retarded  the  communication  which  I  shall  now  make. 

Let  a  commercial  capital  be  found,  to  consist  of 
100,000  dollars,  divided  into  shares  of  $100  each.  A 
subscriber  to  pay  in  cash  one  tenth  of  his  subscription, 
and  for  the  residue  7  per  centum  per  annum.  It 
will  then  be  his  interest  to  pay  up  as  soon  as  he  can. 

The  subscribers  to  form  a  partnership,  under  the 
firm  of  Oliver  Wolcott  &  Co. ;  Oliver  Wolcott  alone 
to  have  the  signature  of  the  firm,  and  the  active 
management  of  the  affairs  of  the  company,  with  an 
allowance  of  $1,500  per  annum  out  of  the  profits 
for  the  trouble  of  management,  besides  his  share  of 
profits  as  a  partner. 

Oliver  Wolcott  and  two  others  of  the  partners  to 
form  a  board  of  direction,  to  plan,  etc. 

Clerks  and  all  incidental  expenses  to  be  paid  out 
of  the  fund. 

1  Reprinted  from  the  History  of  the  Republic,  ii.,  271. 


Private  Correspondence  443 

The  objects  of  the  company. 

1.  Agencies  of  purchase  and  sales  of  land,  stocks, 
etc. 

2.  Factorage  of  cargoes,  consigned  on  commis 
sion;  purchase  of  goods  on  commission,  etc. ;  in  brief, 
"the  business  of  a  commission  merchant  merely ." 

3.  Purchases  at  auction,  and  sales  of  the  articles 
purchased. 

4.  Loans  of  money  on  deposit  of  goods,  with  a 
right,  if  not  redeemed  in  time,  to  sell  on  commission, 
perhaps. 

Speculative  enterprises  in  navigation  and  com 
merce  to  be  excluded. 

In  a  company  thus  formed  under  your  manage 
ment,  I  should  be  willing  to  become  a  partner  for 
from  5  to  10,000  dollars,  and  I  have  no  doubt  that 
the  capital  will  be  readily  formed  of  confidential 
and  trustworthy  characters,  who  would  insure  great 
credit  to  the  house.  I  am  also  confident,  that  when 
it  should  be  known  in  Europe  that  certain  characters 
were  of  the  company,  it  would  attract  a  good  portion 
of  profitable  employment. 

I  will  enter  into  no  further  detail.  If  the  project 
impresses  you  favorably,  come  to  New  York,  and  we 
will  give  it  form,  and  finish  and  prepare  for  execu 
tion.  Do  not  lightly  reject  it. 

TO   GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS 

GRANGE,  Sept.  4,  1802. 

MY  DEAR  SIR: 

I  fully  intended  to  have  dined  with  you  to  day, 
but,  going  to  town  the  two  last  days,  and  forgetting 


444  Alexander  Hamilton 

that  I  ought  to  observe  a  regimen,  I  have  brought 
back,  in  some  degree,  the  complaint  which  lately  an 
noyed  me,  and  which  requires  to  be  well  watched. 
This  must  deprive  me  of  the  pleasure  of  seeing  you. 

I  send  schedules  of  the  papers  required  of  Tillier, 
all  which  have  been  put  into  my  hands ;  the  bills  to 
remain  till  the  close  of  the  affair;  the  other  docu 
ments  to  be  delivered  to  your  order. 

I  also  send  a  draught  of  the  trust  deed.  It  en 
deavors  to  comply  with  your  suggestion,  as  far  as 
can  be  done  without  running  foul  of  the  danger  de 
sired  to  be  avoided. 

Your  guests  are  invited  to  dine  with  us  Thursday 
next. 

Will  you  make  one? 


TO   GENERAL   CHARLES   COTESWORTH   PINCKNEY 
GRANGE  (NEW  YORK),  Dec.  29,  1802. 

MY  DEAR  SIR: 

A  garden,  you  know,  is  a  very  useful  refuge  of  a 
disappointed  politician.  Accordingly,  I  have  pur 
chased  a  few  acres  about  nine  miles  from  town,  have 
built  a  house,  and  am  cultivating  a  garden.  The 
melons  in  your  country  are  very  fine.  Will  you  have 
the  goodness  to  send  me  some  seed,  both  of  the 
water  and  musk  melons?  My  daughter  adds  an 
other  request,  which  is  for  three  or  four  of  your 
paroquets.  She  is  very  fond  of  birds.  If  there  be 
any  thing  in  this  quarter  the  sending  of  which  can 
give  you  pleasure,  you  have  only  to  name  them. 


Private  Correspondence  445 

As  farmers,  a  new  source  of  sympathy  has  arisen 
between  us,  and  I  am  pleased  with  every  thing  in 
which  our  likings  and  tastes  can  be  approximated. 
Amidst  the  triumphant  reign  of  democracy,  do  you 
retain  sufficient  interest  in  public  affairs  to  feel  any 
curiosity  about  what  is  going  on?  In  my  opinion, 
the  follies  and  vices  of  the  administration  have  as 
yet  made  no  material  impression  to  their  disadvan 
tage.  On  the  contrary,  I  think  the  malady  is  rather 
progressive  than  upon  the  decline  in  our  Northern 
quarter.  The  last  lullaby  message,  instead  of  in 
spiring  contempt,  attracts  praise.  Mankind  are  for 
ever  destined  to  be  the  dupes  of  bold  and  cunning 
imposture.  But  a  difficult  knot  has  been  twisted  by 
the  incidents  of  the  cession  of  Louisiana,  and  the  in 
terruption  of  the  deposit  of  New  Orleans.  You  have 
seen  the  soft  turn  given  to  this  in  the  message.  Yet 
we  are  told  that  the  President,  in  conversation,  is 
very  stout.  The  great  embarrassment  must  be  how 
to  carry  on  the  war  without  taxes.  The  pretty 
scheme  of  substituting  economy  to  taxation  will  not 
do  here.  And  a  war  would  be  a  terrible  comment 
upon  the  abandonment  of  the  internal  revenue.  Yet 
how  is  popularity  to  be  preserved  with  the  Western 
partisans  if  their  interests  are  tamely  sacrificed? 
Will  the  artifice  be  for  the  chief  to  hold  a  bold  lan 
guage,  and  the  subalterns  to  act  a  feeble  part? 
Time  must  explain.  You  know  my  general  theory 
as  to  our  Western  affairs.  I  have  always  held  that 
the  unity  of  our  empire  and  the  best  interests  of  our 
nation  require  that  we  shall  annex  to  the  United 
States  all  the  territory  east  of  the  Mississippi,  New 


446  Alexander  Hamilton 

Orleans  included.     Of  course  I   infer  that,   in  an 
emergency  like  the  present,  energy  is  wisdom. 

Mrs.  Hamilton  joins  me  in  affectionate  compli 
ments  to  Mrs.  Pinckney. 


TO   TIMOTHY   PICKERING  * 

NEW  YORK,  Sept.  18,  1803. 

MY  DEAR  SIR: 

I  will  make  no  apology  for  my  delay  in  answering 
your  inquiry,  some  time  since  made,  because  I  could 
offer  none  which  would  satisfy  myself.  I  pray  you 
only  to  believe  that  it  proceeded  from  any  thing 
rather  than  want  of  respect  or  regard.  I  shall  now 
comply  with  your  request.  The  highest-toned  pro 
positions  which  I  made  in  the  convention  were  for  a 
President,  Senate,  and  Judges  during  good  behavior 
— a  House  of  Representatives  for  three  years. 
Though  I  would  have  enlarged  the  legislative  power 
of  the  general  government,  yet  I  never  contem 
plated  the  abolition  of  the  State  governments,  but 
on  the  contrary,  they  were,  in  some  particulars,  con 
stituent  parts  of  my  plan.  This  plan  was,  in  my 
conception,  conformable  with  the  strict  theory  of  a 
government  purely  republican,  the  essential  criteria 
of  which  are  that  the  principal  organs  of  the  execu 
tive  and  legislative  departments  be  elected  by  the 
people,  and  hold  their  offices  by  a  responsible  and 
temporary  or  defeasible  tenure.  A  vote  was  taken 
on  the  proposition  respecting  the  executive.  Five 

1  At  this  time  Senator  from  Massachusetts. 


Private  Correspondence  447 

States  were  in  favor  of  it,  among  these  Virginia,  and 
though,  from  the  manner  of  voting — by  delegations, 
— individuals  were  not  distinguished,  it  was  morally 
certain,  from  the  known  situation  of  the  Virginia 
members  (six  in  number,  two  of  them,  Mason  and 
Randolph,  professing  popular  doctrines),  that  Madi 
son  must  have  concurred  in  the  work  of  Virginia; 
thus,  if  I  sinned  against  republicanism,  Mr.  Madison 
was  not  less  guilty.  I  may  truly  then  say  that  I 
never  proposed  either  a  President  or  Senate  for  life, 
and  that  I  neither  recommended  nor  meditated  the 
annihilation  of  the  State  governments.  And  I  may 
add  that,  in  the  course  of  the  discussions  in  the  con 
vention,  neither  the  propositions  thrown  out  for  de 
bate,  nor  even  those  voted  in  the  earlier  stages  of 
the  deliberation,  were  considered  as  evidences  of  a 
definitive  opinion  in  the  proposer  or  voter.1  It  ap 
peared  to  me  to  be  in  some  sort  understood  that, 
with  a  view  to  free  investigation,  experimental  propo 
sitions  might  be  made,  which  were  to  be  received 
merely  as  suggestions  for  consideration.  Accord 
ingly,  it  is  a  fact  that  my  final  opinion  was  against 
an  Executive  during  good  behavior,  on  account  of 
the  increased  danger  to  the  public  tranquillity  inci 
dent  to  the  election  of  a  magistrate  of  this  degree  of 
permanency.  In  the  plan  of  .a  constitution  which  I 
drew  up  while  the  convention  was  sitting,  and  which 
I  communicated  to  Mr.  Madison  about  the  close  of 
it,  perhaps  a  day  or  two  after,  the  office  of  President 
has  no  greater  duration  than  for  three  years.2  This 

1  See  Madison  Papers,  ii.,  724-762. 

2  Ibid.,  iii.;  Appendix  xvi.  and  xxi. 


448  Alexander  Hamilton 

plan  was  predicated  upon  these  bases:  i.  That  the 
political  principles  of  the  people  of  this  country 
would  endure  nothing  but  republican  government. 
2.  That  in  the  actual  situation  of  the  country,  it  was 
in  itself  right  and  proper  that  the  republican  theory 
should  have  a  fair  and  full  trial.  3.  That  to  such  a 
trial  it  was  essential  that  the  government  should  be 
so  constructed  as  to  give  all  the  energy  and  stability 
reconcilable  with  the  principles  of  that  theory. 

These  were  the  genuine  sentiments  of  my  heart, 
and  upon  them  I  acted.  I  sincerely  hope  that  it 
may  not  hereafter  be  discovered  that,  through  want 
of  sufficient  attention  to  the  last  idea,  the  experi 
ment  of  republican  government,  even  in  this  country, 
has  not  been  as  complete,  as  satisfactory,  and  as 
decisive  as  could  be  wished. 


TO   RUFUS   KING 

ALBANY,  Feb.  24,  1804. 

MY  DEAR  SIR: 

You  will  have  heard  before  this  reaches  you  of  the 
fluctuations  and  changes  which  have  taken  place  in 
the  measures  of  the  reigning  party,  as  to  a  candidate 
for  governor;  and  you  will  probably  have  also  been 
informed  that,  pursuant  to  the  opinions  professed  by 
our  friends,  before  I  left  New  York  I  had  taken  an 
active  part  in  favor  of  Mr.  Lansing. 

It  is  a  fact  to  be  regretted,  though  anticipated, 
that  the  Federalists  very  extensively  had  embarked 
with  zeal  in  the  support  of  Mr.  Burr;  yet  an  impres 
sion  to  the  contrary,  and  in  favor  of  Mr.  Lansing,  had 


Private  Correspondence  449 

been  made,  and  there  was  good  ground  to  hope  that 
a  proper  direction  in  the  main  might  have  been  given 
to  the  current  of  Federalism.  The  substitution  of 
Mr.  Lewis  has  essentially  varied  the  prospect,  and 
the  best  informed  among  us  here  agree  that  the 
Federalists,  as  a  body,  could  not  be  diverted  from 
Mr.  Burr  to  Mr.  Lewis,  by  any  efforts  of  leading 
characters,  if  they  should  even  deem  the  support  of 
the  latter  expedient. 

Though  I  have  no  reason  to  think  that  my  original 
calculation  was  wrong,  while  the  competition  was  be 
tween  Clinton  and  Burr,  yet  from  the  moment  the 
former  declined,  I  began  to  consider  the  latter  as 
having  a  chance  of  success.  It  was  still,  however,  my 
reliance  that  Lansing  would  outrun  him;  but  now 
that  Chief -Justice  Lewis  is  the  competitor,  the  prob 
ability  in  my  judgment  inclines  to  Mr.  Burr. 

Thus  situated,  two  questions  have  arisen;  first, 
whether  a  federal  candidate  ought  not  to  be  run,  as 
a  means  of  defeating  Mr.  Burr,  and  of  keeping  the 
Federalists  from  becoming  a  personal  faction  allied 
to  him.  Second,  whether,  in  the  conflict  of  parties 
as  they  now  stand,  the  strongest  of  them  discon 
certed  and  disjointed,  there  would  not  be  a  consider 
able  hope  of  success  for  a  federal  candidate. 

These  questions  have  received  no  solution  in 
scarcely  any  one's  mind;  but  it  is  agreed  that,  if  an 
attempt  is  to  be  made,  you  must  be  the  candidate. 
There  is  no  other  man  among  us  under  whose  stand 
ard  either  fragment  of  the  democratic  party  could 
as  easily  rally.  It  is  enough  to  say,  you  have  been 
absent  during  the  time  in  which  party  animosities 


VOL.  X. — 2Q. 


45°  Alexander  Hamilton 

have  become  matured  and  fixed,  and,  therefore,  are 
much  less  than  any  other  distinguished  Federalist, 
an  object  of  them. 

To  detach  the  Federalists  from  Burr,  they  must 
believe  two  things:  one,  that  we  are  in  earnest  as  to 
our  candidate,  and  that  it  is  not  a  mere  diversion; 
the  other  y  that  there  is  some  chance  of  success.  All 
believe,  and  some  leading  candidates  admit,  that  if 
either  of  the  two  democratic  rival  parties  should 
come  to  expect  a  defeat,  they  will  range  themselves 
under  your  banner. 

Reflect  well  on  all  these  things,  and  make  up  your 
mind  in  case  you  should  be  invited  to  consent.  I 
have  not  time  to  enlarge. 


TO   GOVERNOR  GEORGE   CLINTON 

ALBANY,  Feb.  27,  1804. 

SIR: 

It  is  now  a  long  time  since  a  very  odious  slander  x 
has  been  in  circulation  to  the  prejudice  of  my 
character. 

It  has  come  to  my  ears  in  more  than  one  way,  but 
always,  till  lately,  without  the  disclosure  of  any 
source  to  which  I  could  resort  for  explanation  or 
detection.  Within  a  few  days,  Mr.  Kane,  of  this 
city,  related  to  me  a  story  as  coming  from  Judge 
Purdy,  in  substance  very  similar  to  the  calumny  to 

1  To  the  effect  that  he  was  the  author  of  a  letter  proposing  a  mon 
archical  government,  in  1788,  with  Prince  Frederick,  Duke  of  York, 
and  titular  Bishop  of  Osnaburg,  as  king.  Clinton  finally  disclaimed 
all  belief  in  the  accusation. 


Private  Correspondence  451 

which  I  have  alluded.  The  amount  of  his  informa 
tion,  and  the  result  of  an  interview  with  Judge  Purdy, 
are  contained  in  the  enclosed  paper.1  You  will  ob 
serve,  sir,  that  your  name  is  implicated  in  the  trans 
action.  With  what  warrant,  it  would  be  improper 

1  The  following  letter  is  the  paper  referred  to.  It  is  taken  from  the 
Clinton  papers,  and  I  owe  it  to  the  kindness  of  Mr.  Henry  A.  Homes, 
State  Librarian  of  New  York: 

"  Some  time  in  the  month  of  January  last  I  called  on  the  Hon.  Jacob 
Snell,  a  member  of  the  Council  of  Appointment,  where  I  found  the 
Hon.  Ebenezer  Purdy,  together  with  a  Mr.  Hughes  and  one  or  two  other 
gentlemen,  whose  names  I  do  not  recollect.  Mr.  Purdy  immediately 
asked  me  if  I  had  any  objection  to  hear  an  oration  read  that  was 
delivered  on  the  Fourth  of  July  by  a  young  Irishman,  who,  if  I  mistake 
not,  then  resided  in  his  family.  I  replied,  Certainly  not.  It  was  a 
violent  philippic  against  the  Federal  administration;  the  stamp  act, 
sedition  law,  standing  army,  etc.,  were  represented  as  the  leading 
features  of  the  Federal  faction.  After  some  considerable  conversation 
on  the  merits  of  the  oration,  between  Mr.  Purdy  and  myself,  he  re 
marked  that  he  fully  believed  monarchy  was  the  object  of  the  Federal 
ists;  that  there  was  a  person  who  did  not  wish  to  have  his  name 
mentioned  who  could  prove  the  fact,  and  stood  ready  to  make  affidavit 
of  it.  That  some  time  in  the  year  of  '98  a  negotiation  was  opened 
between  Gen.  Hamilton,  Mr.  Adams,  and  the  King  of  England,  for  the 
purpose  of  introducing  monarchy  into  this  country,  at  the  head  of 
which  was  to  be  placed  one  of  the  royal  family,  and  that  Canada  was 
to  be  ceded  to  the  States.  For  the  truth  of  the  above,  Mr.  Purdy 
referred  me  to  Governor  Clinton,  who  he  said  would  not  deny  it,  altho* 
he  did  not  wish  to  say  any  thing  about  it. 

"On  the  23d  of  January,  1804,  Gen.  Hamilton  and  myself  called 
upon  Mr.  Purdy  for  the  purpose  of  investigating  the  affair.  Gen. 
Hamilton  introduced  the  subject  to  Mr.  Purdy  by  telling  him  he  had 
received  information  from  Mr.  Kane  of  certain  declarations  |ofj  a, 
nature  very  interesting  to  his  character,  which  he  was  determined  to 
have  explained  and  investigated.  I  then  related  to  Mr.  Purdy  the 
conversation  he  had  with  me,  as  above  stated.  Mr.  Purdy  replied: 
'  What  you  have  said,  Mr.  Kane,  is  pretty  nearly  correct  [or  words  to 
that  effect],  with  this  difference:  I  did  not  mention  Mr.  Adams'  name, 
and  that  affair  which  I  spoke  of  to  you  did  not  happen  in  '98,  but  some 
time  previous  to  the  convention  which  formed  the  present  Constitution 
of  the  United  States.  What  I  told  you  was  nearly  this :  That  some 
body  in  England  had  made  proposals  to  somebody  at  the  Eastward 


45 2  Alexander  Hamilton 

for  me  to  prejudge.  But  the  very  mention  of  your 
name  adds  importance  to  the  affair,  and  increases 
the  motives  to  investigation. 

The  charge,  even  in  the  mitigated  form  to  which 
it  is  reduced  by  Judge  Purdy's  admission,  is  of  a  na 
ture  too  derogatory  to  permit  me  to  pass  it  lightly 
over.  It  is  essential  that  its  origin  and  progress 
should  be  traced  as  fully  as  may  be  practicable,  in 
order  to  the  thorough  exposure  of  its  falsehood  and 
malignity. 

The  assertions  of  Judge  Purdy  authorize  me  to 
appeal  to  you  for  a  frank  and  candid  explanation  of 
so  much  of  the  matter  as  relates  to  yourself.  This 
explanation  I  request  as  speedily  as  may  be. 

for  establishing  a  monarchy  in  this  country,  and  placing  at  the  head 
of  it  a  son  of  the  King  of  Great  Britain;  that  some  letters  or  papers 
containing  these  proposals  were  sent  to  Gen.  Hamilton,  copies  of  which 
were  made  in  his  office  to  be  distributed  amongst  certain  persons.' 
Mr.  Purdy  then  asked  me  if  this  was  not  the  substance  of  what  he  had 
told  me.  I  said  that  the  difference  was  between  that  and  what  I  had 
before  stated,  and  recapitulated  what  I  have  before  said.  I  also 
pressed  upon  Mr.  Purdy  what  I  had  before  stated  respecting  Gov. 
Clinton,  and  questioned  him  whether  he  had  not  made  such  an  appeal 
to  Gov.  Clinton,  and  also  whether  he  had  not  affirmed  that  there 
was  a  person  who  could  attest  the  truth  of  the  story.  Mr.  Purdy  per 
sisted  in  the  statement  which  he  had  just  made.  As  to  Gov.  Clinton, 
he  admitted  that  he  had  mentioned  to  the  Governor  the  story  he  had 
heard,  and  that  the  Governor  had  replied  that  he  had  had  one  of  the 
letters.  On  being  interrogated  by  Gen.  Hamilton,  whether  he  had 
mentioned  his  name  to  Gov.  Clinton,  he  answered  he  was  not  sure 
whether  he  had  done  it  or  not.  On  being  further  interrogated  as  to  his 
having  said  there  was  a  person  ready  to  prove  the  transaction  he  had 
stated,  he  answered  there  was  a  person  who  had  assured  him  of  his 
knowledge  of  the  transaction  as  it  was  now  stated  by  him.  A  variety 
of  other  conversation  passed,  but  the  above  comprises  the  most 
material  particulars. 

(Signed)  "JAMES  KANE." 


Private  Correspondence  453 

TO   GOVERNOR   GEORGE   CLINTON 

ALBANY,  March  2,  1804. 

SIR: 

If  our  correspondence  does  not  terminate  with 
your  letter  of  the  2gth  February,  received  yesterday, 
I  wish  it  to  be  understood  that  it  proceeds  merely 
from  the  desire  of  removing  all  ambiguity  from  a 
transaction  in  which  my  character  may  be  materially 
interested. 

It  is  perhaps  the  natural  inference  from  what  you 
have  stated,  that  nothing  took  place  on  your  part  to 
sanction  or  corroborate  the  story  related  to  you  by 
Judge  Purdy,  in  reference  to  any  agency  or  co-opera 
tion  of  mine  in  the  supposed  project.  Yet  some  of 
the  circumstances  are  such,  that  a  different  inference 
might  possibly  be  drawn. 

I  therefore  trust  that  you  will  be  sensible  of  the 
propriety  of  dissipating  all  obscurity  on  this  point. 

If  the  letter,  which  you  mention  to  have  been  put 
in  your  hands  by  General  Malcolm,  was  not  with 
drawn  by  him,  or  if  any  copy  was  retained  by  you, 
it  would  be  satisfactory  to  me  to  have  an  inspection 
of  the  one  or  the  other,  with  leave  to  take  a  copy,  in 
order  that  I  may  have  an  additional  clue  to  the 
source  of  a  story,  which  I  verily  believe  originated 
entirely  in  a  fabrication. 


TO    GOVERNOR   GEORGE   CLINTON 

ALBANY,  March  7,  1804. 

On  Saturday  last  I  sent  you  a  letter,  of  which  the 
foregoing  is  a  copy,  to  which,  as  yet,  I  have  received 
no  reply. 


454  Alexander  Hamilton 

Intending  to  leave  this  place  for  New  York  on 
Saturday  next,  it  is  important  that  I  should  receive 
an  answer  before  that  day. 

U-iv   :x&^  ?;$&&&    !'0— ;   $oi$dbt>t:  .  •;   •;•;•  ;   il.; 


TO   GOVERNOR  GEORGE   CLINTON 

ALBANY,  March  9,  1804. 

SIR: 

I  had  the  honor  of  receiving  yesterday  your  Ex 
cellency's  letter  of  the  6th  instant.  It  is  agreeable 
to  me  to  find  in  it  a  confirmation  of  the  inference 
that  you  had  given  no  countenance  to  the  supposi 
tion  of  my  agency  or  co-operation  in  the  project  to 
which  the  story  of  Judge  Purdy  relates;  and  it  only 
remains  for  me  to  regret  that  it  is  not  in  your  power 
to  furnish  the  additional  clue,  of  which  I  was  de 
sirous,  to  aid  me  in  tracing  the  fabrication  to  its 
source. 

I  shall  not  only  rely  on  the  assurance  which  you 
give  as  to  the  future  communication  of  the  copy  of 
the  letter  in  question,  should  it  hereafter  come  to 
your  hands,  but  I  will  take  the  liberty  to  add  a  re 
quest,  that  you  will  be  pleased  to  make  known  to 
me  any  other  circumstances,  if  any  should  reach  you, 
which  may  serve  to  throw  light  upon  the  affair.  I 
feel  an  anxiety  that  it  should  be  thoroughly  sifted, 
not  merely  on  my  own  account,  but  from  a  convic 
tion  that  the  pretended  existence  of  such  a  project, 
long  travelling  about  in  whispers,  has  had  no  in 
considerable  influence  in  exciting  false  alarms,  and 
unjust  suspicions  to  the  prejudice  of  a  number  of 


Private  Correspondence  455 

individuals,  every  way  worthy  of  public  confidence, 
who  have  always  faithfully  supported  the  existing 
institutions  of  the  country,  and  who  would  disdain 
to  be  concerned  in  an  intrigue  with  any  foreign  power, 
or  its  agents,  either  for  introducing  monarchy,  or  for 
promoting  or  upholding  any  other  scheme  of  govern 
ment  within  the  United  States. 


TO   TALLEYRAND 

NEW  YORK,  March  25,  1804. 

SIR: 

Presuming  on  the  acquaintance,  from  which  I 
derived  so  much  pleasure  during  your  stay  in  this 
country,  I  am  going  to  take  a  very  great  liberty.  It 
concerns  a  near  relation  of  mine,  Mr.  Alexander 
Hamilton,  now  a  prisoner  of  war  on  parole  at  Paris. 

His  brother,  from  whom  I  have  just  received  a  let 
ter,  informs  me  that,  being  on  a  visit  to  the  continent 
as  a  traveller,  he  was  overtaken  by  the  war  between 
France  and  Great  Britain,  and  has  been  since  that 
time  in  the  situation  which  I  have  mentioned.  He 
is  a  Scotch  gentleman  of  education  and  literary  ac 
quirements,  who,  having  amassed  a  pretty  hand 
some  fortune  in  the  East  Indies,  had  returned  to  his 
own  country  to  devote  himself  to  the  pursuits  of 
knowledge,  and  was  induced  to  pass  over  to  the  con 
tinent  to  indulge  his  curiosity,  with  a  particular  eye 
to  the  very  interesting  monuments  of  the  arts,  of 
which  Paris  is  now  the  depository. 

I  will  ask  nothing  specific  for  him,  because  I  know 
not  what  could  with  propriety  be  done,  contenting 


45^  Alexander  Hamilton 

myself  with  merely  saying,  that  if  your  interposition 
can  procure  for  him  any  facility,  indulgence,  or  favor, 
it  will  confer  a  personal  obligation  on  one  who  has 
the  honor  to  remain,  etc. 


TO 


NEW  YORK,  April  12,  1804. 

DEAR  SIR: 

The  post  of  to-day  brought  me  a  letter  from  you, 

and  another  from  Mr. .  I  have  no  doubt  but 

the  latter  would  serve  you  if  he  could ;  but  he  cannot 
at  this  time. 

On  the  whole,  I  would  advise  you  to  return  to 
New  York,  and  accept  any  respectable  employment 
in  your  way,  till  an  opportunity  of  something  better 
shall  occur.  'T  is  by  practice  and  perseverance 
that  we  can  expect  to  vanquish  difficulties,  and 
better  an  unpleasant  condition. 

Arraign  not  the  dispensations  of  Providence,  they 
must  be  founded  in  wisdom  and  goodness ;  and  when 
they  do  not  suit  us,  it  must  be  because  there  is  some 
fault  in  ourselves  which  deserves  chastisement;  or 
because  there  is  a  kind  intent,  to  correct  in  us  some 
vice  or  failing,  of  which,  perhaps,  we  may  not  be 
conscious ;  or  because  the  general  plan  requires  that 
we  should  suffer  partial  ill. 

In  this  situation  it  is  our  duty  to  cultivate  resigna 
tion,  and  even  humility,  bearing  in  mind,  in  the  lan 
guage  of  the  poet,  "  that  it  was  pride  which  lost  the 
blest  abodes."  x 

1  Now  first  printed  from  the  Hamilton  papers  in  the  State  Depart 
ment. 


Private  Correspondence  457 

TO    PHILIP   J.    SCHUYLER  x 

April  20,  1804. 

MY  DEAR  SIR: 

I  did  not  write  to  you  on  the  subject  of  the  awards, 
because  I  was  in  correspondence  with  Mr.  Jacob  Van 
Rensselaer  respecting  the  matter. 

He  has  sent  me  the  draughts  of  deeds  which  I 
shall  in  a  few  days  inspect,  and  return  with  such 
suggestions  as  may  be  requisite. 

The  things  most  urgent  are — i .  The  completion  of 
the  survey,  which  Mr.  R.  writes  me  is  in  train. — 2. 
The  appointment  of  a  guardian  for  Mr.  Kane's 
daughter  at  Schenectady.  On  both  objects,  I  have 
written  particularly  to  Mr.  J.  Van  Rensselaer. 

I  say  nothing  on  politics,  with  the  course  of  which 
I  am  too  much  disgusted  to  give  myself  any  future 
concern  about  them.2 


TO    JAMES    A.    HAMILTON 

1804. 

MY  DEAR  JAMES: 

I  have  prepared  for  you  a  Thesis  on  Discretion. 
You  may  need  it.    God  bless  you. 

Your  affectionate  father.3 


TO   THEODORE   SEDGWICK 

NEW  YORK,  July  10,  1804. 

MY  DEAR  SIR: 

I  have  received  two  letters  from  you  since  we  last 
saw  each  other,  that  of  the  latest  date  being  the  24th 

1  Hamilton's  brother-in-law. 

2  This  letter,  now  first  printed,  I  owe  to  the  kindness  of  Mr.  Henry  A. 
Homes,  State  Librarian  at  Albany. 

3  Reprinted  from  the  Reminiscences  of  James  A.  Hamilton,  p.  40. 


458  Alexander  Hamilton 

of  May.  I  have  had  on  hand  for  some  time  a  long 
letter  to  you,  explaining  my  view  of  the  course  and 
tendency  of  our  politics,  and  my  intentions  as  to  my 
own  future  conduct.  But  my  plan  embraced  so 
large  a  range  that,  owing  to  much  avocation,  some 
indifferent  health,  and  a  growing  distaste  to  politics, 
the  letter  is  still  considerably  short  of  being  finished. 
I  write  this  now  to  satisfy  you  that  want  of  regard 
for  you  has  not  been  the  cause  of  my  silence. 

I  will  here  express  but  one  sentiment,  which  is, 
that  dismemberment  of  our  empire  will  be  a  clear 
sacrifice  of  great  positive  advantages  without  any 
counterbalancing  good,  administering  no  relief  to 
our  real  disease,  which  is  democracy,  the  poison  of 
which,  by  a  subdivision,  will  only  be  the  more  con 
centrated  in  each  part,  and  consequently  the  more 
virulent.  King  is  on  his  way  for  Boston,  where  you 
may  chance  to  see  him,  and  hear  from  himself  his 
sentiments.  God  bless  you.1 


[This  letter  and  the  next  were  omitted  by  an  over 
sight,  and  are  therefore  given  here.] 

TO   GENERAL  JOHN   SULLIVAN 

HEADQUARTERS,  1778. 

SIR: 

His  Excellency  has  received  your  two  last  favors 
to-day.  In  the  first  you  hint  the  want  of  a  rein 
forcement,  but  as  the  intention  of  your  body  is 
chiefly  for  observation  and  skirmishing,  and  not  to 

1  The  day  after  this  letter  was  written  Hamilton  was  killed  by  Burr. 


Private  Correspondence  459 

make  any  serious  stands,  it  is  the  less  necessary  it 
should  be  powerful  in  numbers.  It  will,  however, 
depend  upon  circumstances  how  far  it  will  be  ex 
pedient  to  reinforce;  and  as  soon  as  anything  can 
be  determined  from  them,  you  shall  have  whatever 
addition  of  strength  you  may  stand  in  need  of. 

The  information  contained  in  your  last,  of  the 
enemy's  being  encamped  on  the  road  leading  from 
New  Brunswick  to  Princeton,  about  the  Third  Mile 
Run,  is  not  well  founded.  We  have  had  parties  and 
officers,  reconnoitring  as  far  as  the  Mile  Run,  and 
there  is  no  sign  of  an  encampment.  They  seem  to 
be  taking  their  old  position  with  their  right  at  Am- 
boy,  their  left  at  Brunswick;  but  how  long  they  will 
remain  so  it  is  hard  to  tell.  His  Excellency  desires 
you  will  engage  some  trusty  person  at  South  Amboy, 
on  whom  you  can  depend  for  faithful  and  early  in 
telligence  of  the  appearance  of  shipping  in  the  river, 
or  any  preparation  for  a  movement  by  water,  that 
we  may  be  in  time  prepared  to  counteract  them. 


TO   WASHINGTON 

AMBOY,  March  17,  1780. 

>EAR  SIR: 

I  duly  received  your  letter  of  the  fourteenth,  and 
shall  not  fail,  in  conjunction  with  General  St.  Clair, 
to  attend  to  the  military  object  of  it.  I  am  much 
obliged  to  your  Excellency  for  the  communication 
of  your  Southern  advices.  The  enemy  are  still  in 
the  dark  about  their  fleet  and  army  gone  that  way, 
as  we  gather  from  the  commissioners.  They  pre- 


460  Alexander  Hamilton 

tend  to  have  little  European  news,  though  a  vessel 
arrived  two  or  three  days  since  from  England,  after 
ten  weeks'  passage.  We  send  you  some  late  New 
York  papers. 

The  commission  has  been  several  days  at  an  end. 
The  enemy,  as  was  supposed,  had  no  idea  of  treating 
on  national  ground.  We  are  now  in  private  con 
versation,  and  so  far  not  without  hopes  that  the 
liberation  of  our  prisoners  will  be  effected  on  ad 
missible  terms.  Two  or  three  days  more  will  prob 
ably  put  an  end  to  the  interview.  General  St.  Clair 
and  Colonel  Carrington  beg  their  respects  may  be 
presented  to  your  Excellency. 


[Correspondence  relating  to  the  duel  with  Burr. 
Reprinted  from  the  History  of  the  Republic,  vii.,  805, 
et  seq.] 

:  A.    BURR  TO   GENERAL   HAMILTON 

NEW  YORK,  June  18,  1804. 

SIR: 

I  send  you  for  your  perusal  a  letter  signed  Charles 
D.  Cooper,  which,  though  apparently  published 
some  time  ago,  has  but  very  recently  come  to  my 
knowledge.  Mr.  Van  Ness,  who  does  me  the  honor 
to  deliver  this,  will  point  out  to  you  that  clause  of 
the  letter  to  which  I  particularly  request  your  at 
tention.  You  must  perceive,  sir,  the  necessity  of  a 
prompt,  unqualified  acknowledgment  or  denial  of 
the  use  of  any  expressions  which  would  warrant  the 
assertions  of  Dr.  Cooper. 


Private  Correspondence  461 

HAMILTON   TO   BURR 

NEW  YORK,  June  20,  1804. 

SIR: 

I  have  maturely  reflected  on  the  subject  of  your 
letter  of  the  eighteenth  instant,  and  the  more  I  have 
reflected,  the  more  I  have  become  convinced  that  I 
could  not,  without  manifest  impropriety,  make  the 
avowal  or  disavowal  which  you  seem  to  think  neces 
sary.  The  clause  pointed  out  by  Mr.  Van  Ness  is 
in  these  terms:  "I  could  detail  to  you  a  still  more 
despicable  opinion  which  General  Hamilton  has  ex 
pressed  of  Mr.  Burr."  To  endeavor  to  discover  the 
meaning  of  this  declaration,  I  was  obliged  to  seek  in 
the  antecedent  part  of  this  letter  for  the  opinion  to 
which  it  referred,  as  having  been  already  disclosed. 
I  found  it  in  these  words:  "General  Hamilton  and 
Judge  Kent  have  declared  in  substance  that  they 
looked  upon  Mr.  Burr  to  be  a  dangerous  man,  and 
one  who  ought  not  to  be  trusted  with  the  reins  of 
government." 

The  language  of  Dr.  Cooper  plainly  implies  that  he 
considered  this  opinion  of  you,  which  he  attributes 
to  me,  as  a  despicable  one;  but  he  affirms  that  I 
have  expressed  some  other,  more  despicable,  without, 
however,  mentioning  to  whom,  when,  or  where. 
T  is  evident  that  the  phrase  "  still  more  despicable" 
admits  of  infinite  shades,  from  very  light  to  very 
dark.  How  am  I  to  judge  of  the  degree  intended, 
or  how  shall  I  annex  any  precise  idea  to  language  so 
indefinite? 

Between  gentlemen,  despicable  and  more  despica 
ble  are  not  worth  the  pains  of  distinction;  when, 


462  Alexander  Hamilton 

therefore,  you  do  not  interrogate  me  as  to  the  opinion 
which  is  specifically  ascribed  to  me,  I  must  conclude 
that  you  view  it  as  within  the  limits  to  which  the 
animadversions  of  political  opponents  upon  each 
other  may  justifiably  extend,  and  consequently  as 
not  warranting  the  idea  of  it  which  Dr.  Cooper  ap 
pears  to  entertain.  If  so,  what  precise  inference 
could  you  draw  as  a  guide  for  your  conduct,  were  I 
to  acknowledge  that  I  had  expressed  an  opinion  of 
you  still  more  despicable  than  the  one  which  is  par 
ticularized?  How  could  you  be  sure  that  even  this 
opinion  had  exceeded  the  bounds  which  you  yourself 
deem  admissible  between  political  opponents  r* 

But  I  forbear  further  comment  on  the  embarrass 
ment  to  which  the  requisition  you  have  made  natu 
rally  leads.  The  occasion  forbids  a  more  ample 
illustration,  though  nothing  could  be  more  easy  than 
to  pursue  it.  Repeating,  that  I  cannot  reconcile  it 
with  propriety  to  make  the  acknowledgment  you 
desire,  I  will  add  that  I  deem  it  inadmissible,  on 
principle,  to  consent  to  be  interrogated  as  to  the 
justness  of  the  inferences  which  may  be  drawn  by 
others  from  what  I  may  have  said  of  a  political  op 
ponent  in  the  course  of  fifteen  years'  competition. 
If  there  were  no  other  objection  to  it,  this  is  suf 
ficient,  that  it  would  tend  to  expose  my  sincerity  and 
delicacy  to  injurious  imputation  from  every  person 
who  may  at  any  time  have  conceived  the  import  of 
my  expressions  differently  from  what  I  may  then 
have  intended  or  may  afterwards  recollect.  I  stand 
ready  to  avow  or  disavow,  promptly  and  explicitly, 
any  precise  or  definite  opinion  which  I  may  be 


Private  Correspondence  463 

charged  with  having  declared  of  any  gentleman. 
More  than  this  cannot  fitly  be  expected  from  me, 
and  especially  it  cannot  be  reasonably  expected 
that  I  shall  enter  into  an  explanation  upon  a  basis  so 
vague  as  that  which  you  have  adopted.  I  trust,  on 
mature  reflection,  you  will  see  the  matter  in  the  same 
light  with  me.  If  not,  I  can  only  regret  the  circum 
stance,  and  must  abide  the  consequences. 

The  publication  of  Dr.  Cooper  was  never  seen  by 
me  until  after  the  receipt  of  your  letter. 


BURR  TO   HAMILTON 

NEW  YORK,  June  21,  1804. 

SIR: 

Your  letter  of  the  2oth  inst.  has  been  this  day  re 
ceived.  Having  considered  it  attentively,  I  regret 
to  find  in  it  nothing  of  that  sincerity  and  delicacy 
which  you  profess  to  value. 

Political  opposition  can  never  absolve  gentlemen 
from  the  necessity  of  a  rigid  adherence  to  the  laws 
of  honor  and  the  rules  of  decorum.  I  neither  claim 
such  privilege  nor  indulge  it  in  others. 

The  common-sense  of  mankind  affixes  to  the 
epithet  adopted  by  Dr.  Cooper,  the  idea  of  dishonor. 
It  has  been  publicly  applied  to  me  under  the  sanc 
tion  of  your  name.  The  question  is  not  whether  he 
has  understood  the  meaning  of  the  word,  or  has 
used  it  according  to  syntax  and  with  grammatical 
accuracy,  but  whether  you  have  authorized  this 
application,  either  directly  or  by  uttering  expres 
sions  or  opinions  derogatory  to  my  honor.  The 
time  "when"  is  in  your  own  knowledge,  but  no  way 


464  Alexander  Hamilton 

material  to  me,  as  the  calumny  has  now  first  been 
disclosed,  so  as  to  become  the  subject  of  my  notice, 
and  as  the  effect  is  present  and  palpable.  Your 
letter  has  furnished  me  with  new  reasons  for  re 
quiring  a  definite  reply. 


HAMILTON  TO   BURR 

NEW  YORK,  June  22,  1804. 

SIR: 

Your  first  letter,  in  a  style  too  peremptory,  made 
a  demand,  in  my  opinion,  unprecedented  and  un 
warrantable.  My  answer,  pointing  out  the  em 
barrassment,  gave  you  an  opportunity  of  taking  a 
less  exceptionable  course.  You  have  not  chosen  to 
do  it ;  but  by  your  last  letter,  received  this  day,  con 
taining  expressions  indecorous  and  improper,  you 
have  increased  the  difficulties  to  explanation  in 
trinsically  incident  to  the  nature  of  your  applica 
tion.  If  by  a  "  definite  reply,"  you  mean  the  direct 
avowal  or  disavowal  required  in  your  first  letter,  I 
have  no  other  answer  to  give,  than  that  which  has 
already  been  given.  If  you  mean  any  thing  differ 
ent,  admitting  of  greater  latitude,  it  is  requisite  you 
should  explain. 

f  v  -    'V    t3         '    ~*r'"' 

W.    P.   VAN   NESS  z   TO   HAMILTON 

June  23,  1804. 

SIR: 

In  the  afternoon  of  yesterday,  I  reported  to  Col. 
Burr  the  result  of  my  last  interview  with  you  and 

1  Burr's  second  in  the  duel. 


Private  Correspondence  465 

appointed  the  evening  to  receive  his  further  instruc 
tions.  Some  private  engagements,  however,  pre 
vented  me  from  calling  on  him  till  morning.  On 
my  return  to  the  city,  I  found  upon  inquiry,  both 
at  your  office  and  house,  that  you  had  returned  to 
your  residence  in  the  country. 

Lest  an  interview  there  might  be  less  agreeable  to 
you  than  elsewhere,  I  have  taken  the  liberty  of  ad 
dressing  you  this  note  to  inquire  when  and  where  it 
will  be  most  convenient  to  you  to  receive  a  com 
munication. 


VAN   NESS   TO   MAJOR  NATHANIEL   PENDLETON  * 

June  26,  1804. 

SIR: 

The  letter  which  you  yesterday  delivered  me,  and 
your  subsequent  communication,  in  Col.  Burr's  opin 
ion,  evince  no  disposition  on  the  part  of  General 
Hamilton  to  come  to  a  satisfactory  accommoda 
tion.  The  injury  complained  of  and  the  repara 
tion  expected  are  so  definitely  expressed  in  Col. 
Burr's  letter  of  the  2ist  instant,  that  there  is  not 
perceived  a  necessity  for  further  explanation  on  his 
part.  The  difficulty  that  would  result  from  con 
fining  the  inquiry  to  any  particular  times  and  occa 
sions  must  be  manifest.  The  denial  of  a  specified 
conversation  only,  would  leave  strong  implication 
that  on  other  occasions  improper  language  had  been 
used.  When  and  where  injurious  opinions  and  ex 
pressions  have  been  uttered  by  General  Hamilton 

1  Pendleton  was  Hamilton's  second  in  the  duel. 

VOL.  X.— 30. 


466  Alexander  Hamilton 

must  be  best  known  to  him,  and  of  him  only  will 
Col.  Burr  inquire.  No  denial  or  declaration  will  be 
satisfactory,  unless  it  be  general,  so  as  to  wholly 
exclude  the  ideas  that  rumors  derogatory  to  Col. 
Burr's  honor  have  originated  with  General  Hamil 
ton,  or  have  been  fairly  inferred  from  any  thing  he 
has  said.  A  definite  reply  to  a  requisition  of  this 
nature  was  demanded  by  Col.  Burr's  letter  of  the 
twenty-first  inst.  This  being  refused,  invites  the 
alternative  referred  to  in  General  Hamilton's  letter 
of  the  2oth.  It  was  required  by  the  position  in 
which  the  controversy  was  placed  by  General  Ham 
ilton  on  Friday  last,  and  I  was  immediately  fur 
nished  with  a  communication  demanding  a  personal 
interview.  The  necessity  of  this  measure  has  not,, 
in  the  opinion  of  Col.  Burr,  been  diminished  by  the 
General's  last  letter,  or  any  communication  which 
has  since  been  received.  I  am  consequently  again 
instructed  to  deliver  to  you  a  message,  as  soon  as  it 
may  be  convenient  for  you  to  receive  it.  I  beg, 
therefore,  you  will  be  so  good  as  to  inform  me  at 
what  hour  I  can  have  the  pleasure  of  seeing  you. 


PENDLETON   TO    VAN   NESS 

June  26,  1804. 

SIR: 

I  have  communicated  the  letter  which  you  did  me 
the  honor  to  write  to  me  of  this  date,  to  General 
Hamilton.  The  expectations  now  disclosed  on  the 
part  of  Col.  Burr  appear  to  him  to  have  greatly  ex 
tended  the  original  ground  of  inquiry,  and  instead 


Private  Correspondence  467 

of  presenting  a  particular  and  definite  case  for 
explanation,  seem  to  aim  at  nothing  less  than  an 
inquisition  into  his  most  confidential  conversations, 
as  well  as  others,  through  the  whole  period  of  his  ac 
quaintance  with  Col.  Burr.  While  he  was  prepared 
to  meet  the  particular  case  fairly  and  fully,  he  thinks 
it  inadmissible  that  he  should  be  expected  to  answer 
at  large  as  to  every  thing  that  he  may  possibly  have 
said,  in  relation  to  the  character  of  Col.  Burr,  at  any 
time,  or  upon  any  occasion.  Though  he  is  not  con 
scious  that  any  charges  which  are  in  circulation  to 
the  prejudice  of  Col.  Burr  have  originated  with  him, 
except  one  which  may  have  been  so  considered,  and 
which  has  long  since  been  fully  explained  between 
Col.  Burr  and  himself,  yet  he  cannot  consent  to  be 
questioned  generally  as  to  any  rumors  which  may 
be  afloat  derogatory  to  the  character  of  Col.  Burr, 
without  specification  of  the  several  rumors,  many  of 
them  probably  unknown  to  him.  He  does  not,  how 
ever,  mean  to  authorize  any  conclusion  as  to  the  real 
nature  of  his  conduct  in  relation  to  Col.  Burr,  by 
his  declining  so  loose  and  vague  a  basis  of  explana 
tion,  and  he  disavows  an  unwillingness  to  come  to 
a  satisfactory,  provided  it  be  an  honorable,  accom 
modation. 

His  objection  is,  the  very  indefinite  ground  which 
Col.  Burr  has  assumed,  in  which  he  is  sorry  to  be 
able  to  discern  nothing  short  of  premeditated  hos 
tility.  Presuming,  therefore,  that  it  will  be  ad 
hered  to,  he  has  instructed  me  to  receive  the 
message  which  you  have  it  in  charge  to  deliver. 
For  this  purpose  I  shall  be  at  home  and  at  your 


468  Alexander  Hamilton 

accommodation  to-morrow  morning,  from  eight  to 
ten  o'clock.1 


VAN   NESS   TO    PENDLETON 

June  27,  1804. 

SIR: 

The  letter  which  I  had  the  honor  to  receive  from 
you,  under  date  of  yesterday,  states,  among  other 
things,  that  in  General  Hamilton's  opinion,  Col. 
Burr  has  taken  a  very  indefinite  ground,  in  which 
he  evinces  nothing  short  of  pre-determined  hostility, 
and  that  General  Hamilton  thinks  it  inadmissible 
that  the  inquiry  should  extend  to  his  confidential  as 
well  as  other  conversations.  In  this  Col.  Burr  can 
only  reply,  that  secret  whispers,  traducing  his  fame 
and  impeaching  his  honor,  are,  at  least,  equally  in 
jurious  with  slanders  publicly  uttered;  that  General 
Hamilton  had  at  no  time  and  in  no  place  a  right  to 
use  any  such  injurious  expressions,  and  the  partial 
negative  he  is  disposed  to  give,  with  the  reservation 
he  wishes  to  make,  are  proofs  that  he  has  done  the 
injury  specified. 

Col.  Burr's  request  was,  in  the  first  instance,  pro 
posed  in  a  form  the  most  simple,  in  order  that  Gen- 

1  Note  from  the  History  of  the  Republic,  vii.,  812. — 'T  is  not  unworthy 
of  notice,  that  on  the  very  day  of  this  communication,  Hamilton,  who 
had  been  consulted  by  a  poor,  illiterate  man,  in  the  humblest  walk  of 
life,  wrote  this  note:  " DEAR  SIR:  I  should  like  to  see  you  on  the  sub 
ject  of  a  poor  fellow,  Peter  Drinker,  who  says  he  has  been  employed  by 
you,  and  appears  unfortunate,  which  is  his  title  to  my  attention.  Yours 
truly,  A.  H.  June  26,  1804.  P.  G.  Stuyvesant,  Esq."  This  much- 
respected  gentleman  relates:  "I  reproved  the  man  for  the  freedom  in 
which  he  had  indulged,  and  undertook  to  convince  him  of  the  impro 
priety  of  troubling  General  Hamilton  with  his  concerns."  His  reply 
was:  "Oh,  no,  sir,  he  treated  me  very  kindly." 


Private  Correspondence  469 

eral  Hamilton  might  give  to  the  affair  that  course 
to  which  he  might  be  induced  by  his  temper  and 
his  knowledge  of  facts.  Col.  Burr  trusted  with  con 
fidence  that,  from  the  frankness  of  a  soldier  and  the 
candor  of  a  gentleman,  he  might  expect  an  ingenuous 
declaration.  That  if,  as  he  had  reason  to  believe, 
General  Hamilton  had  used  expressions  derogatory 
to  his  honor,  he  would  have  had  the  magnanimity 
to  retract  them;  and  that  if,  from  his  language,  in 
jurious  inferences  had  been  improperly  drawn,  he 
would  have  perceived  the  propriety  of  correcting 
errors  which  might  thus  have  been  widely  diffused. 
With  these  impressions,  Col.  Burr  was  greatly  sur 
prised  at  receiving  a  letter  which  he  considered  as 
evasive,  and  which  in  manner  he  deemed  not  alto 
gether  decorous.  In  one  expectation,  however,  he 
was  not  wholly  deceived,  for  the  close  of  General 
Hamilton's  letter  contained  an  intimation  that  if 
Col.  Burr  should  dislike  his  refusal  to  acknowledge 
or  deny,  he  was  ready  to  meet  the  consequences. 
This  Col.  Burr  deemed  a  sort  of  defiance,  and  would 
have  felt  justified  in  making  it  the  basis  of  an  im 
mediate  message.  But  as  the  communication  con 
tained  something  concerning  the  indefiniteness  of 
the  request,  as  he  believed  it  rather  the  offspring  of 
false  pride  than  of  reflection,  and  as  he  felt  the  ut 
most  reluctance  to  proceed  to  extremities  while  any 
other  hope  remained,  his  request  was  repeated  in 
terms  more  explicit.  The  replies  and  propositions 
on  the  part  of  Gen.  Hamilton  have,  in  Col.  Burr's 
opinion,  been  constantly  in  substance  the  same. 
Col.  Burr  disavows  all  motives  of  premeditated 


47°  Alexander  Hamilton 

hostility,  a  charge  by  which  he  thinks  insult  added 
to  injury.  He  feels  as  a  gentleman  should  feel  when 
his  honor  is  impeached  or  assailed ;  and  without  sen 
sations  of  hostility  or  wishes  of  revenge,  he  is  deter 
mined  to  vindicate  that  honor  at  such  hazard  as  the 
nature  of  the  case  demands. 

The  length  to  which  this  correspondence  has  ex 
tended,  only  tending  to  prove  that  the  satisfactory 
redress,  earnestly  desired,  cannot  be  obtained,  he 
deems  it  useless  to  offer  any  proposition,  except  the 
simple  message,  which  I  shall  now  have  the  honor  to 
deliver. 

REMARKS  BY  HAMILTON  ON  THE  LETTER  OF  JUNE  2*]r 

1804 

Whether  the  observations  on  this  letter  are  de 
signed  merely  to  justify  the  result  which  is  indicated 
in  the  close  of  the  letter,  or  may  be  intended  to  give 
an  opening  for  rendering  any  thing  explicit  which 
may  have  been  deemed  vague  heretofore,  can  only 
be  judged  of  by  the  sequel.  At  any  rate,  it  appears 
to  me  necessary  not  to  be  misunderstood.  Mr. 
Pendleton  is  therefore  authorized  to  say,  that  in  the 
course  of  the  present  discussion,  written  or  verbal, 
there  has  been  no  intention  to  evade,  defy,  or  in 
sult,  but  a  sincere  disposition  to  avoid  extremities, 
if  it  could  be  done  with  propriety.  With  this  view, 
Gen.  Hamilton  has  been  ready  to  enter  into  a  frank 
and  free  explanation  on  any  and  every  object  of  a 
specific  nature,  but  not  to  answer  a  general  and 
abstract  inquiry  embracing  a  period  too  long  for  any 


Private  Correspondence  471 

accurate  recollection,  and  exposing  him  to  unpleas 
ant  criticisms  from,  or  unpleasant  discussions  with, 
any  and  every  person  who  may  have  understood  him 
in  an  unfavorable  sense.  This  (admitting  that  he 
could  answer  in  a  manner  the  most  satisfactory  to 
Col.  Burr)  he  should  deem  inadmissible  in  principle 
and  precedent,  and  humiliating  in  practice.  To 
this  therefore  he  can  never  submit.  Frequent  allu 
sion  has  been  made  to  slanders  said  to  be  in  circula 
tion.  Whether  they  are  openly  or  in  whispers,  they 
have  a  form  and  shape  and  might  be  specified.  If 
the  alternative  alluded  to  in  the  close  of  the  letter  is 
definitely  tendered,  it  must  be  accepted;  the  time, 
place,  and  manner  to  be  afterwards  regulated.  I 
should  not  think  it  right  in  the  midst  of  a  Circuit 
Court  to  withdraw  my  services  from  those  who  may 
have  confided  important  interests  to  me  and  expose 
them  to  the  embarrassment  of  seeking  other  counsel, 
who  may  not  have  time  to  be  sufficiently  instructed 
in  their  case.  I  shall  also  want  a  little  time  to  make 
some  arrangements  respecting  my  own  affairs. 

STATEMENT     BY    HAMILTON    AS     TO    HIS     MOTIVES    IN 
MEETING   BURR 

On  my  expected  interview  with  Col.  Burr,  I  think 
it  proper  to  make  some  remarks  explanatory  of  my 
conduct,  motives,  and  views.  I  was  certainly  de 
sirous  of  avoiding  this  interview  for  the  most  cogent 
reasons : 

(i)  My  religious  and  moral  principles  are  strongly 
opposed  to  the  practice  of  duelling,  and  it  would 


472  Alexander  Hamilton 

ever  give  me  pain  to  be  obliged  to  shed  the  blood  of 
a  fellow-creature  in  a  private  combat  forbidden  by 
the  laws. 

(2)  My  wife  and  children  are  extremely  dear  to 
me,  and  my  life  is  of  the  utmost  importance  to  them 
in  various  views. 

(3)  I  feel  a  sense  of  obligation  towards  my  credit 
ors;   who,  in  case  of  accident  to  me  by  the  forced 
sale  of  my  property,  may  be  in  some  degree  sufferers. 
I  did  not  think  myself  at  liberty  as  a  man  of  probity 
lightly  to  expose  them  to  this  hazard. 

(4)  I  am  conscious  of  no  ill-will  to  Col.  Burr,  dis 
tinct  from  political  opposition,  which,  as  I  trust,  has 
proceeded  from  pure  and  upright  motives. 

Lastly,  I  shall  hazard  much  and  can  possibly  gain 
nothing  by  the  issue  of  the  interview. 

But  it  was,  as  I  conceive,  impossible  for  me  to 
avoid  it.  There  were  intrinsic  difficulties  in  the 
thing  and  artificial  embarrassments,  from  the  man 
ner  of  proceeding  on  the  part  of  Col.  Burr. 

Intrinsic,  because  it  is  not  to  be  denied  that  my 
animadversions  on  the  political  principles,  character, 
and  views  of  Col.  Burr  have  been  extremely  severe; 
and  on  different  occasions  I,  in  common  with  many 
others,  have  made  very  unfavorable  criticisms  on 
particular  instances  of  the  private  conduct  of  this 
gentleman.  In  proportion  as  these  impressions  were 
entertained  with  sincerity  and  uttered  with  motives 
and  for  purposes  which  might  appear  to  me  com 
mendable,  would  be  the  difficulty  (until  they  could 
be  removed  by  evidence  of  their  being  erroneous)  of 
explanation  or  apology.  The  disavowal  required  of 


Private  Correspondence  473 

me  by  Col.  Burr  in  a  general  and  indefinite  form  was 
out  of  my  power,  if  it  had  really  been  proper  for  me 
to  submit  to  be  questioned,  but  I  was  sincerely  of 
opinion  that  this  could  not  be,  and  in  this  opinion  I 
was  confirmed  by  that  of  a  very  moderate  and 
judicious  friend  whom  I  consulted.  Besides  that, 
Col.  Burr  appeared  to  me  to  assume,  in  the  first  in 
stance,  a  tone  unnecessarily  peremptory  and  men 
acing,  and,  in  the  second,  positively  offensive.  Yet 
I  wished,  as  far  as  might  be  practicable,  to  leave  a 
door  open  to  accommodation.  This,  I  think,  will  be 
inferred  from  the  written  communication  made  by 
me  and  by  my  directions,  and  would  be  confirmed 
by  the  conversations  between  Mr.  Van  Ness  and  my 
self  which  arose  out  of  the  subject.  I  am  not  sure 
whether,  under  all  the  circumstances,  I  did  not  go 
further  in  the  attempt  to  accommodate  than  a 
punctilious  delicacy  will  justify.  If  so,  I  hope  the 
motives  I  have  stated  will  excuse  me.  It  is  not  my 
design,  by  what  I  have  said,  to  affix  any  odium  on 
the  conduct  of  Col.  Burr  in  this  case.  He  doubtless 
has  heard  of  animadversions  of  mine  which  bore 
very  hard  upon  him,  and  it  is  probable  that  as  usual 
they  were  accompanied  with  some  falsehoods.  He 
may  have  supposed  himself  under  a  necessity  of 
acting  as  he  has  done.  I  hope  the  grounds  of  his 
proceeding  have  been  such  as  ought  to  satisfy  his 
own  conscience.  I  trust,  at  the  same  time,  that  the 
world  will  do  me  the  justice  to  believe  that  I  have 
not  censured  him  on  light  grounds  nor  from  un 
worthy  inducements.  I  certainly  have  had  strong 
reasons  for  what  I  have  said,  though  it  is  possible 


474  Alexander  Hamilton 

that  in  some  particulars  I  may  have  been  influenced 
by  misconstruction  or  misinformation.  It  is  also  my 
ardent  wish  that  I  may  have  been  more  mistaken 
than  I  think  I  have  been;  and  that  he,  by  his  future 
conduct,  may  show  himself  worthy  of  all  confidence 
and  esteem  and  prove  an  ornament  and  a  blessing 
to  the  country.  As  well,  because  it  is  possible  that 
I  may  have  injured  Col.  Burr,  however  convinced 
myself  that  my  opinions  and  declarations  have  been 
well-founded,  as  from  my  general  principles  and 
temper  in  relation  to  similar  affairs,  I  have  resolved, 
if  our  interview  is  conducted  in  the  usual  manner, 
and  it  pleases  God  to  give  me  the  opportunity,  to 
reserve  and  throw  away  my  first  fire,  and  I  have 
thoughts  even  of  reserving  my  second  fire,  and  thus 
giving  a  double  opportunity  to  Col.  Burr  to  pause 
and  reflect.  It  is  not,  however,  my  intention  to 
enter  into  any  explanations  on  the  ground.  Apology 
from  principle,  I  hope,  rather  than  pride,  is  out  of  the 
question.  To  those  who,  with  me,  abhorring  the 
practice  of  duelling,  may  think  that  I  ought  on  no 
account  to  have  added  to  the  number  of  bad  exam 
ples,  I  answer  that  my  relative  situation,  as  well  in 
public  as  private,  enforcing  all  the  considerations 
which  constitute  what  men  of  the  world  denominate 
honor,  imposed  on  me  (as  I  thought)  a  peculiar 
necessity  not  to  decline  the  call.  The  ability  to  be 
in  future  useful,  whether  in  resisting  mischief  or  in 
effecting  good,  in  those  crises  of  our  public  affairs 
which  seem  likely  to  happen,  would  probably  be  in 
separable  from  a  conformity  with  public  prejudice 
in  this  particular. 


Private  Correspondence  475 

TO   MRS.    HAMILTON 

July  10,  1804. 

This  letter,  my  dear  Eliza,  will  not  be  delivered  to 
you,  unless  I  shall  first  have  terminated  my  earthly 
career,  to  begin,  as  I  humbly  hope,  from  redeeming 
grace  and  divine  mercy,  a  happy  immortality.  If 
it  had  been  possible  for  me  to  have  avoided  the 
interview,  my  love  for  you  and  my  precious  children 
would  have  been  alone  a  decisive  motive.  But  it 
was  not  possible,  without  sacrifices  which  would  have 
rendered  me  unworthy  of  your  esteem.  I  need  not 
tell  you  of  the  pangs  I  feel  from  the  idea  of  quitting 
you,  and  exposing  you  to  the  anguish  I  know  you 
would  feel.  Nor  could  I  dwell  on  the  topic,  lest  it 
should  unman  me.  The  consolations  of  religion,  my 
beloved,  can  alone  support  you;  and  these  you  have 
a  right  to  enjoy.  Fly  to  the  bosom  of  your  God,  and 
be  comforted.  With  my  last  idea  I  shall  cherish  the 
sweet  hope  of  meeting  you  in  a  better  world.  Adieu, 
best  of  wives — best  of  women.  Embrace  all  my 
darling  children  for  me. 


TO   MRS.    HAMILTON 

Tuesday  evening,  10  o'clock. 

MY  BELOVED  ELIZA: 

Mrs.  Mitchell J  is  the  person  in  the  world  to  whom, 
as  a  friend,  I  am  under  the  greatest  obligation.  I 
have  not  hitherto  done  my  duty  to  her.  But 
resolved  to  repair  my  omission  to  her  as  much  as 

1  The  sister  of  Mr.  Peter  Lytton  and  of  Hamilton's  mother,  accord 
ing  to  the  statements  in  J.  C.  Hamilton's  unfinished  life  of  his  father. 


476  Alexander  Hamilton 

possible,  I  have  encouraged  her  to  come  to  this  coun 
try,  and  intend,  if  it  shall  be  in  my  power,  to  render 
the  evening  of  her  days  comfortable.  But  if  it  shall 
please  God  to  put  this  out  of  my  power,  and  to  en 
able  you  hereafter  to  be  of  service  to  her,  I  entreat 
you  to  do  it,  and  to  treat  her  with  the  tenderness  of 
a  sister.  This  is  my  second  letter.  The  scruples  of 
a  Christian  have  determined  me  to  expose  my  own 
life  to  any  extent,  rather  than  subject  myself  to  the 
guilt  of  taking  the  life  of  another.  This  much  in 
creases  my  hazards,  and  redoubles  my  pangs  for  you. 
But  you  had  rather  I  should  die  innocent  than  live 
guilty.  Heaven  can  preserve  me,  and  I  humbly 
hope  will;  but,  in  the  contrary  event,  I  charge  you 
to  remember  that  you  are  a  Christian.  God's  will 
be  done!  The  will  of  a  merciful  God  must  be  good. 
Once  more, 

Adieu,  my  darling,  darling  wife. 


[This  interesting  paper  or  letter,  now  first  printed, 
is  unaddressed  and  undated,  but  it  must  have  been 
written  after  1800,  and  perhaps  not  long  before  the 
writer's  death.  I  owe  it  to  the  kindness  of  the  gen 
tleman  in  New  York,  whose  letter  I  am  so  unfortu 
nate  as  to  have  lost.  See  page  231  of  Vol.  IX.] 

Herewith  is  a  general  statement  of  my  pecuniary 
affairs,  in  which  there  can  be  no  material  error. 

The  result  is  that  calculating  my  property  at  what 
it  stands  me  in,  I  am  now  worth  about  £10,000,  and 
that  estimating  according  to  what  my  lands  are  now 


Private  Correspondence  477 

selling  for  and  are  likely  to  fetch,  the  surplus  beyond 
my  debts  may  fairly  be  stated  at  nearly  double  that 
sum;  yet  I  am  pained  to  be  obliged  to  entertain 
doubts,  whether,  if  an  accident  should  happen  to 
me,  by  which  the  sales  of  my  property  should  come 
to  be  forced,  it  would  even  be  sufficient  to  pay  my 
debts.  In  a  situation  like  this,  it  is  perhaps  due  to 
my  reputation  to  explain  why  I  have  made  so  con 
siderable  an  establishment  in  the  country.  This  ex 
planation  shall  be  submitted. 

To  men  who  have  been  so  much  harassed  in  the 
base  world  as  myself,  it  is  natural  to  look  forward 
to  a  comfortable  retirement,  in  the  sequel  of  life,  as 
a  principal  desideratum.  This  desire  I  have  felt  in 
the  strongest  manner,  and  to  prepare  for  it  has 
latterly  been  a  favorite  object.  I  thought  I  might 
not  only  expect  to  accomplish  the  object,  but  might 
reasonably  aim  at  it  and  pursue  the  preparatory 
measures,  from  the  following  considerations: 

It  has  been  for  some  time  past  pretty  well  ascer 
tained  to  my  mind,  that  the  emoluments  of  my  pro 
fession  would  prove  equal  to  the  maintenance  of  my 
family  and  the  gradual  discharge  of  my  debts,  within 
a  period  to  the  end  of  which  my  faculties  for  business 
might  be  expected  to  extend  in  full  energy.  I  think 
myself  warranted  to  estimate  the  annual  product  of 
those  emoluments  at  twelve  thousand  dollars  at  the 
least.  My  expenses  while  the  first  improvements  of 
my  country  establishment  were  going  on  have  been 
great,  but  they  would  this  summer  and  fall  reach  the 
point  at  which,  it  is  my  intention  they  should  stop, 
at  least  till  I  should  be  better  able  than  at  present 


478  Alexander  Hamilton 

to  add  to  them ;  and  after  a  fair  examination  founded 
upon  an  actual  account  of  my  expenditures,  I  am 
persuaded  that  a  plan  I  have  contemplated  for  the 
next  and  succeeding  years  would  bring  my  expenses 
of  every  kind  within  the  compass  of  four  thousand 
dollars  yearly,  exclusive  of  the  interest  of  my  country 
establishment.  To  this  limit  I  have  been  resolved 
to  reduce  them,  even  though  it  should  be  necessary 
to  lease  that  establishment  for  a  few  years.  In  the 
meantime,  my  lands  now  in  a  course  of  sale  and  set 
tlement  would  accelerate  the  extinguishment  of  my 
debts,  and  in  the  end  leave  me  a  handsome  clear 
property.  It  was  also  allowable  for  me  to  take  into 
view  collaterally  the  expectations  of  my  wife :  which 
have  been  of  late  partly  realized.  She  is  now  en 
titled  to  a  property  of  between  2,000  and  3,000 
pounds  (as  I  compute),  by  descent  from  her  mother, 
and  her  father  is  understood  to  possess  a  large  estate. 
I  feel  all  the  delicacy  of  this  allusion,  but  the  occasion, 
I  trust,  will  plead  my  excuses,  and  that  venerable 
father,  I  am  sure,  will  pardon.  He  knows  well  all 
the  nicety  of  my  past  conduct. 

Viewing  the  matter  in  these  different  aspects,  I 
trust  the  opinion  of  candid  men  will  be  that  there 
has  been  no  impropriety  in  my  conduct,  especially 
when  it  is  taken  into  the  calculation,  that  my  country 
establishment,  though  costly,  promises,  by  the  pro 
gressive  rise  of  property  on  this  island  and  the 
felicity  of  its  situation,  to  become  more  and  more 
valuable.  My  chief  apology  is  to  those  friends  who 
have  from  mere  kindness  endorsed  my  paper  dis 
counted  at  the  banks.  On  mature  reflection  I  have 


Private  Correspondence  479 

thought  it  justifiable  to  secure  them  in  preference 
to  other  creditors,  lest  perchance  there  should  be  a 
deficit.  Yet,  while  this  may  save  them  from  even 
tual  loss,  it  will  not  exempt  them  from  present  in 
convenience.  As  to  this  I  can  only  throw  myself 
upon  their  kindness  and  entreat  the  indulgence  of 
the  banks  for  them.  Perhaps  the  request  may  be 
supposed  entitled  to  some  regard.  In  the  event 
which  would  bring  this  paper  to  the  public  eye,  one 
thing  at  least  would  be  put  beyond  doubt.  This  is 
that  my  public  labors  have  amounted  to  an  absolute 
sacrifice  of  the  interests  of  my  family,  and  that  in 
all  pecuniary  concerns  the  delicacy  no  less  than  the 
probity  of  conduct  in  public  stations  has  been  such 
as  to  defy  even  the  shadow  of  a  question. 

Indeed,  I  have  not  enjoyed  the  ordinary  advan 
tages  incident  to  my  military  services.  Being  a 
member  of  Congress  while  the  question  of  the  com 
mutation  of  the  half  pay  of  the  army  for  a  sum  in 
gross  was  in  debate,  delicacy  and  a  desire  to  be  use 
ful  to  the  army  by  removing  the  idea  of  my  having 
an  interest  in  the  question,  induced  me  to  write  to 
the  Secretary  of  War  and  relinquish  my  claim  to 
half  pay,  which  or  the  equivalent  I  have  never  re 
ceived.  Neither  have  I  even  applied  for  the  lands 
allowed  by  the  United  States  to  officers  of  my  rank. 
Nor  did  I  ever  obtain  from  this  State  the  allowance 
of  lands  made  to  officers  of  similar  rank.  It  is  true 
that  having  served  through  the  latter  periods  of  the 
war  on  the  general  staff  of  the  United  States  and  not 
in  the  line  of  this  State,  I  could  not  claim  the  allow 
ance  as  a  matter  of  course;  but  having  before  the 


480  Alexander  Hamilton 

war  resided  in  this  State,  and  having  entered  the 
military  career  at  the  head  of  a  company  of  artillery 
raised  for  the  particular  defence  of  this  State,  I  had 
better  pretensions  to  the  allowance  than  others  to 
whom  it  was  actually  made,  yet  it  has  not  been 
extended  to  me. 

A.  H. 


RULES   FOR   MR.    PHILIP   HAMILTON 

From  the  first  of  April  to  the  first  of  October  he 
is  to  rise  not  later  than  six  o'clock;  the  rest  of  the 
year  not  later  than  seven.  If  earlier,  he  will  de 
serve  commendation.  Ten  will  be  his  hour  of  going 
to  bed  throughout  the  year. 

From  the  time  he  is  dressed  in  the  morning  till 
nine  o'clock  (the  time  for  breakfast  excepted),  he 
is  to  read  law.  At  nine  he  goes  to  the  office,  and 
continues  there  till  dinner  time.  He  will  be  occu 
pied  partly  in  writing  and  partly  in  reading  law. 

After  dinner  he  reads  law  at  home  till  five  o'clock. 
From  this  time  till  seven  he  disposes  of  his  time  as 
he  pleases.  From  seven  to  ten  he  reads  and  studies 
whatever  he  pleases. 

From  twelve  on  Saturday  he  is  at  liberty  to  amuse 
himself. 

On  Sunday  he  will  attend  the  morning  church. 
The  rest  of  the  day  may  be  applied  to  innocent 
recreations. 

He  must  not  depart  from  any  of  these  rules  with 
out  my  permission. 


Private  Correspondence  481 

LAST  WILL  AND  TESTAMENT  OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON 

In  the  name  of  God,  Amen! 

I,  Alexander  Hamilton,  of  the  State  of  New  York, 
counsellor  at  law,  do  make  this  my  last  will  and 
testament,  as  follows:  First,  I  appoint  John  B. 
Church,  Nicholas  Fish,  and  Nathaniel  Pendleton,  of 
the  city  aforesaid,  esquires,  to  be  executors  and 
trustees  of  this  my  will,  and  I  devise  to  them,  their 
heirs  and  assigns,  as  joint  tenants,  and  not  as  ten 
ants  in  common,  all  my  estate,  real  and  personal, 
whatsoever  and  wheresoever  upon  trust,  at  their 
discretion  to  sell  and  dispose  of  the  same  at  such 
time  and  times,  in  such  manner,  and  upon  such 
terms  as  they  the  survivors  and  survivor  shall  think 
fit,  and  out  of  the  proceeds  to  pay  all  the  debts 
which  I  shall  owe  at  the  time  of  my  decease,  in 
whole,  if  the  fund  shall  be  sufficient,  proportionally, 
if  it  shall  be  insufficient,  and  the  residue,  if  any  there 
shall  be,  to  pay  and  deliver  to  my  excellent  and  dear 
wife,  Elizabeth  Hamilton. 

Though,  if  it  please  God  to  spare  my  life,  I  may 
look  for  a  considerable  surplus  out  of  my  present 
property;  yet  if  he  should  speedily  call  me  to  the 
eternal  world,  a  forced  sale,  as  is  usual,  may  pos 
sibly  render  it  insufficient  to  satisfy  my  debts.  I 
pray  God  that  something  may  remain  for  the  main 
tenance  and  education  of  my  dear  wife  and  children. 
But  should  it  on  the  contrary  happen  that  there  is 
not  enough  for  the  payment  of  my  debts,  I  entreat 
my  dear  children,  if  they  or  any  of  them  shall 
ever  be  able,  to  make  up  the  deficiency.  I  without 


VOL.  X. — 31. 


482  Alexander  Hamilton 

hesitation  commit  to  their  delicacy  a  wish  which  is 
dictated  by  my  own.  Though  conscious  that  I  have 
too  far  sacrificed  the  interests  of  my  family  to  pub 
lic  avocations,  and  on  this  account  have  the  less 
elaim  to  burthen  my  children,  yet  I  trust  in  their 
magnanimity  to  appreciate,  as  they  ought,  this 
my  request.  In  so  unfavorable  an  event  of  things, 
the  support  of  their  dear  mother,  with  the  most 
respectful  and  tender  attention,  is  a  duty  all  the 
sacredness  of  which  they  will  feel.  Probably  her 
own  patrimonial  resources  will  preserve  her  from  in 
digence.  But  in  all  situations  they  are  charged  to 
bear  in  mind  that  she  has  been  to  them  the  most  de 
voted  and  best  of  mothers.  In  testimony  whereof, 
I  have  hereunto  subscribed  my  hand,  the  ninth  day 
of  July,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand  eight 
hundred  and  four. 

ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

Signed,  sealed,  published,  and  as  and  for  his  last 
will  and  testament  in  our  presence,  who  have  sub 
scribed  our  names  in  his  presence. 

DOMINICK  T.  BLAKE. 

GRAHAM  NEWELL. 

INEZ  B.  VALLEAU. 


EPITAPH  ON  A  TABLET,  BY  THE  SOCIETY  OF  THE  CINCIN 
NATI,  IN  TRINITY  CHURCH,  NEW  YORK 

This  Tablet 
does  not  profess  to  perpetuate 

the  memory  of  a  man, 
to  whom  the  age  has  produced 

no  superior; 

nor  to  emblazon  worth, 

eminently  conspicuous  in  every  feature 

of  his  country's  greatness ; 
nor  to  anticipate  posterity  in  their 
judgment  of  the  loss  which  she  has 
sustained  by  his  premature  death; 

but  to  attest, 

in  the  simplicity  of  grief, 

the  veneration  and  anguish  which  fill 

the  hearts  of  the  members  of  the 

New  York  State  Society  of 

Cincinnati 

on  every  recollection 
of  their  illustrious  brother, 

Major-General 
Alexander  Hamilton. 


483 


INDEX  TO 
PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 


HAMILTON,  ALEX.,  to  — 

Adams,  John  (1792),  x.,  15,  28; 

(1800)  382,  390 

Allison,  William  (1777),  ix.,  45 
Auldjo  (1787),  ix.,  421 
Bayard,  James  Ashton  (1800), 

x.,    384,    402;     (1801)    412; 

(1802)  432 

Bond,  Phineas  (1796),  x.,  191 
Boudinot,  Elias  (1778), ix.,  147, 

149;     (1792)    541;     x.,    14; 

(1796),  182 
Bradford,  William  (1795),  x., 

98 
Brooks,  Colonel  John  (1779), 

ix.,  168,  172 

Broome, Samuel  (i788),ix.,442 
Burke,  ^Edanus  (1790),  ix.,  467 
Burr,  Aaron  (1804),  x., 46 1,464 
Carrington ,  Col .  Edward  (1792), 

ix.,  513;  x.,  5 

Carroll,  Charles  (1800),  x.,  378 
de  Chastellux,  Francois  Jean 

(1785),  ix.,  403 
Chipman,     Nathaniel     (1788), 

ix.,  438,  447 
Church,   John   Barker    (1784), 

ix.,  396 
Clinton,   Gov.   George    ("1778), 

ix.,    122,    127;     (1782)    263, 

266,  281,  308,  313,  339,  342, 

382,  388;   (1804)  450-454 
Cruger,  Tileman  (1771),  ix.,  38 
Dayton,  General  Elias  (1798), 

x.,  305 
Dayton,  Jonathan   (1799),  x., 

329 

Dexter,  Samuel  (1800),  x.,  380 
Dickinson,  John  (1783),  ix.,  350 
Duane,  James  (1779),  ix.,  169, 

171,    176,    178;     (1780)    192, 

204,  225 


109, 


Duer,  William  (1777),  ix.,  63; 

(1778)     132;      (1790)     466; 

(1791)493;   (1792)  502,  510 
Duportail,  General  (1798),  x., 

298 
Editor  of  Evening  Post  (1802), 

x.,  441 
Fitzsimmons,  Thomas   (1784), 

ix.,  399;  (1794)  x.,  78 
Gates,  General  (1777),  ix., 

Goodhue,  Benjamin  (1791),  ix., 

483 
Gordon,  Dr.  Wm.  (1779),  ix., 

169,  188 
Gouvernet,   Count   (1798),   x., 

322 
Gouverneur,    Nicholas   (1791), 

ix.,  500 
Greene,    General    (1780),    ix., 

194,  237;  (1782)  301 
Greene,  Mrs.  General  (1793),  x., 

Greene,  William,  Governor  of 
Rhode  Island  (1782),  ix.,  306 
Greenleaf  (1796),  x.,  187 
Hamilton,  Angelica  (1793),  x., 

Hamilton,  James  (i  785), ix., 405 
Hamilton,  James  A.  (1804),  x., 

457 

Hamilton,  Mrs.  (Eliz.  Schuyler), 
(1781),  ix.,  243-247;  (1782) 
250,380;  (1801)  x.,  421, 422, 

475 
Hamilton,    Philip    (1791),   ix., 

499;  x.,  480 

Hamilton  (1797),  x.,  257 
Hancock,  John  (i777),ix.,  101, 

IO2 

Harrison,  Col.  R.  H.  (i789>,ix., 
464;  (1793)  x.,  30 


485 


486          Index  to  Private  Correspondence 


HAMILTON,  ALEX.,  to — 

Hazard,  Nathaniel  (1786),  ix., 

4*3 
Henley,  Colonel  David  (1779), 

ix.,  167 
Heth,      Colonel      and      others 

(1792),  ix.,  539;  x,  324 
Hoffman,  Josiah  O.  (1799),  x., 

354 
Izard,  Captain  George  (1800), 

x.,  361 
Jay,  John,  Pres.  of  Continental 

Congress    (1779),    ix.,    159; 

(1783)     381;      (1790)     473; 

(1792)  x.,  18,  29;   (1793)  38, 

39;   (1794)  66;   (1800)  371 
Jefferson, Thomas  (1793), x., 40 
King,  Rufus  (1787),  ix.,  423, 

457;  (I79I>48s; (1792)  540; 

x.,3,6,2o;  (1793)33,40,46, 

So,  53;    (i794)   69,  70,  77; 

(1795)89,  91,  98, 101, 103, 135 ; 

(1796)    141,    149,    161,    163, 

2I5,    237;     (!797)    254,    266; 

(1798)    274,    283,    291,    321; 

(1800)     357;      (1802)     437; 

(1804)  448 
Knox,  General  (1782),  ix.,  256; 

(1791)  497;    (1799)  x.,  348 
Knox,  Hugh  (1777),  ix.,  82 
Lafayette,  Marquis  (1778),  ix., 

137;  (1781)  247;  (1782)303; 
r   (1789)  459;  (*799)  x-,  336 
Laurens,    Colonel    (1778),    ix., 

156;   (1779)  176,  184;   (1780) 

209;  (1782)  280 
Lear,  Tobias  (1800),  x.,  356 
Lee,    Henry    (1789),    ix.,    465; 

(1800)  x.,  363 
Lee,  Major  (1779),  ix.,  166 
Livingston,  Miss  (1779),  ix.,  163 
Livingston,  Robert  (1777),  ix., 

4.5,  77.  95 
Livingston,    Wm.    (1777),    ix., 

59,  61;    (1788)  422 
Madison,  James,  Jr.  (1783),  ix., 

377,   379;  (1788),   427,    428, 

430,  432-437,  440,  453,  462 
Matthews,     George,     Gov.     of 

Georgia  (1794),  x.,  71 
McHenry,    James    (1796),    x., 

171;  (1797)  241;   (1798)  281, 

307,   309,   3i7,   320;     (1799) 

349;  (1800)  388 
Meade,  Richard  K.  (1782),  ix., 

253,  282 


MifHin,  Thomas  (1783),  ix.,  394 
Miranda,  Francisco  (1798),  x., 

3J$ 
Morris,  Gouverneur  (1777),  ix., 

45,  47,  54,  65,  68,  71,  74,  86, 

89,     99;      (1784)     399,     402; 

(1788)     428;       (1792)      537; 

(1800)  x.,  398,  401;     (1801) 

407,   408,   419;     (1802)    425, 

427,  429,  443 
Moms,  Robert  (1782),  ix.,  255, 

259,  262,  264,  282,  284,  286, 

288,  289,  292,  294,  295,  302 
Noailles,  Vicomte  de  (1782),  ix., 

296 

Olney,  Colonel  (1793),  x.,  59 
Otis,  Harrison  Gray  (1799),  x., 

338 
Pickering,  Timothy  (1782),  ix., 

287;  (1789)  464;  (1790)  468; 

(1791)  487;    (1795)  x.,   133, 
139,    164,    184,    194;     (1797) 
236,  237,  243,  246,  250,  261, 
266,    272;     (1798)    275,    279, 
280,292,294,  297,  319;  (1799) 
342,    343,    35o;    (1800)    366, 
369,  376,  391;  (1803)  446 

Pinckney,    Gen.    Chas.    Cotes- 
worth  (1792),  x.,  22;    (1800) 
368;  (1802)  428,444 
Putnam,  General (17 7 7),  ix.,i2o 
Ross,  James  (1801),  x.,  405 
Rush,  Dr.  Benj.  (1802),  x.,  424 
Rutledge,  John  (1800),  x.,  404 
Sands,  Comfort  (1782),  ix.,  261 
Schuyler,  Elizabeth  (1780),  ix., 

202,  206,  208 
Schuyler,    Philip     (1781),    ix., 

232;  x.,  457 

Sears,  Isaac  (1780),  ix.,  224 
Sedgwick,  Theodore  (1788),  ix., 
446,    451;      (1795)     x.,     89; 
(1797)  231,  239,  278;    (1798) 
318,  327;    (1799)  345;  (1800) 
362,     371,     374,     375,     397; 
(1801)  420;  (1804)  457 
Semphill,  Messrs.,  &  Co.  (1786), 

ix.,  415 

Seton,  William  (1791),  ix.,  476, 
490,     491,     495,     496,     498; 

(1792)  501,  503,  506,  507,  509, 
512,  540;  x.,  16 

Short,  William  (1792),  x.,  31 
Smith,  William  (1796),  x.,  147; 

(1797)    224,    230,    253,    256; 

(1800)  364 


Index  to  Private  Correspondence         487 


HAMILTON,  ALEX., 

Steele,  John  (1792),  x.,  25 
Steuben,  Baron  (1778), ix., 155; 

(1779)  165,  170;   (1780)  191, 
195,  199-201 

Stevens,  Edward  (1769),  ix.,  37 
Stirling,  Lord  (1778),  ix.,  142 
Stoddert,  Benjamin  (1798),  x., 

Sullivan,  John,   Pres.   of  New 

Hampshire   (1778),  x.,   458; 

(1788),  ix.,  432 
Talleyrand  (1804),  x.,  455 
Taylor,  Colonel  (1799),  x.,  353 
Ternay,    Chevalier   de    (1780), 

ix.,  196 
Thomas,  John,  Sheriff  of  West- 

chester  (1786),  ix.,  416 
Troup,  Robert  (1795),  x.,  107 
Verplanck,  Gulian  (1792),  ix., 

501 
Wadsworth,   Jeremiah    (1787), 

ix.,  422;    (1793)  x.,  56 
Walker,  Martha  (1791),  ix.,  484 
Washington,     George     (1777), 

ix.,  103,  in,  115,  119;  (1778) 

138,     139,     144,     146,     179; 

(1780)  189,    195,    205,    226, 
228,  459;     (1781)   238,  240, 
243;   (1782)  251;   (1783)  310, 
322-338,    385,    386;    (1785) 
412;     (1787)   417,  423,  425; 
(1788)  441,  444,  452;  (i789) 
463;     (1790)    469,   470,   472, 


474;  (1791)  478,  479.  482, 
497;  (1792)  542;  x.,  n; 
(*793)  36>  37;  (i794)  63,  65, 
67,  79;  (1795)  82,  84,  86,  87, 
122,  124,  129,  132,  137,  140; 
(1796)  142,  143,  145,  151, 

152,  i5S»  l65>  Z7I.  J77,  *8o, 

186,  189—191,  198,  200,  204, 
206,    208,    229;    (1797)    233, 
272;     (1798)    284,   286,   295, 
299»   3i°»   320;     (i799)    343» 

Washington,  Mrs.  Martha 
(1800),  x.,  360 

Wayne,  Gen.  Anthony  (1780), 
ix.,  200 

Wilkes,  Israel  (1785),  ix.,  406 

Williams,  Gen.  Otho  H.  (1779), 
ix.,  166;  (1792)  536 

Willink,  Van  Staphorst  &  Hub. 
bard  (1795),  x.,  84 

Winn  (1790),  ix.,  468 

Wolcott,  Oliver  (i789),ix.,  459; 
(1794)  x.,  76;  (1795)  92,  102, 
104,  106,  107,  112-117,  125, 
126;  (1796)  145,  161,  170, 
173-176,  179,  182,  183,  185, 

187,  188,  196,  197,  201,  209, 
213,    218,    224;     (1797)    238, 
248,  251,  256,  267,  270,  273, 
274;     (1798)    288,    295,   304, 
312,   316;     (1799)    346,   349. 
351;     (1800)    365,   368,   377, 
383.  389»  392,  3935  (1802)  442 


MISCELLANEOUS 


Burr,  Aaron,  to  Hamilton,  x.,  460, 

463 
HAMILTON,  ALEX.,  to— 

,  (1781),  ix.,  230;  (1787) 

419;   (1791)   477;   (J793)   x-> 

58;  (1796)   195;  (1797)   227; 

(1801)  423 
County  Treasurers  (1782),  ix., 

268,  285 
Creditor      of     William      Duer 

(1793),  x.,  49 
Friend  in  Europe  (1794),  x.,  78 


N.  Y.  Bank  (1792),  ix.,  508 
N.  Y.  Congress  (1776),  ix.,  40, 

42,  44,  56,  58 
U.  S.  Senate  (1794),  x.,  60 
Pendleton,  Major  Nathan,  to  W. 

P.  Van  Ness,  x.,  466 
Statements  concerning  duel  with 

Burr,  x.,  470,  471 
Van  Ness,  Maj.  W.  P.,  to  Major 

Pendleton,  x.,  465,  468 
Washington  to  Hamilton  (1795). 
x.,85 


GENERAL  INDEX 


VOLS.  I.-X.,  INCLUSIVE 


(The  index  for  Vols.  XI.  and  XII.,  containing  the  Federalist,  will 
be  found  at  the  close  of  Vol.  XII.) 


Achaian  League,  ii.,  223 

Adams,  John,  quarrel  with  Hamil 
ton,  vii.,  309;  administration 
of,  309,  et  seq.;  opinion  on 
British  troops  in  U.  S.,  iv.,  313 ; 
slandered  by  Croswell,  viii.,  387 

Adams  controversy  (John  Adams) 
vii.,  309-365;  Hamilton's  at 
tack  on  Adams,  309;  letters  to 
Adams,  364 

Additional  supplies  for  1792,  com 
munication  to  Congress,  ii.,  408 

Addresses,  at  Annapolis  Conven 
tion  (1786),  i.,  335;  on  Clinton, 
candidate  for  N.  Y.  governor 
(1789),  ii.,  103,  113;  (1801) 
viii.,  223;  to  public  creditors 
(1790),  ii.,  472 

Adet,  French  minister  toU.  S.,vi., 
206,  213,  215,  217 

Aix-la-Chapelle,  treaty  of,  v.,  465 

Albany,  representation  from,  ii., 
30;  supervisors  of ,  103 

Alexander,  practice  regarding  pri 
vate  debts  in  war  time,  v.,  430 

Allegorical  Device  by  Hamilton, 
vi.,  332 

Allen,  Ira,  viii.,  53 

America,  British  rule  in,  i.,  3,  et 
seq.  (See  Colonies  and  United 
States.) 

Americans,  example  to  France, 
iv.,  466;  manufactures  of,  i., 
144;  property  of,  iv.,  215; 
supplies,  v.,  78;  uniformity  of, 
ii.,  38 

"Americanus,"  papers  on  U.  S. 


obligations  to  France   (1794), 

v.,  74;  vi.,  215  ^ 
Amsterdam,  bills,  iii.,  68,  71,  119; 

loans  from,  93,  174 
Annapolis,  Convention  at,  i.,  243, 

"Answer,"  paper  signed  "Ameri 
canus,  "in  Mwerya  (Dec.,  1 7  96), 
on  French  decree  against  neu 
trals,  vi.,  215 

Anti- Federalists,  address  of  can 
didates  of  (1801),  viii.,  223; 
character  of,  224;  sympathy 
with  France,  225;  charges 
against  administration  of  U.  S., 
231;  administration  of  N.  Y. 
by,  242 

Arrears  of  pay  (1790),  Hamilton 
to  Washington  on  soldiers'  pe 
tition  (Cabinet  paper),  ii.,  327 

Atlantic  States,  commerce  of,  iv., 

327 

Augustus,  policy  of,  iv.,  248 
Austria,  i.,  259;  iii. ,322;  iv.,482; 

v.,  258 
Austria,    Empress    of,    result    of 

death  of,  i.,  259 
d'Autun,  Bishop  (see  Talleyrand), 

iv.,  3 

Bacon's  insurrection  in  Virginia, 

i.,  112 

Baldwin,  Abraham,  vi  ,  184 
Baltic,  flax-seed  from,  i.,  26 
Banks,  essential  to  government, 
iii.,    167;     examples    in    other 
countries,  i.,  234;   iii.,  428;   of 


489 


490 


General  Index 


Banks  (Continued) 

North  America,  iii.,  no,  119, 
140;  State,  no,  140.  (See  Na 
tional  Bank  and  State  names.) 

Barbeyrac  cited,  iv.,  316,  397 ;  v., 


Barre,  i.,  132 

Barthelemy,  vi.,  287 

Beaumarchais  (de),  supplies  fur 
nished  by,  iv.,  430;  ^.,322,323 

Beckwith,  Major,  iv.,  296,  298,  et 
seq.,  343 

Bellegarde,  Marqtiis,  right  to  hold 
Georgia  land,  v.,  400 

Benson,  Egbert,  ii.,  139 

Biddle,  Charles,  v.,  4;    vi.,  351, 

352 

Blackstone  cited,  i.,  62,  89,  146, 
412;  viii.,  304 

Bland,  Colonel,  i.,  300 

Blockade  runners,  v.,  120 

Boston,  i.,  37,  38,  133,  140,  142; 
v.,  370 

Bourn  on  ville,  secretary  of  French 
legation,  v.,  67,  73 

Bradford,  Wm.,  ii.,  179 

Bradley,  Major,  vii.,  162 

Breckenridge  in  Whiskey  Rebel 
lion,  vi.,  456 

British,  colonization,  v.,  336; 
Courts  of  Admiralty,  369; 
creditors,  compensation  stipu 
lated  in  Jays  treaty,  347, 
350;  debts,  proposition  for 
sequestration  of,  106;  domin 
ions  defined,  i.,  85 ;  evacuation, 
terms  of,  v.,  146;  Government, 
fallacious  comparison  with  U. 
S.,  ii.,  33;  manufactures  and 
shipping,  i.,  144,  148;  protec 
tion  of  industries,  vi.,  £4;  trade, 
colonial  and  coasting,  32; 
treaties,  v.,  i8g,etseq.;  vi.,  72, 
73;  viii.,  238;  troops  in  Amer 
ica,  iv.,  313,  329,  et  seq. 

Buel,  Major,  vii.,  162 

Building-tax,  plan  submitted  to 
Sec.  of  Treasury,  1797,  iii.,  312 

Burbeck,  Colonel,  vii.,  91 

Burgoyne,  General,  vi.,  206 

Burke,  Edmund,  i.,  132 

Burlemaqui,  i.,  61;  iv.,  397,  448 

Burlington,  i.,  276 

Burr,  Aaron,  published  Hamil 
ton's  attack  on  Adams,  vii., 
309;  nomination  for  Gov.  of 


N.  Y.,  1804,  viii.,  373;  op 
posed  by  Lansing,  defeated 
(note),  personal  character  and 
ancestry,  373 

Bussy,  French  minister  to  Lon 
don,  v.,  464 

Butler,  Major,  vi.,  408 

Butler,  Col.  R.,  letter  from,  i., 
304, 3i4 

Bynkerschoeck  cited,  v.,  29,  36, 
41,  383,  411, 427, 429;  vi.,  87,131 

Caesar,  ii.,  461;  iii.,  5;  v.,  77 
Caldwell,  John,  deputy  quarter 
master,  iii.,  23 

Calhoun,  J.  C.,  free- trader,  iv.,  200 
Callendar,     James,     accused     of 

slander,  viii.,  388 
Calonne  (de),  M.,  French  Minister 

of  Finance,  iv.,  421 
"Camillus"  papers:  Defence  of 
Jay's  treaty  with  England 
(1795),  v.,  189;  state  of  affairs 
in  U.  S.,  198;  English  breaches 
of  treaty,  210;  U.  S.  breaches, 
224;  objects  to  be  gained,  238;. 
compromise,  241;  Jay's  bear 
ing  in  England,  242 ;  surrender 
of  western  posts,  251;  reason 
for  delay  in  evacuation,  264; 
indemnification,  273;  citizen 
ship,  284;  peace  of  Utrecht, 
289;  stipulations  on  trade  and 
commerce,  292;  fur  trade,  305, 
320;  Mississippi  River,  327, 
338;  compensation  to  British 
creditors,  347,  377;  compen 
sation  to  U.  S.  citizens,  361; 
seizure  of  U.  S.  vessels  (1793), 
372;  law  of  nations  on  restitu 
tion,  382;  commissioners  ap 
pointed,  388;  right  of  British 
to  hold  land  in  U.  S.,  389; 
authorities  quoted,  395;  pri 
vate  debts  in  war,  404 ;  opinion 
of  jurist  on  confiscation,  421; 
necessity  of  protecting  for 
eigners  in  commerce,  442 ;  other 
treaties,  456;  articles  relative 
to  intercourse,  commerce,  and 
navigation,  474 ;  colonial  laws  in. 
wartime,  vi.,  4;  Genet's  negoti 
ations,  1 1 ;  U.  S.  owes  no  debt 
to  France,  iv.,  478;  articles  on 
trade ,  vi . ,  2 1 , 5  9 ;  import  and  ton 
nage  duties,  27,61;  navigation, 


General  Index 


491 


•*'  Camillas  "  papers  (Continued) 
32,  59;  East  India  trade,  39; 
relations  between  U.  S.  and  Gt. 
Britain,  47;  other  commercial 
treaties,  56;  consuls,  76;  law  of 
nations,  88 ;  principles  of  armed 
neutrality,  94,  100;  contraband 
articles,  114,  127;  maritime 
regulations,  140,  150;  enlist 
ment  in  foreign  service,  144; 
reception  of  ships  of  war,  148; 
foreign  residents,  156;  criminal 
refugees,  158;  duration  of  arti 
cles,  159;  constitutionality  of 
treaty,  160;  Gerry's  objection 
to  Constitution,  184;  consular 
convention  of  France,  195; 
authorship  of  papers,  v.,  189; 
vi.,  3,  140 

Campo  Formio,  treaty  of,  vii.,  91 

Canada,  boundaries  of,  v.,  321, 
322;  communication  with  the 
sea,  310;  through  Champlain, 
331 ;  criminal  law,  jury,  i.,  185, 
1 86;  French  law  in,  181;  fur 
trade,  v.,  273;  legislature  of,  i., 
186;  population  of,  28;  power 
of  Catholic  Church  in,  187,  191 ; 
situation  of,  37;  tithes,  188, 
viceroy  of,  viii.,  55 

Carriage  tax,  1795,  fragment  of 
brief,  viii.,  378 

Cass,  Major,  vii.,  162 

Catherine  of  Russia,  vi.,  101 

Cato  attacks  Jay's  treaty,  v.,  273, 
307;  vi.,  59 

Chalmers's  collection  of  treaties, 
vi.,  92 

Champlain,  Lake,  i.,  154;  v.,  331 

Charlemagne,  i.,  385 

Charles  II.,  i.,  106 

Charleston,  evacuation  of,  viii.,  81 

Charters,  history  of  the  various,  i., 

93-II3 
Chauvelin,  M.,  note  to  Lord  Gren- 

ville,  iv.,  403 
Chester    County,    indictment   in, 

vi.,  346 

Childs'  newspaper,  i.,  424 
China,  gold  and  silver  in,  iv.,  18 
Cincinnati,  Society  of  the,  viii.,  63 
"  Civis  to  Mercator  "  :   Letters  on 

the  public  debt  (1792),  iii.,  28 
Clarkson,  Mayor,  vi.,  351 
Claviere,  Minister  of  Finance,  iv., 

421 


Clay  compromise,  iv.,  200 

Clingman  connection  with  Rey 
nolds  affair,  vii.,  369—413,  417— 
448 

Clinton,  George,  Governor  of  New 
York  (1787),  viii.,  5;  candidate 
for  re-election,  1789,  ii.,  103; 
addresses  against,  103—130;  let 
ters  of  H.  G.  against,  133-175 
(see  also  Addresses  and  Letters 
of  H.  G.);  candidate  for  N.  Y. 
governor  (1801),  viii.,  223;  ad 
ministration  of,  242;  antipathy 
to  U.  S.  Constitution,  245;  late 
Governor  of  N.  Y.  (1795),  v., 
194 

Clinton,  Sir  Henry,  iv.,  259 

Cochran,  Wm.,  vi.,  377 

Coinage  and  the  Mint:  Hamil 
ton's  report  to  Jefferson  on 
establishment  of  mint  (1790), 
iv. ,  3 ;  suggestion  of  examina 
tion  of  foreign  coinage,  58 ;  Ham 
ilton  to  Washington  (1795),  59 

Coke,  Lord,  quoted,  i.,  68;  v., 
319,  391 ;  viii.,  29,  395,  406,  407 

Collectors  of  customs,  instruc 
tions  to,  regarding  foreign  ves 
sels,  v.,  49 

Colonies,  controversy  with  Eng 
land,  i.,  7;  independent,  64; 
declared  by  James  I.  not  sub 
ject  to  Parliament,  100;  danger 
of  variance  among,  129;  pre 
parations  for  war,  167;  act  of 
General  Assembly  (1691),  172 

Commercial  relations  with  Great 
Britain  and  France:  Hamil 
ton's  draft  of  Smith's  speech, 
(1794),  iv.,  205,  222-224 

Commercial  treaties,  vi.,  72,  73 

Commissioners  of  Trade  and 
Plantation,  i.,  107;  appointed 
by  the  States,  336,  339 

Confederation,  defects  of,  i.,  215, 
223,  262,  303,  343.  38l'»  "•» 

Congress,  Speeches  and  resolu 
tions  in  (1783),  revenue,  i.,  299; 
State  funds,  300;  interest  of 
creditors,  303;  mutiny  of 
troops,  303,  314,  et  seq.;  resolu 
tion  for  general  convention, 
305;  special  session  of,  v.,  54; 
treaty  papers,  demand  for,  viii., 
1 6 1 .  (See  United  States.) 


492 


General  Index 


Connecticut,  charter  of,  i.,  106, 
1 08;  connection  with  sea,  276; 
excise  duties  in,  ii.,  344 ;  legisla 
ture  of,  410 ;  payments  to  U.  S., 
211,  218;  population  in,  17; 
delegates  fearexpense  of  U.  S.,40 

Continental  Congress  (1774),  at 
tacks  on,  i.,  3;  vindication  of 
(see  "Full  Vindication"  and 
' '  Farmer  Refuted  " ) ,  3 ,  5  3 

Continental  conventions,  i.,  123; 
money,  329;  treasury,  222 

Continentalist:  Series  of  papers  on 
State  matters  (1781),  i.,  243; 
necessity  for  central  power, 
245;  situation  of  U.  S.,  253; 
evils  to  be  apprehended,  254; 
provision  for  revenue,  262,  263; 
imports  as  a  source  of  revenue, 
272;  necessity  of  central  regu 
lation  of  trade,  277 

Contraband  articles,  v.,  169 

Contracts,  obligations  of,  ii.,  332 

Convening  Congress :  Hamilton 
to  Washington  (1793),  viii.,  no 

Convention  of  New  York  (see  New- 
York),  ii.,  3  (see  also  Annapolis 
and  Federal) 

Cook,  Edward,  petitioner  from 
Penn.  concerning  excise  duty, 
ii-»  394 

Cornwallis,  Lord,  i.,  255 

Corsica,  i.,  163 

Cortland,  Lieutenant-Governor, 
ii.,  no 

Cotton,  i.,  157 

Court-martials,  vii.,  114 

Craig,  in  Penn.  insurrection,  vi., 
409 

"  Crassus,  Lucius,"  Hamilton's  sig 
nature,  viii.,  252 

Croft,  Sir  James,  case  of,  v.,  319 

Croswell,  Harry,  indicted  for  libel 
ling  Jefferson,  U.  S.  Pres., 
Hamilton's  defence  of  (see  also 
Libel)  (1804),  viii.,  387;  liberty 
of  press,  389;  definitions  of 
libel,  394;  common  law  and 
U.  S.  Constitution,  421 

Dallas,  Alex.  James,  Secretary  of 

Penn.,  iv.,  200;  v.,  8 
Davis,  Brigadier-General,  vii.,  8 
Deane,  Silas,  v.,  459 
Debts,  private,  in  time  of  war,  v., 

145,  155,  162,  404 


"Decius,"  misstatement  of,  on  Jay 
treaty,  v.,  307,  401 

Declaration  of  Independence,  ii., 
200 

De  la  ForSt,  M.,  iv.,  365 

Delaware,  commissioners  to  An 
napolis  Convention,  i.,  336; 
member  from,  in  convention, 
413—415;  number  of  repre 
sentatives,  ii.,  17,  23;  pay 
ments  to  U.  S.,  21 1 ;  river,  i., 
276;  v.,  3 

Democrats,  viii.,  374 

Denmark,  i.,  231;  iii.,  322;  v., 
201,  365 

"Detector":  Answer  to"  X.Y.Z." 
on  French  affairs  (1798),  vi., 

3i8 

De  Wolf,  G.,  iii.,  84 

Dollars,  value  of,  iv.,  7,  et  seq. 

Dorchester,  Lord  (Sir  Guy  Carle- 
ton),  iv.,  296,  299,  et  seq.,  313, 
343 

Douglass  quoted,  v.,  29 

Doyer,  Hendrick,  ii.,  385 

Drapier's  letter,  style  compared 
to  Hamilton's,  i.,  33 

Duane,  James,  letter  to,  i.,  213; 
member  of  committee,  239 

Dumourier,  vi.,  287 

Dunlap,  Wm.,  vii.,  302 

Dunmore,  Lord,  iv.,  259 

Du  Plaine,  M.,  French  Consul  at 
Boston,  v.,  58 

Durival,  M.,  letter  on  French  pay 
ments,  iv.,  428 

Dutch  company,  proposition  to 
buy  U.  S.  paper,  iv.,  421 

Dutch  republics,  ii.,  10 

Dutchess  County,  member  from 
(Smith),  ii.,  30,  34 

Duties,  general  and  special  (see 
Taxation) ,  i.,  126,  127;  effect 
of,  on  commerce,  279;  on  im 
ports,  communication  to  Con 
gress  (1790),  ii.,  291 ;  on  vessels 
(see  Improvement  of  revenue), 
v.,  165 

Duties  on  imports,  operation  of 
act,  communication  to  Congress 
(1790),  ii.,  291 

East  India,  goods  in  Canada,  v., 
311;  U.  S.  trade  with,  311 

East  India  Company,  i.,  38,  47, 
132,  204 


General  Index 


493 


Egg  Harbor,  i.,  276 

Election  addresses  (see  Addresses) , 
ii.,  103 

Elections,  disadvantage  of  fre 
quent,  i.,  407 

Electors,  appointment  of,  left  to 
State  legislatures,  ii.,  168 

Elizabeth,  charters  given  by,  i.,93 

Ellery,  Captain,  yii.,  218 

Elliot's  Debates,  ii.,  39,  59,  73,  74, 

91 

Ellsworth,  Oliver,  i.,  300,  314,  318 

Emigrants  from  Catholic  coun 
tries,  i.,  195 

Emmett,  act  drawn  up  by,  in 
1691,  i.,  172 

England,  restricts  exportations  of 
corn  to  France  (1792),  iv.,  401 ; 
withdraws  her  minister,  400; 
dismissal  of  French  minister, 
407.  (See  Great  Britain.) 

English  (see  British) 

English  common  law,  v.,  429;  re 
publican  societies,  iv.,  402 

Enlistment  of  foreign  citizens,  iv., 
409 

Ephori,  check  on  Senate  in 
Sparta,  ii.,  22 

Esopus,  burning  of,  ii.,  137 

Excise  laws  (see  Taxation  and 
Whiskey  Rebellion) 

Explanation  of  treasury  expendi 
tures,  viii.,  122 

"Fact " :  article  in  National  Gazette 
(1792),  defence  of  funding  pub 
lic  debt,  iii.,  40 

"Farmer  Refuted":  Advertise 
ment,  i.,  53;  second  paper  in 
defence  of  Congress  (1775),  55; 
allegiance  owed  to  British  king, 
67;  Parliament,  75 ;  charters  of 
colonies,  92,  100,  104;  stamp 
act  and  revenue  act,  131; 
British  national  debt,  146;  re 
sources  and  imports  of  America, 
157,  161;  imports  from  France 
and  Holland,  162 

Fauchet,  successor  to  Genet,  vi., 
14,  212 

Faulkner,  William,  house  of,  vi., 
368 

Fay,  of  Vermont,  viii.,  53 

Federal  Convention  (1787),  pro 
positions  for  a  constitution  of 
government,  i.,  347;  brief  of 


speech  on  plan,  370;    govern 
ment,  paper  on,  335 
Federalist,  quoted,  vi.,  186 
Federalist  party,  i.,  243;    v.,  98; 
vii.,  318;    viii.,  224,   229,  246, 

Fenno,  editor  of  Gazette  of  United 
States,  v.,  74;  vi.,  32;  vii.,  230 
Finance,  ii.,  227;  papers  on  (see 
Additional  Supplies  for  1792, 
Arrears  of  Pay,  Building  Tax, 
Civis,  Coinage  and  the  Mint, 
Funding  System,  Hamilton's 
Writings,  Import  Duty,  Im 
provement  of  Revenue,  Loans, 
National  Bank,  Public  Credit, 
Public  Debt,  Taxation,  Vindi 
cation  of  Funding  System) 
Finance  under  Confederation,  i., 

225,  231,  254;  plans  for,  301 
Findlay,  James,  vi.,  375 
Fisheries,  iv.,  67,  205 
Fitzsimmons,  Mr.,  ii.,  179 
Florida,  i.,  26;  iv.,  326,  360 
Foreign  fund,  bills  upon,  iii.,  171 
Foreign  influence,  danger  of,  to  a 

republic,  iv.,  481 
Foreign  policy,  v.,  348;  vi.,  201 
Foreign  relations:  Speech  on  the 
treaty  of  Paris  (1783),  iv.,  227; 
letters  from  "Phocion,"  discus 
sion  of  treaty  with  England 
(1784),  230;  right  of  Tories  to 
hold  land  in  the  U.  S.,  231; 
danger  of  general  descriptions, 
233;  position  of  Tory  citizens 
in  N.  Y.,  236;  alienism  of  in 
habitants  of  N.  Y.,  southern 
district,  266;  Gt.  Britain 
forced  to  make  peace  with 
U.  S.,  281;  treaty  of  Paris, 
speech  on,  in  N.  Y.  Legislature 
(1787),  291 
Foreigners,  danger  of  investment 

in  U.  S.  funds,  viii.,  454. 
Fort  Fayette,  troops  at,  vii.,  119, 
122;  Wayne,  119,  122;  Massac, 
119,     122;     Knox,     119,     123; 
Pickering,    119,    123;     Adams, 
Loftus  Height,  119,  123;   Stod- 
dard,  119,  123,   165;    Niagara, 
120;   Presque  Isle,  125 
Fort  Harman,  treaty  of,  iv.,  299 
Fort  Montgomery,  ii.,  137 
Fox,  Charles  James,  iv.,  343;  bill 
of  libel,  viii.,  416 


494 


General  Index 


Fox,  Joseph,  deputy  marshal  of 
Perm.,  report  of,  vi.,  362 

France,  aid  in  Am.  Revolution,iv., 
359;  vi.,  206;  action  on  private 
debts,  v.,  440;  and  Am. 
colonies  (1775),  i.,  146,  et  seq., 
265,  270,  386;  annexation  of 
territory,  iy.,  405,  453,  et  seq.; 
attacks  British  commerce,  vi., 
229;  bills  on,  ii.,  356;  coinage 
in,  iv.,  32;  colonial  policy  of, 
vi.,  3;  consular  convention  of, 
105;  debt  of,  iii.,  322;  debt 
of  U.  S.  to,  90,  103,  106, 
128,  163,  169;  iv.,  395;  v., 
62;  efforts  to  control  U.  S. 
election,  vi.,  206;  endeavors  to 
excite  revolution  in  Eng.,  207, 
281;  excesses  of,  v.,  103;  ex 
ecutive  council  charges  to 
Genet,  vi.,  15,  et  seq.;  and  Gt. 
Britain,  iv.,  400;  and  Holland, 
399;  ingratitude  towards,  460; 
national  convention,  401,  et 
seq.;  position  of,  in  1793,  466; 
relations  with  European  nations, 
vi.,  269;  rate  of  exchange,  iv., 
310;  trade  with,  346,  358; 
tables  of  U.  S.  commerce  with, 
222-224;  treaties  of  U.  S.  with, 
v.,  14,  385,  456;  war  with  Spain 
and  Portugal,  iv.,  407;  viola 
tion  of  neutrality,  vi.,  249—253 ; 
wealth  of,  iii.,  345 

France,  papers  on  (see  "America- 
nus,"  "Answer,"  "  Detector," 
Foreign  Relations,  France, 
French,  "No  Jacobin,"  "  Paci- 
ficus,"  "Pericles,"  "Stand," 
Warning) 

Franklin,  Benjamin,  iv.,  349,  429; 
v.,  460,  478;  ix.,  46 

Franklin,  new  State  of,  ii.,  16 

Fraunces,  A.  G.,  vii.,  376 

Frederick  the  Great,  v.,  439 

Freneau,  Philip,  iii.,  28;  vii., 
229 

French,  affairs  in  1793  (Cabinet 
opinion  on),  iv.,  369;  faction, 
paper  on  France  (1798),  vi., 
328;  king,  suspension  of,  iv., 
363,  370;  laws  revised  in  Can 
ada,  i.,  183;  privateers,  iv., 
414;  vi.,  217;  Revolution,  frag 
ment  on,  viii.,  425;  opinion  on, 
v.,  75;  uncertainty  of  success, 


iv.,  386;  ran  offensive  war,  397; 
vessels,  346;  sympathizers  in 
U.  S.  Rev.,  vi.,  328 

"  Full  Vindication,"  papers  in  de 
fence  of  Congress  (1774),  i.,  3; 
attacks  on  Congress  by  West- 
chester  Farmer  (Dr.  Seabury), 
5,  20,  39,  43;  American  re 
sources,  18;  address  to  N.  Y. 
farmers,  33 

Funding  system,  ii.,  443,  444; 
vindication  of  (1791),  iii.,  3; 
defended,  viii.,  232,  240;  de 
fence  of  (1795),  note,  430;  gov 
ernment  debts  after  Revolu 
tion,  430;  advantages  of  fund 
ing,  450;  assumption  of  State 
debts,  467 ;  Hamilton's  plan, 
474;  federal  taxation  essential, 
492 

Funds,  investment  of,  iii.,  172,  et 
seq. 

Fur  trade,  v.,  309 

Gallatin,  Albert,  report  on  na 
tional  bank  (1811),  iii.,  493; 
Sec.  of  Treasury,  viii.,  288 

Gates,  General,  misfortune  of, 
viii.,  69 

Gazette  of  United  States,  letters  in, 
iv.,  432 

General  Advertiser,  v.,  17 

Genet,  M.  Edm.  Charles,  ap 
pointed  minister  to  U.  S..  iv., 
479;  arrival  of,  408,  et  seq.;  be 
havior,  v.,  45;  declaration  to 
Dallas,  8;  excitement  regard 
ing,  iv.,  432;  irregular  meas 
ures,  v.,  70;  letters,  report  on, 
62;  proposes  treaty  with  U.  S., 
vi.,  ii ;  refuses  to  promise 
about  privateers,  v.,  3;  refer 
ence  to  affair  of,  vi.,  102,  103, 
210,  291;  threatens  appeal  to 
people  of  U.  S.,  v.,  17 

Genoa,  vi.,  240.  278 

Georgia,  i.,  26,  336;  ii.,  34;  debt 
of,  viii.,  482,  et  seq.;  ix.,  16; 
laws  on  money,  y.,  350;  pay 
ments  to  U.  S.,  ii.,  211 ;  tax 
ation  in,  iii.,  3 52 

German,  Diet,  i.,  252,  255,  382, 
394,  397;  Confederacy,  lesson, 
of,  385;  ii.,  10 ;  elections  in, 

i.,  392 
Germanic  corps,  i.,  218 


General  Index 


495 


Gerry,  Elbridge,  member  of  Con 
gress,  ii.,  463;  moves  amend 
ments  to  U.  S.  Constitution,  i., 
419;  refuses  to  sign  Constitu 
tion,  421;  vi.,  184 

Giles,  tool  of  Madison  and  Jeffer 
son,  iii.,  62;  viii.,  353 

Gilleland,  James,  ix.,  44 

Glaubeck  (de),  Baron,  pension  of, 
vii.,  376 

Gloucester,  i.,  276 

Gore,  letter  to  Lear,  v.,  58 

Government  and  the  Constitution, 
letter  to  James  Duane  (1780), 
i.,  213;  result  of  letter,  239 

Grain,  consumption  of,  in 
America,  i.,  153 

Grand,  Ferdinand,  iv.,  420 

Grange,  an  English  vessel,  v.,  19 

Graves,  Rufus,  vii.,  91 

Great  Britain,  action  on  private 
debt,  v.,  440;  aggressions  of, 
vi.,  246;  coinage  in,  iv.,  31; 
colonial  system  of,  v.,  292;  vi., 
4;  debt  of,  i.,  146;  iii.,  322; 
detention  of  U.  S.  posts,  viii., 
376;  disadvantage  in  conquer 
ing  America,  i.,  165;  excise 
duties  in,  ii.,  344;  extent  and 
population  of,  v.,  332;  interest 
in  America,  90 ;  instructions  to 
ships  of  war,  59;  Jay  treaty 
with  U.  S.  (see  Camillus) ;  ju 
diciary  of,  viii.,  360;  national 
bank  of,  iii.,  362;  Parliament 
of,  i.,  4,  et  seq.,  119,  et  seq.,  389; 
policy  in  Canada,  195;  princi 
ples  of  navigation  act,  vi.,  25; 
privateers  of ,  v.,  378 ;  resources, 
85 ;  state  of,  iv.,  246,  281 ;  steps 
to  satisfy  U.  S.,  v.,  366;  system 
of  credit,  viii.,  446;  trade  with 
America,  i.,  116,  et  seq.;  iv., 
220;  treaty  with  France  (1786), 
vi.,  92,  142;  with  other  coun 
tries,  v.,  454,  462;  vi.,  92; 
with  U.  S.  (see  Camillus  and 
Message),  viii.,  155,  161;  and 
Vermont,  53,  et  seq.;  violation 
of  neutral  rights,  vi.,  250;  and 
West  Indies,  i.,  156 

Greece,  leagues  among  republics 
of,  i.,  217;  commonwealth  of, 
246;  Amphictyonic  Council  of, 
zzi.et  seq.;  not  an  example  for 
U.  S.,  282 


Greene,  Major-General,  eulogium 
on,  delivered  before  the  Society 
of  the  Cincinnati  (1789),  viii., 
63 

Grenville,  Lord,  iv.,  404;  v.,  136, 
149 

Grotius,  quoted,  i.,  61;  v.,  383, 
426;  vi.,  87,  117,  132 

Guilder,  value  of  a,  iii.,  108 

Guildford  Court-House,  battle  of, 
viii.,  75,  et  seq. 

H.  G.,  letters  of,  on  Clinton,  ii., 

I33~I75 

Habeas  Corpus  Act,  i.,  72 
Hait,  Captain,  iv.,  299 
Haldimand,  General,  viii.,  53 
Halloway  on  libel,  viii.,  405 
Hamilton,  Colonel,  implicated  in 
Whiskey  Rebellion,  vi.,  457,  458 
Hamilton,  Alexander,  chronology, 
i.,  xvii. ;  drafts  of  Washington's 
speeches  (see  Washington) ;  in 
fluence  on  establishment  of 
gov.,  239;  opposed  to  State 
sovereignty,  381;  plan  for 
national  bank  adopted,  iii.,  493 ; 
views  on  protection,  iv.,  67; 
effect  on  U.  S.  tariff,  note,  198. 
(Writings  arranged  chronologi 
cally,  private  correspondence  ex- 
cepted) :  1774  (in  college),  Vin 
dication  of  Congress,  i.,  3 ;  1775, 
* '  Farmer  Refuted , "  55;  Quebec 
bill,  181;  1780  (Washing 
ton's  aide-de-camp),  Letters  on 
government,  213;  letter  on 
national  bank,  iii.,  319;  1781 
(quarrel  with  Washington) , 
Papers  on  system  of  gov.,  the 
Continentalist,  i.,  243;  letter  on 
national  bank,  iii.,  342;  1782 
(admitted  to  N.  Y.  bar,  ap 
pointed  Receiver  of  Taxes,  en 
tered  Continental  Congress) , 
Resolutions  in  N.  Y.  legislature 
for  convention  of  States,  i.,  291 ; 
report  on  impost  duty,  ii.,  179; 
1783  (in  Congress),  Speeches  on 
revenue,  i.,  299;  inefficacy  of 
State  funds,  300 ;  public  credit, 
301;  appropriation  of  impost 
to  army,  302;  mutiny  of 
troops,  303,  314,  318;  resolu 
tions  for  general  convention, 
305 ;  speech  on  treaty  of  Paris, 


496 


General  Index 


Hamilton,  Alexander  (Continued) 
iv.,  227;  report  to  Congress  on 
military  peace  establishment, 
vi.,  463;  1784  (in  private  life 
and  practice),  "Phocion"  let 
ters  on  treaty  with  England, iv., 
230 ;  1786  (delegate  to  Annapo 
lis,  elected  to  N.  Y.  legislature), 
Address  at  Annapolis,  i.,  335; 
order  of  Cincinnati,  viii.,  3,  63; 
1787  (member  of  N.  Y.  legisla 
ture  and  delegate  to  federal 
convention) ,  Resolutions  and 
speeches  in  N.  Y.  leg.,  i.,  343; 
ii.,  192;  iv.,  291;  viii.,  5—42; 
proposition  for  Constitution,  i., 
347;  draft  of,  350;  speeches  on 
gov.,  381;  1788  (delegate  to 
N.  Y.  con.), Speech  on  Constitu 
tion,  ii.,  3;  draft  of  proposed 
ratification,  95;  1789  (ap 
pointed  Sec.  of  Treasury),  Ad 
dresses  on  election  of  N.  Y. 
governor,  ii.,  103,  113;  letters 
of  H.  G.  on  Clinton  as  governor, 
133—175;  eulogium  on  Maj.- 
Gen.  Greene,  viii.,  63;  to  Wm. 
Short,  at  Paris,  iv.,  294;  1790 
(Sec.  of  Treasury),  Reports,  ii., 
227,291;  viii. ,87;  to  Washing 
ton,  on  back  pay  to  army,  ii., 
327;  march  of  foreign  troops 
through  U.  S.,  iv.,  341;  on 
Morris's  mission,  297,  299;  to 
Goodhue,  on  U.  S.  fisheries,  67; 
to  Wm.  Short,  on  loans,  302; 
1791  (Sec.  of  Treasury),  Vindi 
cation  of  funding  system,  iii.,  3 ; 
bank  of  U.  S.,  445 ;  reports  and 
letters  on  mint,  iv.,  3,  59;  on 
manufactures,  70;  to  Jefferson, 
on  French  treaty,  345,  347, 
351,  352;  to  Washington,  on 
French  payments,  354;  1792 
(Jefferson's  hostility  to  Hamil 
ton),  Reports  as  Sec.  of  Treas., 
ii->  353>  368>  4o8,  423,  426;  iii., 
24,  28,  40,  46;  to  Washington 
on  apportionment  of  repre 
sentations,  viii.,  96;  on  Indian 
affairs,  100;  explaining  Treas 
ury  management,  ii.,  425;  1793 
(war  between  France  and  Eng 
land),  Loans,  reports  to  House 
of  Rep.,  iii.,  61,  82,  126,  137, 
139,  178;  defence  of  Sec.  of 


Treas.,  178;  to  Washington  on 
relations  with  France,  iv.,  369, 
418;  v.,  61,  62;  reception  of 
French  minister,  iv,  408,  426; 
convening  Congress,  viii.,  no; 
Indian  affairs,  109;  to  Jefferson 
on  Henfield's  sentence,  iv.,  417; 
on  contracts  with  France,  428; 
on  neutrality  laws,  v.,  12; 
privateers,  46,  58;  letters  on 
Genet,  "Pacificus,"  iv.,  432- 
489;  "No  Jacobin,"  v.,  17-49; 
instructions  to  customs  collec 
tors,  49;  1794  (Jay  treaty, 
Whiskey  Rebellion),  Loans,  re 


ports  to  House  of  Rep.,  iii.,  179, 
1 80,  185,  187;  papers  on  rela 
tions  with  France,  v.,  74,  86; 


to  Washington  on  Treasury 
affairs,  iii.,  183,  190,  194;  on 
possible  war  with  Great  Britain, 
v.,  97;  Jay  treaty,  115,  121, 
123,129,138;  captured  vessels, 


131-133;  to  Randolph,  Secre 
tary  of  State,  119,  135,  136 
letters  and  papers  on  Whiskey 


Rebellion,  vi.,  339—460;  resigna 
tion,  iii.,  199;  1795  (resigns 
Sec.  of  Treas.  and  resumes  law 
practice),  Reports  as  Sec.  of 
Treas.,  199,  200,  259,  301; 
to  Washington  on  Jay  treaty, 
v.,  138;  defence  of  Jay  treaty, 
"Horatius,"  181;  "Camillus," 


iSg-vi.,  197;  explanation  of 
Treas.  methods,  viii.,  122;  on 
carriage  tax,  378;  defence  of 
the  funding  system,  429;  1796 
(in  private  life),  Papers  on 
France,  vi.,  206,  215;  1797, 
Papers  on  France,  229-259; 
Reynolds  pamphlet,  defence  of 
himself,  vii.,  369;  1798  (ap 
pointed  Inspector-  General  of 
Army),  Papers  on  France,  vi., 
2  5  9—3  1  8  ;  military  matters, 
483—  vii.,  45;  1799  (Washing 
ton's  death),  On  military 
matters,  45-194;  paper  on 
war  in  Europe,  vi.,  330;  alle 
gorical  device,  332;  1800  (re 
tires  from  army),  Letters  and 
papers  on  military  matters, 
vii.,  196—224;  paper  on  John 
Adams,  309;  letters  to  John 
Adams,  364,  365 


General  Index 


497 


44 


Hamilton,  J.  C.,  History  of  the  Re 

public,  i.,  301;  vi.,  140 
Hammond,  letter  from,  on  com 

pensation  to  vessels,  v.,  131 
Hand,  Gen.  Edw.,  vi.,  351 
Harper  in  N.  Y.  Assembly,  viii., 

18,  21 

Harrison,  Col.  R.  H.,  vii.,  no 
Heinecius,  quoted,  vi.,  87,  117,131 
Helvetic  league,  i.,  252 
"Helvidius,"  letter  signed,  iv.,  432 
Henfield,  Gideon,  case  of,  iv.,  418; 

v.,  56 

Henry,  Patrick,  vii.,  255 
Heth,  William,  balance  of  U.  S. 

money  in  hands  of,  iii.,  172 
High  sea,  limits  of,  v.,  27 
Highways,  viii.,  262 
Hill,  coast  survey,  vii., 
Hobbes,  i.,  61 
Holcroff,  John,  vi.,  459 
Holland,  i.,  26,  152,  169,  259;  iv., 

310,  483;  v.,  259;  vi.,  278;  and 

her  colonies,  v.,  485;  debt  to, 

iii.,   197;    interest  in  America, 

v.,    90;     loans   from,    iii.,    90; 

national  debt  of,  ii.,  428,  442, 

449    (see   also   United   Nether 

lands)  ;  iv.,  399;  v.,  53 
Holt,  Lord,  on  libel,  viii.,  403,  405, 

414 

Holt's  Journal,  i.,  181,  199 
Homes,  H.  A.,  State  Librarian  of 

N.  Y.,  ii.,  113 
Hoops,  Major,  vi.,  486 
"Horatius"  on  Jay  treaty,  v.,  181 
House  of  Representatives,  order 

of,  ii.,  337;    resolution  of,  227. 

(See     Congress     and     United 

States.) 

Howe,  Major-General,  i.,  314 
Ho  well,  member  from  R.  I.,  vii., 

Hubbard,  banker,  iv.,  302 
Hudson    Bay    territories,    boun 

daries  of,  v.,  321  _ 
Hudson  River,  foreign  vessels  not 

allowed  above  New  York,  v., 

297 
Hume,  quoted,  i.,  73,  81,  269,  409; 

iii.,  346 
Hunt,  Richard,  sentence  of,  vii., 

76,  100 

Hunter,  Governor,  vii.,  221 
Huntingdon,  General,  vii.,  47 
Hylton  vs.  United  States,  viii.,  378 

VOL.  X.  —  32. 


Ignardi,  consul  at  Cadiz,  vi.,  231 
Import  duty  (see  Taxation),  ii., 

291 ;  v.,  129 

Imports,  registry  of,  ii.,  306 
Impost  duty,  report  on,  ii.,  179; 
eligible   mode   of   taxation,    i., 
271;    not  unfavorable  to  com 
merce,  ii.,  189;   officers  for  col 
lecting,   182;    product  of,  214; 
rate  of,  186.     (See  Taxation.) 
Improvement    of   revenue,    com 
munication  to  Congress  (1795), 
iii.,  301 
Independence    of    Vermont    (see 

Vermont),  viii.,  42 
Indian  affairs,  viii.,  100,  154 
Indians,    attack    of,    threatened, 
vi.,  408;    depredations  of,  iv., 
298;    liberty  to  trade,  v.,  289; 
war  with,  iii.,  46,  105 
Industry  and  commerce  (see  also 
Taxation):    fisheries,  Hamilton 
to    Goodhue    (1790),    iv.,    67; 
manufactures,   report  to   Con 
gress     (1791),     expediency    of 
protection,    70;     methods     of 
protection,  143;  articles  to  be 
protected  specified,  164 
Inspectors  of  customs,  ii.,  308,  323 
Iredell,  James,  associate  justice, 

v.,  12  ^ 

Ireland,  i.,  23,  151 
Italy,  commerce  of,  vi.,  86 

Jackson,  Major,  instructions  to,  i., 
317;  vii.,  198 

Jackson,  Andrew,  attack  on  na 
tional  bank  (1836),  iii.,  494 

Jacobin  club  in  Paris,  iv.,  372 

James  I.,  charters  given  by,  i.,  94 

Jane  of  Dublin,  vessel  taken  by 
French  privateer,  v.,  380 

Jay,  John,  character  of  mission  to 
England,  iv.,  229;  v.,  121,  134, 
138,  189;  vii.,  359;  treaty  of 
(see  Camillus) 

Jefferson,  Thomas,  iii.,  28,  191; 
iv.,  302;  v.,  460,  478;  vi.,  106; 
viii.,  232,  237;  answer  to  Belle- 
garde  and  Meziere  case,  v.,  400; 
arr£t  of,  iv.,  219;  attacked  by 
Hamilton  (1792),  vii.,  229; 
communication  with  Fraunces, 
376;  commercial  report,  v., 
74;  efforts  to  discredit  Hamil 
ton,  iii.,  62;  free  trader,  iv., 


498 


General  Index 


Jefferson  (Continued) 

199;  on  Genet,  421,  425;  v., 
54;  vi.,  13;  Jay  treaty,  v.,  387; 
message  to  Congress  (1801)  ex 
amined,  viii.,  246;  letter  to 
Hammond,  v.,  379;  on  Rey 
nolds,  vii.,  471;  trade  with 
Spain,  iv.,  358;  retires  to 
Monticello,  v.,  119 

Jenkins,  Leoline,  life  and  papers, 
v.,  29,  41,  43 

Johnson,  Robert,  assault  on,  vi., 
361 

Johnston,  Governor,  i.,  202 

Jones  in  N.  Y.  Assembly,  viii.,  18, 
19,  22,  25,  26 

Joseph,  Emperor,  and  the  Nether 
lands,  iv.,  399 

"Juba,"  v.,  18 

Kent,  Duke  of,  visit  to  America, 

vii.,  221 

Kentucky,  ii.,  16,  400;  viii.,  107 
Kiddoe,  James,  vi.,  378 
King,  Charles  I.,  i.,  100,  104,  105; 
Charles  II.,  bill  framed  by,  112 ; 
makes  Carolina  a  principality, 
109;  James's  answer  to  Parlia 
ment,     100;     council    at    Ply 
mouth,    103;    arbitrary  power 
of,   in  Canada,    186;    William, 
no;  of  Prussia,  ii.,  n 
King,    Rufus,    author    of    eight 

"Camillus"  papers,  v.,  476 
King  vs.  Home,  viii.,  414 
King  vs.  Tutchin,  viii.,  414 
Kirkpatrick,  Major,  vi.,  383 
Knox,  Maj.-Gen.,  ^.,484;  viii.,  96 
Knyphausen  at  Springfield,  viii., 
69 

La  Fayette,  Marquis,  iv.,  296,  472 
Lake  of  the  Woods,  v.,  340 
Lancaster,   meeting   at,    i.,    303, 

_  3  J  5-3 1.7 

Lands,  disposal  of  unoccupied,  i., 
285 

Lansdowne,  Lord,  on  libel,  viii., 
416 

Lansing  refuses  to  sign  U.  S.  Con 
stitution,  i.,  421 

Lansing  or  Burr,  viii.,  373;  sup 
port  of  Lansing  in  election  for 
N.  Y.  governor  (1804),  Burr 
democrat  from  policy,  374; 
effect  of  election  by  aid  of 


Federalists,  374;  Lansing's  per 
sonal  character,  376 
Laurens,  case  of,  vi.,  254 
Law,  John,  Mississippi  scheme,  i., 

233;  iii.,  332 

Law  briefs,  validity  of  British  de 
tention  of  U.  S.  Western  posts, 
viii.,  376 

Lear,  Mr.,  iii.,  192;  viii.,  150 
Ledyard,  Isaac,  letter  of,  iv.,  250 
Lee,  on  captures,  v.,  29 
Lee,  Arthur,  i.,  300;  v.,  459 
Leeds,  Duke  of,  relations  with  the 

Pinckneys,  vii.,  323 
Le  Grand,  Monsieur,  banker,  ii., 

365 

Lennox,  Major,  vi.,  351,  352 
Lewis,  Morgan,  elected  governor 

of  N.  Y.  (1804)  note,  viii.,  373 
Lexington,  Greene  at,  viii.,  66 
Libel,  law  of  (see  Croswell) ,  brief  in 

Croswell  case  (1804),  viii.,  383; 

Hamilton's    speech    on,     387; 

definitions  of,  394;  province  of 

judge  and  jury  in,  397 
Little  Democrat,  privateer,  v.,  47, 

58 
Little  Sarah,  French  privateer,  v., 

3.  5»  39 

Loans,  i.,  265;  (i)  report  to  Con 
gress  (1792),  U.  S.  finances,  ii., 
353;  money  owed  to  foreign 
officers,  365;  funding  of  West 
ern  lands,  366;  (2)  resolutions 
on,  in  Congress  (1793),  report  of 
Sec.  of  Treas.,  iii.,  61;  re 
sponsibility  of  Sec.,  83;  Dutch 
loan,  Wm.  Short,  83,  130;  pay 
ments  to  France,  85;  terms  of 
foreign  loans,  98;  documents 
of  Sec.  of  Treasury,  126;  acts  of 
Washington  relative  to  Treas 
ury,  129,  130;  (3)  report  to 
Congress  (1793),  139;  rela 
tions  between  banks  and  U.  S. 
Treasury,  140,  159;  foreign  and 
domestic  loans,  138,  148,  154; 
import  duties,  165;  sinking 
fund,  170;  (4)  "Observer's" 
defence  of  Sec.  of  Treas.,  178; 
Hamilton's  request  for  investi 
gation,  179;  report  on  request, 
1 80;  Hamilton  to  Washington 
on  loans,  183,  190,  194;  Hamil 
ton  to  Congress,  185,  187;  acts 
of  legislature  regarding,  iv.,  302 


General  Index 


499 


Local  governments,  ii.,  207 
Locke,  John,  i.,  61 
Loftus  Height,  vii.,  154,  163 
London,  N.  Y.  Packet  Company, 

i-,  243 
Loughborough,    Lord,    on    libel, 

viii.,  396,  400,  415 
Louis  XIV.,  edicts  of,  i.,  270 
Louis  XVI.,  iv.,  385,  474 
Louisiana,  iv.,  199,  326;  vi.,  284 
Lovely    Lass,    ship    captured    by 

French  privateer,  v.,  380 
Lynde,  Cornelius,  vii.,  91 
Lyons,  Lord,  asked  permission  to 

march  troops  through  Maine, 

iv.,  313 

McCulloch,  John,  vi.,  382 

McDougall,  General,  i.,  226 

McHenry,  Sec.  of  War,  letters  to 
(see  Military  papers),  vi.,  483; 
dismissed  by  Adams,  vii.,  349 

McPherson,  General,  vii.,  45 

Madeira  wine,  i.,  43 

Madison,  James,  ii.,  179,  463,  469, 
iii.,  191;  iv.,  199;  vi.,  184;  vii., 
255;  viii.,  232,  237;  aid  to 
Freneau,  vii.,  237 ;  answers  "  Pa- 
cificus,"  iv.,  432;  author  of 
Federalist,  viii.,  337;  debates, 
i.,  299;  efforts  to  discredit 
Hamilton,  iii.,  62;  reports,  i., 
370,  393,  404,  et  seq.;  resolu 
tions  in  Congress,  iv.,  205,  220; 
v.,  74 

Magna  Charta,  i.,  69,  112 

Malmedi,  ix.,  63 

Malsherbes,  M.  de,  counsel  of 
French  king,  iv.,  371 

Mansfield,  Lord,  on  libel,  viii., 
392,  399,  408,  425 

Manufactures,  encouragement  of, 
in  U.  S.  (see  Industry  and  Com 
merce,  also  Taxation),  iv.,  70- 
198 

Marat,  fate  of,  v.,  76 

Marblehead,  i.,  168 

Marius,  v.,  77 

Marshy  Lake,  v.,  340 

Martin,  quoted,  v.,  28 

Martin,  Luther,  of  Maryland,  i., 
421 

Maryland,  bank  of,  iii.,  141; 
charter  of,  i.,  100,  104;  com 
missioners  to  Annapolis  con 
vention,  336;  member  from, 


390;  representatives  from,  ii., 
17;  legislature,  53;  payments 
to  U.  S.  Treasury,  211 

Mason,  Col.  Geo.,  ii.,  426;  refused 
to  sign  Constitution,  vi.,  184 

Massachusetts,  i.,  124,  336,  384; 
Assembly  of,  ii.,  1 6 ;  bank  of,  iii. , 
141;  charter  of,  i.,  100,  no; 
debt  of,  ii.,  440;  viii.,  482,  485; 
excise  duties  in,  ii.,  344;  pay 
ments  to  United  States  Treas 
ury,  211,  215;  taxation  in,  iii., 
352;  viii.,  487 

Massachusetts  Bay,  petition  of, 
i.,  9 

Maury,  Isaac,  v.,  59 

Mediterranean,  i.,  146,  150 

"Mentor,"  answer  to  "  Phocion," 
iv.,  250 

Mercator,  letters  of  Hamilton  to, 
iii.,  28 

Mercer,  John  Francis,  dread  of 
coalition  between  France  and 
England,  iv.,  228 

Merchandise,  ii.,  306,  315 

Meredith,  Samuel,  iii.,  117 

Mexican  War,  iv..  201 

Meziere,  Chevalier,  right  to  hold 
Georgia  land,  v.,  400 

Miinin,  governor  of  Pennsylvania 
£1794),  vi.,  394,  427;  vii.,  353 

Military  defences,  viii.,  261 

Military  papers:  Military  peace 
establishment  (note),  vi.,  463; 
detailed  plan  for  (1783),  467- 
472;  comments  on  plan,  472- 
482;  letters  on  military  mat 
ters  (Hamilton,  Inspector  and 
Major-General) :  To  McHenry, 
Sec.  of  War  (1798),  vi.,  483, 
485;  vii.,  3,  42,  44,  47,  50; 
(1799)  53,  58,  59,  62,  69,  76,  77, 
80,  85,  87,  88,  94,  95,  97,  9», 
100,  103,  105,  107,  in,  113, 
125,  134,  141,  144,  149,  170, 
179,  187—189,  194;  (1800)  197, 

203,     2O6,     208,     215,     221,     224; 

Adams,  John  (1800),  216;  Jay, 
John  (1798),  vi.,  486;  De  No- 
ailles  (iSoo),  vii.,  207,  212; 
Gibbs,  Caleb  (1799),  159;  Gunn 
(1798),  41,  45;  Hamtranck 
(1799),  82,  89;  Harrison,  Col. 
R.  H.  (1799),  no;  Moore,  Col. 
(1799),  140,  147, 148;  Pinckney, 
Gen.  (1800),  190,  213;  Rivardi 


500 


General  Index 


Military  papers  (Continued) 

(1800),  221 ;  Smith,  Col.  (1799), 
170;  (1800)  196,  211 ;  Stevens, 
Col.  (1799),  86;  Stoddert,  Sec. 
of  Navy  (1799),  102;  Swan, 
Caleb  (1800),  218;  Washing 
ton  (1798),  vi.,  486;  (1799) 
vii.,  67,  77,  90,  92,  117,  174; 
Wilkinson  (1799),  64,  67,  75, 
154;  circulars,  61,  83,  102,  in, 
116;  to  ,  92;  regula 
tions  respecting  supplies  and 
extra  expense,  135;  paper  on 
military  step,  200 
Miller,  Colonel  Henry,  vi.,  351 
Minerva,  "Camillus"  papers  pub 
lished  in,  vi.,  32 

Mississippi,    i.,    26,    et   seq.,    155; 
navigation  of,  iv.,  334;  v.,  127; 
negotiations  on,  iv.,  359;    posi 
tion  of,  v.,  338;  trade  on,  325 
Molasses,  price  of,  ii.,  384 
Monarchy,  dangers  of,  in  United 

States,  v.,  91 

Monmouth,  battle  of,  viii.,  69 
Monroe,  James,  connection  with 
Reynolds  affair,  vii.,  369,  397; 
documents  from,  on  Reynolds 
affair,  413,  417,  452,  455,  462, 
464,  473,  475,477 
Montague,     James,      Hamilton  s 

nom-de- flume,  iii.,  341 
Montesquieu,  i.,  61,  185,  374 
Montgomery  County,  ii.,  35 
Monticello,  Jefferson  retires  to,  v., 

119 

Montmorin,  quoted,  vi.,  16 
Montreal,    navigation    to,    from 

Quebec,  v.,  299 

Morgan,  General,  viii.,  73,  et  seq. 
Morocco,  Emperor  of,  viii.,  154 
Morris,  Chief- Justice,  ii.,  no 
Morris,  Gouverneur,  ii.,  289,  426; 
iii. ,81,128;  iv.,343;  v.,  56,  60; 
vi.,  348 
Morris,  Robert,  i.,  226,  239,  266; 

iii.,  319 

Moustier,  Count  de,  iv.,  296 

Muhlenberg,    F.    A.,    connection 

with  Reynolds  affair,  vii.,  369, 

397,  413;    documents  from,  on 

Reynolds  affair,  412,  417,  452, 

,453,  455 

Murray     nominated     envoy     to 

France,  vii.,  337 
Mutiny  of  troops,  i.,  303,  314 


National  bank,  necessity  of,  ii., 
314;  proposed,  i.,  267;  estab 
lished  (1781),  iii.,  493;  subse 
quent  history  of,  493,  494;  pre 
sent  system,  495 

National  bank,  papers  on:  (i) 
Hamilton  to  Robert  Morris 
(1780),  critical  position  of  gov 
ernment,  iii.,  319;  necessity  for 
a  foreign  loan,  325.  (2)  To 
Robert  Morris  (1781),  342; 
Morris,  appointment,  343;  pro 
portion  of  cash  to  revenue, 
347;  taxes  of  year  1780,  354; 
annual  expense  of  civil  and 
military  establishments,  355; 
institution  of  national  bank, 
360;  plan  for  bank  submitted, 
367;  solvency  of  States,  385. 

(3)  To  Congress  (17  90),  national 
banks,  388 ;  answer  to  charge  of 
usury,  397 ;  banks  in  U.  S.,  41 5 ; 
presidents  of  banks  in  foreign 
cities,   428;    plan  for  national 
bank  of  U.  S.  submitted,  431. 

(4)  Washington  to  Hamilton, 
on  constitutionality  of  national 
bank,    443.     (5)    Hamilton  to 
Washington    (1791),    constitu 
tionality  of  national  bank,  445 

National  credit  must  be  retrieved, 
ii.,  231 

National  Gazette,  iii.,  28;  v.,  18; 
vii.,  229,  236,  239 

Naturalization  of  foreigners,  viii., 
284 

Naughton,  Sir  Robert,  protects 
Puritans,  i.,  101 

Neckar,  M.,  praises  British  Con 
stitution,  i.,  389 

Negroes,  representation  for,  ii.,  14 

Netherlands  (see  Holland),  i.,  218; 

iv->  399 
Neutral  nation,  power  to  trade, 

iv.,  416 

Neutrality,  definition  of,  iv.,  434 
Neville,  General,  vi.,  363 
Neville,  Colonel  Presley,  vi.,  385, 

429 
New  England,  settlement  of,  i., 

101;    intolerance  of,  196;    pro 
tection  in,  iv.,  200 
New  Hampshire,  i.,  336;  ii.,  7,  40, 

359;  viii.,  48 
New  Jersey,  i.,  336,  381,  385;  ii., 

212,  218;  v.,  349 


General  Index 


SOT 


New  London,  i.,  276 

Newspaper  letters  on  public  mat 
ters,  i.,  141 

Newton,  Sir  Isaac,  estimate  of 
proportion  between  gold  and 
silver,  iv.,  20 

New  York,  Convention  of,  on  U. 
S.  Constitution  (1788),  ii.,  3; 
speech  on  compromises  of  Con 
stitution,  radical  defects  of 
Confederation,  3 ;  confederacies 
liable  to  wars,  10;  State  in 
terests,  12;  check  on  increase 
of  representation,  19;  advan 
tages  of  large  districts  of  elec 
tion,  26;  powers  of  national 
government  and  State  legisla 
tion,  34;  speech  on  U.  S. 
Senate  (1788),  40;  stability 
essential  to  government,  41 ; 
relation  between  senators  and 
State  legislatures,  48;  danger 
of  factions,  State  of  Rhode 
Island,  53  ;  ratio  of  representa 
tion,  62;  leading  objects  of 
federal  government,  63 ;  State 
governments,  68 ;  brief  of  argu 
ment  on  U.  S.  Constitution,  91 

New  York,  foreign  vessels  in,  v., 
297;  governor  of,  ii.,  103;  v., 
194;  viii.,  242;  legislature, 
speeches  in,  i. ,  2  9 1 ,  3  43 ;  iv. ,  291; 
viii.,  5,  42;  payments  to  U.  S. 
Treasury,  ii.,  211;  State  debt, 
215;  iii.,  21 ;  southern  dis 
trict  of,  iv.,  254;  Tories  in,  230, 
et  seq.;  and  Vermont,  viii.,  42, 
et  seq. 

Nichols,  Colonel  Francis,  vi.,  351, 
352 

"No  Jacobin"  articles  by  Hamil 
ton  in  Daily  Advertiser  (1793), 
on  career  of  Genet,  minister 
from  France,  in  U.  S.,  v.,  17 

North  Carolina,  i.,  336;  ii.,  7;  vi., 
342;  currency  of,  ii.,  211,  215, 
216;  laws  on  money,  v.,  350; 
officers  of,  ii.,  328;  opposition 
to  excise  duties,  vi.,  339,  et  seq. 

Oaths,  dangers  of,  ii.,  343 
"Observer,"  reply  to  Mr.   Find- 
ley's  accusations,  iii.,  177 
Officers  on  half-pay,  i.,  228 
Ohio  River,  importance  of,  vii., 
157,  166 


Osgood,  Mr.,  iv.,  229 
Otto,  Mr.,  iv.,  422 

"Pacificus,"  letters  of  Hamilton 
in  U.  S.  Gazette  (1793),  defence 
of  neutrality  proclamation,  iv., 
432;  power  of  President  to 
issue  it,  439;  proclamation  in 
consistent  with  French  treaty, 
445;  French  aggressions,  450; 
France  engaged  in  war  with  all 
Europe,  456;  U.  S.  debt  to 
France,  460;  state  of  French 
affairs,  U.  S.  influence,  465; 
Louis  XVI.  and  France,  472; 
necessity  for  U.  S.  to  avoid  war, 
484;  papers  under  Hamilton's 
signature,  vii.,  369 

Pennsylvania,  affairs  in,  yi.,  394, 
429;  commerce  of,  i.,  276; 
compared  with  N.  C.,  386 ;  con 
tribution  to  government,  ii.,  7; 
excise  duties  in,  344;  vi.,  339,  et 
seq.;  Farmer,  i.,  126;  insur 
rection  (see  Whiskey  Rebellion), 
vii.,  351;  payments  to  U.  S. 
Treasury,  ii.,  211,  218 

Pereizius,  viii.,  403 

"  Pericles,"  paper  by  Hamilton  on 
cession  of  Louisiana  to  France, 

vi-»  333. 

Peters,  Richard,  Judge,  commit 
tee  concerning  mutiny,  i.,  314; 
vi.,  448 

Petition  presented  by  officers  to 
Washington,  asking  for  back 
pay,  ii.,  327 

Petitions,  futility  of,  i.,  9—14; 
from  London  and  Massachu 
setts,  9,  10 ;  Continental  Con 
gress,  29 

Philadelphia,  charter,  i.,  no; 
mutiny  at,  303;  convention  at, 
339;  ii.,  95;  yellow  fever  in, 
viii.,  1 10 

Philip  of  Macedon,  i.,  385;  ii.,  10 

"Phocion,"  letters  on  relations 
with  England  (1784),  iv.,  230; 
disfranchisement  of  tories,  230; 
dangers  of  disqualifications, 
247;  inhabitants  of  southern 
N.  Y.,  254;  British  subjects, 
258;  breaches  of  treaty,  264; 
danger  of  British  supremacy  in 
America  absurd,  281;  effect  of 
letters,  250 


502 


General  Index 


Phocian  war,  i.,  385 

Pichegru,  vi.,  287 

Pinckney,  Charles,  vii.,  325 

Pinckney,  General  Charles  Cotes- 
worth,  vii.,  6,  8,  65,  et  seq.,  159, 
174,  187,  213,  309,  323,  329,  362 

Pinckney,  Thomas,  v.,  59;  vii., 
318,  et  seq.,  362 

Pitt,  William,  i.,  128 

Pittsburgh,  meeting  in,  vi.,  341 

Pittsburgh  Gazette,  vi.,  359,  368, 

379 

Plataeans,  incident  of,  iv.,  238 

Plymouth,  original  constitution 
of,  i.,  102 

Poland,  i.,  392;  iv.,  241;  v.,  90; 
vi.,  216 

Portugal,  i.,  145,  147;  iv.,  358, 
407;  v.,  485;  vi.,  148,  283,  320 

Postlethwait  quoted,  i.,  144,  148 

Postmaster-General,  new  plan,  ii., 
282 

Presbyterians,  i.,  190 

Presidential  etiquette,  Hamilton 
to  Washington  (1789),  Wash 
ington  to  Hamilton  in  reply, 
yiii.,  87 

Price,  Dr.,  quoted,  iii.,  346 

Prince  William  Henry,  vessel 
taken  by  French  privateer,  v., 
380 

Prince's  Bay,  i.,  276 

Princeton,  Congress  at,  i.,  323 

Privateering,  Cabinet  meeting  on, 
v.,  3 

Privateers,  v.,  5,  et  seq.,  19,  380; 
vi.,  140 

Proclamation  of  neutrality,  ob 
jections  to,  iv.,  433,  ei  secL- 

Property  tax  contrary  to  princi 
ples  of  public  credit,  ii.,  353 

Providence,  Bank  of,  iii.,  141 

Prussia,  i.,  231 ;  iii.,  322 ;  iv.,  482 ; 
v.,  458 

Public  credit  (see  also  Loans),  i., 
301 ;  report  on,  by  Hamilton  as 
Sec.  of  Treasury  (1790),  ii., 
227;  nature  of  U.  S.  debt,  231; 
classes  of  creditors,  236;  rates 
of  interest,  257,  258;  proposi 
tion  for  loan,  260;  interest  to 
be  paid  from  duties,  272;  as 
sumption  of  State  debts,  286; 
importance  of  this  report,  289; 
schedules,  290;  report  to  Con 
gress  (1790),  deficit  for  1791, 


337;  plan  of  supplying  deficit, 
337;  duty  on  spirits,  338;  ex 
cise  versus  other  duties,  340; 
to  Supervisors  of  Boston  on 
inspection  of  U.  S.  Treasury, 
352;  report  to  Senate  (1795), 
iii.,  199 ;  plan  for  redemption  of 
debt,  201;  duties,  202,  et  seq.; 
Bank  of  U.  S.,  203 ;  U.  S.  Post- 
Office,  207 ;  provisions  for  fund 
ing  debt,  2 1 1 ;  application  of 
revenues,  216;  proceeds  of 
Western  lands,  219;  loans,  221; 
propositions  for  completing  sys 
tem  of  public  credit,  237;  dis 
cussion  of  propositions,  247 

Public  debt  (see  Public  credit), 
iii.,  28;  v.,  419;  viii.,  235,  239; 
report  of  Sec.  of  Treasury  to 
Congress  (1792),  iii.,  46;  meas 
ures  for  regular  redemption  of 
public  debt,  46 

Public  lands,  report  to  U.  S. 
Senate,  objects  of  disposition, 
viii.,  87 

"Publius,"  letters  (1778)  incited 
by  the  feebleness  and  laxity  of 
Congress,  i.,  199;  to  member  of 
Congress,  personal  attack,  201 

Puffendorf  quoted,  i. ,  6 1 ;  iv. ,  3 1 5 , 
382,  398,  4595  vi.  218 

Puritans  in  Holland,  arrival  in 
America,  i.,  101 

Quartermaster-General,  i.,  231 

Quebec,  navigation  to,  from  Mon 
treal,  v.,  299 

Quebec  bill,  remarks  on  (1775), 
Canada  under  the  French,  i., 
181;  Roman  Catholic  religion 
established,  193;  dangers  to 
New  England  from  Quebec 
bill,  196 

Questions  and  answers  (see 
United  States),  ii.,  427 

Randolph,  Edmund,  i.,  335,  382, 
393,421;  iii.,  191;  v.,  119;  vi., 
184,  408,  445;  viii.,  96 

Rawle,  William,  v.,  131;  vi.,  448 

Raymond,  Lord,  on  libel,  viii., 
405,  408 

Red  Lake,  v.,  340 

Red  Stone  Old  Fort,  meeting  at, 
vi.,  359 


General  Index 


503 


Religion,  difference  between,  tol 
erated  and  established,  i.,  190 

Report  on  public  credit,  ii.,  227; 
schedules  to,  290 

Representatives,  apportionment 
of:  Hamilton  to  Washington 
(1792),  answer  to  President's 
request  for  opinion  on  constitu 
tionality  of  act  of  apportion 
ment,  viii.,  96 

Republican,  sloop,  v.,  57 

Resolutions  for  a  general  conven 
tion  of  the  States,  passed  by 
N.  Y.  legislature,  July,  1782,  i., 
291 

Revenue  (see  Taxation  and  Public 
credit);  i.,  131,  139;  ii.,  341, 

37° 

Revenue  system,  speech  on  a 
grant  of  impost  to  U.  S.  for 
twenty-five  years,  in  N.  Y. 
legislature  (1787),  ii.,  192 

Reynolds  pamphlet,  Hamilton's 
refutation  of  charges  of  specu 
lation,  vii.,  369;  public  and 
private  accounts,  374;  his  real 
crime  in  the  Reynolds  case, 
378;  Reynolds'  letters,  391; 
History  of  U.  S.  for  1796,  369, 
443;  Clingman's  evidence,  403; 
Hamilton's  desire  to  avoid  ex 
posure;  affidavits:  Muhlen- 
berg's,  412;  Monroe  and  Ven- 
able's,  413;  Mary  Williams's, 
467 ;  Noah  Webster,  Jun's,  469 ; 
letters:  to  Hamilton  from  Mon 
roe,  452,  455,  461,  462,  464,  473, 
476,  478;  from  Muhlenberg, 
451,  452,  456;  from  Mrs.  Rey 
nolds,  423,  429-431,  433,  438; 
from  James  Reynolds,  423,  425- 
428,  431,  434-441;  from  Vena- 
ble,  453;  from  Hamilton  to 
Monroe,  451,  458,  461-463,  471, 
475,  477>  47 8  '>  from  Clingman 
to  Wolcott,  448;  Reynolds  to 
Wolcott,  467;  from  Jefferson, 
471;  statements:  from  Seckel, 
442;  from  Wolcott,  443 

Rhode  Island,  charter,  i.,  106; 
debt  of,  ii.,  359;  v.,  349;  viii., 
482,  et  seq.;  objections  to  im 
posts,  i.,  302;  ii.,  148,  179; 
commissioners  to  Annapolis,  i., 
336;  representation  from,  ii., 
17;  legislature  of,  53;  objec 


tion  to  U.  S.  appointing  inter 
nal  officers,  182;  payments  to 
U.  S.  Treasury,  211,  215 

Rives' s  Life  of  Madison,  i.,  301 

Robespierre,  v.,  76 

Roland,  privateer,  v.,  58 

Roman  law,  v.,  424;  viii.,  403 

Rome,  example  of,  i.,  15,  87,  282; 
ii.,  223;  vi.,  285 

Rutgers  and  Waddington,  suit  of, 
v.,  227 

Rutherforth,  Institutes  of  Natural 
Law,  quoted,  vi.,  134 

Rutledge,  John,  motion  and  reso 
lution,  i.,  302 

Russia,  i.,  145,  147,  167,  231;  iii., 
322 

St.  Clair,  General,  i.,  323;  ii.,  155; 

letter  from,  iii.,  105 
St.   Domingo,   iii.,   95,    107,    122, 

163,  169,  et  seq.;  iv.,  362 
St.  Lawrence,  i.,  26 
Salem,  petition  from,  ii.,  384 
Salt  tax,  ii.,  54 
Sans  Culottes,  privateer,  v.,  6 
Savannah,  evacuation  of,  viii.,  81 
Schuyler,  General  Philip,  i.,  226; 

ii.,  135,  138 

Scotland,  trade  in,  i.,  146 
Seckel,  Henry,  vii.,  385,  442 
Secretary  of  Treasury,  report  of, 

iii.,  41,  187 
Sedgwick,  Theodore,  on  loans,  iii., 

180 

Senate  (see  New  York  conven 
tion) 

Senates,  i.,  390 
Senators,  term  of,  ii.,  47,  48 
Seward's  policy  in  1862,  iv.,  313 
Shawhan,  Robert,  vi.,  377 
Sherman,  Roger,  member  of  con 
vention,  i.,  410,  411 
Shipley,  speech  of,  i.,  172 
Ships,  unlading  of,  ii.,  306 
Short,    William,    correspondence 
with  U.  S.,  ii.,  423;  iii.,  80,  81, 
106,   121,   123,    126,   130,    136; 
Charge"    d' Affaires,    Paris,    iv., 
296,  302;   mission  to  Holland, 
303;  limitations  of  power,  311 
Sieyes,  Abb<$,  vi.,  288 
Silesian  loan,  confiscation  of,  v., 

Skipw'ith,  letter  of,  to  Monroe, 
vi.,  258 


504 


General  Index 


Slaves  not  considered  altogether 

as  property,  ii.,  14 
Smilie,  Robert,  vi.,  382 
Smith,  Adam,  Wealth  of  Nations, 

ii.,  450;  iv.,  198 
Smith,    Melancthon,    opinion    on 

presidential  term,  ii.,  124 
Smith,  Col.  W.  S.,  negotiations  on 

payment  to  France,  iv.,  419 
Smith,  William,  ii.,  133;  iv.,  220 
Smith,  Col.  William,  application 

of,  vii.,  216 
Smuggling  lawful  in  war- time,  i., 

162 
Soldiers  petition  for  back  pay,  ii., 

327 

South  Carolina,  act  of  (1784),  v., 
228;  Assembly,  ii.,  16;  com 
missioners  to  Annapolis,  i.,  336; 
currency  of,  ii.,  211,  216;  debt 
of,  vii.,  498,  et  seq. 

Spain,  i.,  146,  150,  169,  266;  iv., 
483;  v.,  207;  viii.,  155;  amity 
towards,  iv.,  335,  et  seq.;  cap 
ture  of  American  ships,  vi.,  96; 
and  colonies,  v.,  485;  conduct 
of,  iv.,  322;  connection  with 
U.  S.,  298,  313;  debt  of,  iii., 
127,  322;  and  Great  Britain, 
iv.,  325;  v.,  258;  interest  in 
America,  90 ;  loans  to  America, 
iii.,  358;  trade  with  America, 
iv.,  358;  trade  with  Indians, 
v.,  289;  war  with  France,  iv., 

407 

Spaniards  on  Mississippi,  v.,  327 

Sparta,  i.,  252;  ii.,  22 

Spencer,  Attortiey-General,  viii., 
418 

Spinoza,  i.,  83 

Spirits,  report  to  Congress  on 
(1792),  ii.,  368;  consumption 
of  in  U.  S.,  435  (see  also  Taxa 
tion) 

Stamp  acts,  i.,  9,  127,  131,  133, 

i37»  !38,  139,  i43»  148 

"Stand"  letters  published  in 
Commercial  A  dvertiser  (1798) 
on  U.  S.  relations  with  France, 
vi.,  259;  treaty  of  Pilnitz,  268; 
necessity  of  preparing  for  war, 
309;  design  of  France  to  make 
war  between  U.  S.  and  Great 
Britain,  315 

State  constitutions,  i.,  214;  ii., 
46;  debts,  248,  337,  358, 


362,  429,  439;  iii.,  18;  funds, 
inefficacy  of,  i.,  300;  interests, 
383,  396,  405;  ii.,  12,  44;  inter 
ference,  326,  332;  papers, 
368;  representatives,  44;  rights, 
viii . ,  295;  securities,  ii . ,  477 

States,  creation  of  new,  ii.,  16, 
fearful  of  federal  encroach 
ments,  17,  56;  sovereignty 
of,  100,  104,  195,  196 

Stevens,  Edward,  friend  of  A.  H., 
vii.,  198;  ix.,  37 

Stile,  Captain,  affair  of,  vii.,  223 

Strong,  Colonel,  vii.,  77 

Suffrage,  equality  impossible,  i., 
412 

Sugar-cane,  i.,  152 

Swallow  and  other  vessels,  v.,  58 

Sweden,  i.,  167,231,  391;  debt 
of,  iii.,  322;  example  of,  v., 
44,  201;  terms  with  English, 

3.65 
Swiss  cantons,  i.,  217,  252,  385, 

397;  vi.,  280 
Sylla,  v.,  77 

Talleyrand,  comment  on  Hamil 
ton,  i.,  169 

Tarleton,  Colonel,  viii.,  74 
Tarling,  Timothy,  vii.,  91 
Taxation,  amount  proposed,  iii., 
56;  best  modes  of,  i.,  271,  272, 
279,  283;  colonial,  act  relative 
to  (1691),  172;  British  demands 
(1774),  7,  etseq.;  plans  for,  119; 
constitutional  provision  for 
(1787),  364;  ii.,  245;  direct, 
219;  during  the  Revolution,  v. , 
78;  excise  duties,  ii.,  221,  341, 
368,  et  seq.,  400;  iii.,  204,  et  seq.; 
in  different  States,  ii.,  439;  re 
sult  of  imposition  in  Perm,  (see 
Whiskey  Rebellion) ;  import 
duties  (impost),  179-192,  272, 
291,  306,  346,  414;  iii.,  202, 
208,  226,  265,  276;  y.,  129, 
308,  320;  ad  valorem,  ii.,  416, 
419;  iii.,  202,  301;  iv.,  164- 
198;  discrimination  by  Great 
Britain,  206,  207;  federal  and 
State  interests  conflicting,  ii., 
54,  et  seq.;  history  of,  in  U.  S. 
(note),  iv.,  198;  in  British  col 
onies,  vi.,  6,  21,  202;  et  seq.; 
French  colonies,  4,  23,  et  seq.; 
limit  of  time  for  paying,  ii., 


General  Index 


505 


Taxation  (Continued) 

349;  on  manufactured  arti 
cles,  378;  iv.,  164-198;  on 
miscellaneous  articles,  ii.,  293, 
415,  et  seq.;  on  raw  materials, 
293,  295;  y.,  328;  on  salt, 
ii.,  54,  418;  iv.,  68;  on  snuff, 
sugar,  etc.,  iii.,  208,  226,  308; 
on  spirits,  ii.,  282,  293,338,368- 
408,  415;  iii.,  216,  221,  226,  265, 
305;  on  wines,  spirits,  tea,  and 
coffee,  ii.,  276,  349,  415;  on  re 
ciprocity  with  Great  Britain, 


miscellaneous  taxes:  of  auc 
tions,  iii.,  209,  226,  307;  of 
buildings,  312;  of  horses,  con 
veyances,  etc.,  58,  207,  226, 
309;  viii. ,378;  of  land,  ii.,  380; 
of  licenses,  iii.,  207,  226,  306; 
of  patents,  226;  of  peltry,  v., 
320,  328,  et  seq.;  of  postage, 
iii.,  226;  poll  tax,  ii.,  80;  iv., 
161;  protective  duties,  policy 
due  to  Hamilton,  tonnage 
duties,  ii.,  298,  301,  321;  iii., 
202,  226,  265;  v.,  166;  vi.,  18, 
51,  6 1 ,  202 ;  under  Confedera 
tion:  inability  to  enforce 
(1780),  i.,  214;  plan  for,  231, 
239,  306;  unpopular  methods 
of,  in  U.  S.,  ii.,  179,  434;  iii., 
349,  iv.,  161;  U.  S.  funds,  ii., 
352»  353;  u-  S.  military, 
special  tax  for,  i.,  302;  yii., 
45,  49;  U.  S.,  and  States,  ix., 
3,  et  seq.;  U.  S.  tariff,  history 
of  (note),  iv.,  198 
Taylor,  Colonel,  vii.,  91,  208 
Tazewell,  act  drawn  up  by,  i.,  172 
Tea,  duty  on,  i.,  7;  arrival  in 

Boston,  132 

Ternant,  application  of,  iv.,  362 
Territory,    examples    of   cession, 

viii.,  49 

Thompson,  Thomas,  ix.,  43 
Thurlow,  Lord,  on  libel,  viii.,  396 
Ticonderoga,  viii.,  53 
"Titus    Manlius,"    signature    to 
"Stand"  letters,  vi.,  267,  274, 
281,  289 

Toussard,  Major,  vii.,  198 
Trade,  between  Gt.  Britain  and 
America,  i.,  12,  116;  iv.,   220; 


loss  of,  to  Gt.  Britain,  i.,  22 ;  il 
licit,  47;  regulations,  114,  118, 
129,  261,  278;  rise  in  England, 
270;  centres,  lack  of,  in  U.  S., 
276 ;  promoted  by  public  credit, 
ii-,  233 

Transportation,  difficulty  of,  in 
America,  i.,  160 

Treasury  (see  United  States),  ii., 
227;  iii.,  30 

Treaties,  Executive's  power  to 
make,  iv.,  436;  force  of,  under 
political  changes,  374;  with 
various  powers,  v.,  29 

Treaty,  commercial,  with  France, 
y.,  19,  26;  of  Fontainebleau, 
iv.,  399;  with  Great  Britain, 
Jay's  (1795),  (see  "Camillus"); 
Great  Britain  (1796),  viii.,  161; 
of  Munster,  iv.,  241;  of  Paris 
(see  Foreign  relations),  227, 
325;  of  Utrecht,  vi.,  222 

Trenton,  i.,  276,  304 

Tribunes  in  Rome,  ii.,  23 

Tripoli,  war  with,  viii.,  247 

Trumbull,  Speaker  of  House,  iii., 

Tryon,  Governor,  iv.,  259 
"Tully,"  papers  on  Whiskey  Re 
bellion,  vi.,  410 
Turkey,  i.,  145 

United  Netherlands  (see  Holland) , 
ii.,  437;  iii.,  322,  et  seq.,  345, 
359;  v.,  429,  457;  ix.,  29 

United  States  (see  Cont^nental- 
ist,  and  Government  and  the 
Constitution) ,  admission  of 
British  shipping  into  waters  of, 
v.,  141;  army  (see  Military 
papers),  i.,  221,  308;  ii.,  zoo, 
and  (see  Arrears  of  pay),  vii., 
224;  viii.,  239;  assumed  debts 
of  Confederation,  ii.,  243,  263, 
286;  arsenals  and  magazines, 
vii.,  130;  Bank  of  (see  National 
bank),  ii.,  456;  iii.,  34,  46,  no, 
157,  203,  223,  333;  v.,  471;  bill 
for  regulating  trade  of,  11.,  205 ; 
capital  of,  viii.,  232;  citizens  on 
foreign  privateers,  v.,  16;  coin 
age,  viii.,  107;  condition  of 
(1795),  155;  Congress,  conven 
ing  of  (1793),  no;  defects  of 
(see  "Publius"),  i.,  199;  reme 
dies  for  (see  Government),  213, 


506 


General  Index 


United  States  (Continued) 

(see  Continentalist) ,  243;  de 
mands  papers  on  treaty,  viii., 
161;  journals  of,  ii.,  100; 
federal  functions  of,  200; 
legislative  power  of,  194;  na 
ture  of  two  branches,  52,  et  seq.; 
power  to  declare  war,  viii.,  249, 
et  seq.;  power  of  legislating 
on  judiciary,  314,  322,  329; 
ratio  of  representation  {see  New 
York  convention),  ii.,  14;  98; 
resolution  of,  356;  regarding 
neutral  ships,  vi.,  96 ;  special  ses 
sion,  v.,  554;  credit  of  {see  Public 
credit),  ii.,  227;  iii.,  247,  257; 
communication  with  sea,  v., 
310;  Constitution  (see  Federal 
convention  and  New  York  con 
vention)  ;  sketch  of ,  i. ,  224,  225; 
draft  of,  by  Hamilton,  350; 
ratified,  ii.,  103;  adopted  by 
ten  States,  162;  amendments 
to,  1 66;  in  relation  to  Jay 
treaty,  v.,  359;  vi.,  161,  et 
seq.  (see  "Camillus");  militia, 
436;  court-martial,  extra  pay 
in,  vii.,  114;  courts,  viii.,  277; 
customs  officers,  compensation 
to,  ii.,  292,  310;  dangers  of 
war  to  (1794),  v.,  86;  danger 
of  responsibility  without  power, 
ii.,  191,  204;  debt  of  (see  Public 
credit,  Loans):  188,  211,  337, 
356,  427 ;  foreign  and  domestic, 
366;  iii.,  30;  in  France  (1793), 
iv.,  422,  429;  Hamilton's  treat 
ment  of,  ii.,  289;  plan  for  fund 
ing  of,  256,  444;  iii.,  228,  237; 
iv.,  118;  purchased  by,  iii.,  220; 
payable  in  Western  lands,  ii., 
366  (see  also  Finance,  vol.  ii.); 
diplomatic  services,  viii.,  297; 
duties  (see  Taxation),  iii.,  176; 
Executive:  duties  of,  iv.,  437, 
et  seq.;  necessary,  i.,  390;  for 
life,  391,  392 ;  extent  and  popu 
lation  of,  iv.,  117;  v.,  332;  vi., 
260,  332,  333;  viii.,  284;  and 
France  (see  France),  iv.,  227, 
366,^^,432,472;  v.,  17,75; 
vi.,  229;  federal  courts,  defence 
of,  viii.,  271,  276;  government, 
collection  of  taxes,  ii.,  185; 
forts,  disposition  of  troops  at, 
vii.,  119,  151,  161;  fund,  ii., 


185;  Government  not  responsi 
ble  for  State  governments,  iii., 
37;  History  for  1796,  vii.,  369, 
443;  importance  of,  to  Gt. 
Britain,  v.,  126;  impost  benefit 
of  (see  Taxation),  ii.,  181,  379; 
internal  revenue,  viii.,  252,  258; 
judicial  authority  of,  i.,  349; 
ii.,  100 ;  judges,  tenure"  of 
office,  100;  viii.,  314,  323,  330, 
341,  349,  353;  lack  of  coin  in, 
iii.,  100;  legislatures,  State  and 
federal  interests  not  identical, 
i.,  349,  407 ;  ratio  of  representa 
tion,  ii.,  17,  et  seq.;  branches  of, 
170;  legislative,  executive,  and 
judiciary  departments  of,  viii., 
333..  338,  34.7,  353;  loan-office 
certificate,  ii.,  355;  map  of 
(1793),  v.,  339;  maxims  of  free 
intercourse,  291;  military  sup 
plies,  vii.,  128;  naval  agents, 
viii.,  300;  navy,  i.,  308;  viii., 
160,  218;  officers,  impeachment 
of,  i.,  349;  office,  rotation  of,  ii., 
124;  parties  in,  v.,  97;  people 
of,  inclined  to  State  sovereignty, 
i-»  383 ;  powers  of:  to  lay  taxes, 
ii.,  198,  295,  395;  to  erect  cor 
porations,  iii.,  459;  to  regulate 
trade,  390;  President:  forms, 
viii.,  83;  charges  against 
(1795),  122;  message  on 
treaty,  161;  protection  for 
frontiers,  ii.,  409;  representa 
tives,  apportionment  of  (1791), 
viii.,  96;  revenue:  from  duties 
on  spirits  (see  Taxation):  ii., 
340;  and  appropriations  in 
1792,  iii.,  174;  system  (1789), 
198,  202;  inspectors  of,  viii., 
301 ;  right  to  alienate  ter 
ritory,  iv.,  360;  Senate,  i.,  347, 
405,  411;  ii.,  56,  103;  and 
Spain,  vii.,  168;  viii.,  155;  and 
State  debts,  467;  stock,  ii., 
354,  432;  tariff,  history  of 
(note)  (see  Taxation),  iv.,  198; 
Treasury  (see  Public  credit, 
etc.):  ii.,  210;  iii.,  145,  207; 
bills  used  as  cash,  159;  ex 
penditures,  explanation  of  (see 
Explanation),  viii.,  122;  Jef 
ferson's  proposition  to  specify 
appropriations,  304;  Sec.  of 
Treasury,  150;  surplus  in 


General  Index 


507 


United  States  (Continued) 

(1790),  iii.,  170;  treaty  with 
Gt.  Britain  (see  "Camillas"), 
papers  of  (1796),  viii.,  161; 
with  Portugal,  298 ;  with  Spain, 
vi.,  247;  various  nations,  v., 
38,  457;  vi.,  56;  reciprocity  in 
treaties,  67 ;  troops,  organiza 
tion  of  (see  Military  papers), 
vii.,  6,  77,  149;  war  or,  76; 
Western  posts  oi^  (see  "Camil- 
lus"),  y.,  139;  viii.,  376;  ves 
sels,  seizure  of,  v.,  372 

Utrecht,  treaty  of,  v.,  327,  465 

Valin  quoted,  v.,  28,  41,  42;  vi., 
218,  224 

Van  Rensselaer,  Jeremiah,  viii., 
223;  Stephen,  223 

Van  Staphorst  &  Hubbard,  bank 
ers,  correspondence  with  U.  S., 
iii.,  81,  83,  126;  agents  of  U.  S., 
133,  134;  iv.,  302,  305 

Vatel  cited,  iv.,  315,  et  seq.,  355, 
380,  410,  435,  436,  451,  458;  v., 
29,  36,  41,  44,  372,  383,  430- 
436,  438,  442,  477;  vi.,  87,  no, 
117,  131,  224;  viii.,  50 

Venable,  Abraham,  documents 
from,  on  Reynolds  affair,  vii., 

Tr  369,  39.7 

Venice,  vi.,  278-280,  302 

Vergennes  quoted,  vi.,  16 

Vermont,  speech  on  independence 
of,  in  N.  Y.  Assembly  (1787), 
viii.,  42 ;  separation  from  N.  Y., 
constitutionality  of,  48,  51,  58; 
affair  of  Fay  and  Allen,  53 

Vindication  of  Congress,  frag 
ment  of  paper  defending  Con 
gress  for  incurring  debts,  i., 
327-331 

Vindication  of  the  Funding  Sys 
tem,  iii.,  $ 

Vinnius,  viii.,  404 

Virginia,  acts  of,  v.,  211,  229;  ac 
counts,  i.,  1 68;  aids  Gates,  viii., 
77;  charters,  i.,  94;  com 
missioners  to  Annapolis,  335; 
convention  of,  ii.,  157;  vii., 
253,  274;  debt  of,  ix.,  22;  ex 
cise  duties  in,  vi.,  339;  legis 
lature  of,  ii.,  53;  opposes 
Constitution,  165;  payments 
to  U.  S.  Treasury,  211,  215; 
representatives  in  federal  con 


vention,  i.,  382,  393;    riots  in, 
vi-.  357 


Wadsworth,  General,  i.,  204 

Warning  papers,  attempt  to  rouse 
Americans  from  French  influ 
ence  (1797),  vi.,  229;  power  of 
France,  235;  French  excesses, 
240;  national  convention,  249; 
neutral  ships,  254 

Wasco witch,  vi.,  321 

Washington,  George,  accepts  Jef 
ferson's  advice  on  back  pay, 
ii.,  327;  Brigadier- General,  vii., 
8;  desire  for  federal  city,  viii., 
232;  distress  at  quarrel  be 
tween  Jefferson  and  Hamilton, 
vii.,  303;  farewell  address 
(draft  by  A.  H.)  (authorship 
of,  see  note),  viii.,  187;  to 
Hamilton,  on  loans  to  U.  S., 
iii.,  129,  190;  on  national  bank, 
443 ;  adopts  plan,  493 ;  on 
French  affairs,  iv.,  366;  on 
presidential  etiquette,  vi.,  439; 
to  Jay  and  justices  of  Supreme 
Court,  on  legality  of  French 

§rivateers,  v.,  12;  to  heads  of 
eps.  (draft  by  A.  H.),  17;  in 
structions  to  Jay  (draft  by 
A.  H.),  12 1 ;  message  on 
British  treaty  (draft  by  A.  H.), 
viii.,  161;  on  Genet  (1793) 
(draft  by  A.  H.),  119;  to  Penn. 
and  Carolina  gov.  (draft  by 
A.  H.),  vi.,  349;  position,  de 
fence  of,  v.,  98;  to  President  of 
French  Assembly  (draft  by  A. 
H.),  iv.,  349;  president  of 
Cincinnati  Society,  viii.,  3; 
proclamation  for  Thanksgiving, 
120;  on  Whiskey  Rebellion, 
vi.,  389,  442  (drafts  by  A.  H.); 
speeches  to  Congress,  (drafts  by 
A.  H.),  viii.,  102,  116,  153,  214; 
slandered,  122;  toMcHenry,  on 
raising  troops,  vii.,  6;  death 
and  funeral  of,  190,  191 
Wasp,  viii.,  388,  402 
Watson,  James,  viii.,  223 
Webster,  Daniel,  protectionist, 

iv.,  200 

Wells,  John,  vi.,  379 
West  Indies,  supplies,  i.,  26,  27, 
152-154,  170 


508 


General  Index 


"Westchester  Farmer"  answered, 
i.,  3 

Western  islands,  wine  from,  i.,  43 

Western  lands,  ii.,  261 

Western  posts,  iv.,  334 

Whigs,  iv.,  231 

Whiskey  Rebellion,  resistance  to 
excise  laws  in  Penn.,  vi.,  339; 
Hamilton's  letters  on,  to  Wash 
ington  (1792),  339,  341,  342, 

345,  347,  349-351  (i794),  353, 
358,  388,  408,  409,  441;  from 
Penn.,  451-460;  to  Craig, 
410,  426;  to  Maj.-Gen.  Lee, 
445;  Sec.  of  State  to  Mifflin, 
Gov.  of  Penn.,  394;  proclama 
tions  (Hamilton's  drafts),  389, 
442 ;  Tully  papers,  to  inform 
public  of  facts,  410 
White  Bear  Lake,  v.,  340 
Wilkinson,  General,  vii.,  14,  67, 

93,  95,  117,  141,  151,160,  171 
Wmam,  ship  y.,  27,  35,  57 
William  and  Mary,  i.,  no,   135, 

J73 

Williams,  Mary,  affidavit  in  Rey 
nolds  affair,  vii.,  467 

Williamson,   motion   to  increase 


number  of  Representatives,  i  , 
418 

Willink,  Wilhelm  and  Jan,  cor 
respondence  with  U.  S.,  iii.,  83, 
126;  agents  of  U.  S.,  134;  iv., 
302,  305,  312 

Wilson  outrage  in  Pennsylvania, 

yi.,  365 

Wilson,  of  Pennsylvania,  i.,  404 
Wilson,  James,  associate- justice, 

v.,  12 
Wolcott,    Oliver,    iii.,    312;     vii., 

399,  443;  viii.,  151,  238 
Woodeson's  lectures,  v.,  29 
Wool,  i.,  157 

"X.  Y.  Z."  letters,  vi.,  259 

Yates,  reports,  i.,  393,  403,  et  seq.; 
hostile  to  Hamilton,  417;  re 
fuses  to  sign  Constitution,  421; 
withdraws  from  convention, 
424;  proposed  for  Governor  of 
N.  Y.,  ii.,  no;  character  of, 
no,  118,  128 

Yeardley,  Sir  George,  arrival  in 
Virginia,  i.,  99 

Yellow  fever,  v.,  49;  viii.,  no 


List  of  letters  and  other  papers  written  by  Hamil 
ton  and  printed  in  the  John  C.  Hamilton  edition  of 
1850,  which  are  omitted  in  this  edition. 

(The  page  and  volume  references  are  to  the  edition  of  1850.) 

VOLUME  I 
PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 

PAGE. 

3     Letter  to  Capt.  William  Newton,  November  16,  1771. 

3  Routine  business  letter  for  house  in  which  Hamilton  was  clerk. 

4  Pay-book  of  artillery  company,  and  memoranda  of  books  read. 
12     Convention,  March  17,  1777. 

60     Letter  from  Hamilton  to  General  Sullivan,  1778. 
60     Routine  letter  written  for  Washington,  and  conveying  Washing 
ton's  orders. 

VOLUME  II 

139  Reorganization  of  the  Army.  Supposed  to  have  been  addressed 
by  Washington  to  committee  of  Congress,  January  28,  1778. 
From  two  rough  drafts  in  Hamilton's  handwriting. 

153     Inspector- General.     Report  by  Washington.     Draft  by  Hamil 
ton,  May  5,  1778. 

164  Military  Remarks  and  Queries.  Submitted  by  Washington  to 
committee  of  Congress.  Draft  by  Hamilton. 

1 68  Inspector-General.  Report  of  Washington  and  committee, 
January  28,  1779.  Draft  by  Hamilton. 

171  Mission  to  France.  Washington  to  Laurens.  Draft  by  Hamil 
ton. 

176  Military  Regulations.  Submitted  to  Washington.  Draft  by 
Hamilton. 

183     Discipline.     Submitted  by  Washington  to  Congress,  February  3, 

1781.     Draft  by  Hamilton. 

These  papers  did  not  seem  to  merit  reprinting.  In  those  which 
were  used  substantially  as  Hamilton  drafted  them,  it  is 
obvious  that  they  embodied  Washington's  ideas,  and 
Hamilton's  part  was  merely  clerical;  and,  moreover,  they 
can  all  be  found  in  Washington's  writings,  or  elsewhere. 
Those  not  used,  like  the  first  and  fourth,  are  also  shown  by 
comparison  with  Washington's  writings  to  be  merely  at 
tempts  by  Hamilton  to  embody  the  General's  views.  They 
have  no  independent  value. 

509 


510  Omitted  Letters 

PAGE. 

204  Plan  of  specific  taxation  for  the  State  of  New  York.  Merely  a 
list  of  articles  and  tax  proposed  for  each. 

212  to  283  inclusive.  Resolutions  and  committee  reports  in  Congress. 
These  can  all  be  found  in  the  journals  of  Congress,  and  are 
not  therefore  reprinted  in  this  edition.  Moreover,  it  is  im 
possible  to  say  how  much  in  each  case  was  Hamilton's,  or 
now  far  he  was  mouthpiece  of  his  committee,  or  his  peti 
tioners.  The  appropriate  place  for  these  papers  seemed  to  be 
in  the  published  journals,  etc.  Three  only  of  these  papers 
have  been  retained:  one  is  on  public  credit;  the  second, 
open  debate;  third,  on  a  plan  for  a  military  peace  estab 
lishment — an  important  part  of  Hamilton's  scheme  for  a 
new  system  of  government. 

330     Constitution  of  Bank  of  New  York. 

333     Petition  as  to  Revenue  System. 

341  Act  to  institute  University  of  New  York.  Mr.  Proctor,  the 
editor  of  the  forthcoming  edition  of  Hammond's  Political 
History  of  New  York,  has,  I  think,  shown  conclusively  that 
this  act  was  the  work  of  Ezra  L'Hommedieu. 

374     Act  to  ratify  independence  of  Vermont. 

426     Resolutions  in  Congress — I.,  to  admit  Kentucky. 

471  Resolutions  in  Congress — II.,  as  to  ratification  of  new  constitu 

tion. 

472  Resolutions  in  Congress — III.,  as  to  fugitive  slaves. 

473  Resolutions  in  Congress — IV. ,  as  to  free  navigation  of  Mississippi. 

VOLUME  III 

46     Report,  Treasury — revision  of  forfeitures. 

48     Additional  estimates,  1790. 

50     Tax  scheme  for  interest  on  State  debts. 

80     Report  accompanying  abstract  of  tonnage  duties,  May  n,  1790; 

account  of  money  received  from  or  paid  to  the  States,  May 

n,  1790. 

82     Report  on  taking  West  Point  by  Government,  June  10,  1790. 
89     Estimates,  August  7,  1790. 
93     Renewal  of  final  settlement  certificates,  August  7,  1790. 

146  Estimates  for  1791,  Jan.  6,  1791. 

147  Duties  on  imports,  Jan.  7,  1791. 

188     Trade  with  India  and  China,  Feb.  10,  1791. 

190     Dutch  loan;  statement  of  terms,  etc.,  Feb.  25,  1791. 

192     Spirits — draft  of  an  act,  March  3 ,  1791,  and  Executive  order,  Oct. 

31-  I791- 

284     Estimates,  1791-1792. 
337     Remission  of  duties  in  the  case  of  Eliphalet  Ladd,  April  20,  1792. 

350  Loans,  drafts  of  resolutions  for,  Dec.  24  and  27,  1792. 

351  Loans,  transmitting  statement  of,  Jan.  10,  1793. 

352  Bank  deposits,  transmitting  statement  of,  Jan.  16,  1793. 

441  Spirits,  revenue  from — statement  of  March  i  and  2,  1793. 

442  Spirits,  revenue  from — statement  of  Jan.  20,  1794. 
444     Balance  in  Treasury,  and  domestic  loans,  Feb.  4,  1794. 

446     Public  debt,  receipts  and  expenditures,  statement  of,  Feb.  6, 

1794. 

451     Loan  and  contract  with  bank,  April  25,  1794. 
529  to  574     Revenue  circulars. 


Omitted  Letters  511 

PAGE. 

578     Interest  on  claims  of  South  Carolina  line,  March  18,  1790. 

580  to  590     Reports  on  private  claims. 

All  the  above  papers  from  Vol.  III.  (ed.  1850),  omitted  in  this 
edition,  are  purely  of  a  routine  nature  and  of  no  historical 
value.  They  can  all  be  found  also  in  State  Papers,  Finance, 

VOLUME  IV 

CABINET    PAPERS 

12  Hamilton  to  Willink  &  Co.,  May  7,  1790.     Business  letter  as  to 

loans. 

13  Hamilton  to  Washington, — 1799.     Communicating  letters  from 

Amsterdam  bankers,  and  discussing  the  loans  and  the  acts 
authorizing  them. 

22  Hamilton  to  W.  Short,  May  29,  1790.     As  to  loans. 

23  Hamilton  to  Washington,  June  18,  1790.     Report  as  to  light 

houses. 
30     Hamilton  to  Washington,  June  18,  1790.     Submitting  contract 

with  a  light-house  keeper. 
30     Hamilton  to  Washington,  June  21,  1790.     Submitting  contract 

for  lumber,  etc. 

37     Hamilton  to  Washington,  August  28,  1790. 
37     Hamilton  to  W.  Short,  August  29,  1790.     Routine  letter  as  to 

loans. 

46     Hamilton  to  Washington,  Sept.  i  o,  1 7 90.     As  to  revenue  matters. 
75     Hamilton  to  Benj.  Lincoln,  Oct.  4,  1790.     As  to  light-house  at 

Portland. 
8 1     Hamilton  to  Washington,  Nov.  4,  1790.     As  to  frauds  in  old 

certificates. 
93     Hamilton  to  W.  Seton,  Dec.  7,  1790.     As  to  assay  of  coins. 

93  Hamilton  to  Washington,  Dec.  13,  1790.     Transmitting  report 

on  national  bank. 

94  Hamilton  to  Washington,  Dec.  15,  1790.     Transmitting  request 

of  collector  of  Boston. 

95  Hamilton  to  Washington,  Dec.  22,  1790.     Transmitting  report 

on  post-office. 

147     Hamilton  to  W.  Duer,  April  7,  1791.     As  to  government  con 
tract. 

149  Hamilton  to  Washington,  April  10,  1791.     As  to  Dutch  loans. 

150  Hamilton  to  Washington,  April  11,1791.     Giving  an  extract  from 

a  letter  of  R.  King. 

152  Hamilton  to  W.  Short,  April  13,  1791.     As  to  Dutch  loans. 

154  Hamilton  to  Washington,  April  14,  1791.     As  to  Dutch  loans. 

157  Hamilton  to  W.  Short,  May  9,  1791.     As  to  Dutch  loans. 

157  Hamilton  to  W.  Short,  May  24,  1791.     As  to  Dutch  loans. 

162  Hamilton  to  W.  Short,  June  25,  1791.     Loans. 

162  Hamilton  to  W.  Short,  June  30,  1791.     Loans. 

167  Hamilton  to  Washington,  July  29,  1791.     Foreign  loans. 

1 68  Hamilton  to  W.  Short,  Aug.  i,  1791.     Loans. 

170     Hamilton  to  Jefferson,  Aug.  26,  1791.     Transmitting  drafts  of 

powers. 

170     Hamilton  to  W.  Short,  Sept.  2,  1791.     Loans. 
174     Hamilton  to  Washington,  Sept.  16,  1791.     Enclosing  letter. 
176     Hamilton  to  W.  Short,  Oct.  3,  1791.     Loans. 


512  Omitted  Letters 

PAGE. 

176  Hamilton  to  Messrs.  Willink,  Oct.  3,  1791.     Loans. 

177  Hamilton  to  Washington,  Oct.  6,  1791.     Giving  extract  from 

letter  of  Church. 

1 80  Hamilton  to  W.  Short,  Nov.  i,  1791.     Loans. 

181  Hamilton  to  W.  Short,  Nov.  30,  1791.     Loans. 

183  Hamilton  to  Thos.  Mifflin,  Dec.  21,  1791.     As  to  certificates  of 

State  debts. 

184  Heads  of  topics  for  President's  speech,  Dec.  25,  1791. 

185  Hamilton  to  W.  Short,  Jan.  28,  1792.     Loans. 

186  Hamilton  to  W.  Short,  Feb.  14,  1792.     Loans. 

187  Hamilton  to  Willink,  Feb.  14,  1792.     Loans. 

188  Hamilton  to  Washington,  March  i,  1792.     Submitting  report  on 

excise. 

188     Hamilton  to  W.  Short,  March  5,  1792.     Loans. 
193     Hamilton  to  Washington,  March  8,  1792.     Transmitting  draft  of 

letter  to  French  Minister. 
193     Hamilton  to  Washington,  March  16,  1792.     Transmitting  draft 

of  report  on  ways  and  means. 

193  Hamilton  to  W.  Short,  March  21,  1792.^     Loans. 

194  Hamilton  to  W.  Short,  April  2,  1792.    Loans. 

216  Hamilton  to  W.  Short,  April  10,  1792.     Loans. 

217  Hamilton  to  Washington,  April  12,  1792.     Transmitting  resolve 

as  to  sinking  fund. 
217     Hamilton  to  W.  Short,  May  7,  1792.     Loans. 

220  Hamilton  to  Washington,  May  9, 1792.     Adjustment  of  warrants. 

221  Hamilton  to  W.  Short,  June  14,  1792.     Loans. 

222  Hamilton  to  Washington,  June  19,  1792.     As  to  a  light-house. 

223  Hamilton  to  W.  Short,  June  23,  1792.     Loans. 

225  Hamilton  to  W  Short,  June  30,  1792.     Loans. 

226  Hamilton  to  W.  Short,  July  25,  1792.     Loans. 

239     Hamilton  to  Washington,  Aug.  3,  1792.     As  to  supply  of  a  light 
house. 

239  Hamilton  to  W.  Short,  Aug.  4,  1792.     Loans. 

240  Hamilton  to  Jefferson,  Aug.  — ,  1792.     Suggesting  a  change  of  a 

sentence  in  a  report. 
279     Hamilton  to  W.  Short,  Aug.  16,  1792.     Loans. 

282  Hamilton  to  Washington,  Aug.  27,  1792.     As  to  mode  of  paying 

foreign  debt. 

283  Hamilton  to  W.  Short,  Aug.  28,  1792.     Loans. 

307  Hamilton  to  W.  Short,  Sept.  13,  1792.     Loans. 

308  Hamilton  to  G.  Morris,  Sept.  13,  1792.     Loans. 

318  Hamilton  to  W.  Short,  Oct.  i,  1792.     Loans. 

319  Hamilton  to  W.  Short,  Oct.  16,  1792.     Loans. 

319     Hamilton  to  Washington,  Oct.  31,  1792.     Enclosing  statement 
of  pay  of  revenue  officers. 

319  Hamilton  to  Washington,  Oct.  31,1792.    Enclosing  loan  contract. 

320  Hamilton  to  W.  Short,  Nov.  5,  1792.     Loans. 

331  Hamilton  to  W.  Short,  Nov.  26,  1792.     Loans. 

332  Hamilton  to  Jefferson,  Dec.  26,  1792.     As  to  information  from 

consuls. 

333  Hamilton  to  W.  Short,  Dec.  31,  1792.     Loans. 

337     Hamilton  to  Washington,  Jan.  24,  1793.     Enclosing  statement 

of  account. 

337     Hamilton  to  W.  Short,  Feb.  i,  1793.     Loans. 
339     Cabinet  opinion  of  four  heads  of  departments  as  to  payments  of 

French  debt.     Feb.  25,  1793. 


Omitted  Letters  513 

PAGE. 

340     Cabinet  opinions  as  to  treaty  with  Indians.     Feb.  25,  1793. 

342  Cabinet   opinions   as   to    President   qualifying.     Feb.    27,    and 

March  i,  1793. 

343  Cabinet  opinions  as  to  French  debt.     March  2,  1793. 

343     Cabinet  opinions  as  to  Kentucky  expeditions.     March  10,  1793. 

345  Hamilton  to  W.  Short,  March  15,  1793.     Loans. 

346  Hamilton  to  Willink  and  others,  March  15,  1793.     Loans. 

347  Hamilton  to  Washington,  March  18,  1793.     Loans. 

392     Hamilton  to  Washington,   May  4,    1793.     Enclosing  draft  of 

circular. 

394     Hamilton  to  Jefferson,  May  9,  1793.     As  to  passports. 
406     Hamilton  to  Washington,  May  25,  1793. 
411     Hamilton  to  Washington,  June  3,  1793.     Loans. 
424     Cabinet  opinion  as  to  seizure  of  sloop  Polly.     June  12,  1793. 
426     Hamilton  to  Washington,  June  15,  1793.     Statement  of  account. 

434  Cabinet  opinion  as  to  French  privateers.     June  20,  1793. 

435  Hamilton  to  Washington,  June  24,  1793.     Statement  of  account. 

448  Hamilton  to  Washington,  July  19,  1793.     Enclosing  a  letter. 

449  Hamilton  to  Washington,  July  24,  1793.     Loans. 

462     Cabinet  opinion  as  to  French  privateers.     Aug.  5,  1793. 

465  Hamilton  to  W.  Short,  Aug.  12,  1793.     Loans. 

466  Hamilton  to  Willink,  etc.,  Aug.  12,  1793.     Loans. 

467  Hamilton  to  Washington,  Aug.  14,  1793.     Enclosing  a  letter. 
467     Cabinet  opinion  as  to  French  prizes.     Aug.  15,  1793. 

467     Cabinet  opinion  as  to  Genet's  correspondence.     Aug.  23,  1793. 

490  Hamilton  to  Jefferson,  Nov.  30,  1793.     As  to  case  of  St.  Domingo 

vessel. 

49 1  Hamilton  to  Washington,  Dec.  2 ,  1793.  Payments  of  French  debt. 
506     Hamilton  to  Washington,  Feb.    10,   1794.     Case  of  defaulting 

collector. 

508  Cabinet  opinion  as  to  payment  of  French  debt.     Mar.  n,  1794. 

509  Hamilton  to  Washington,  March  21,  1794.     Enclosing  statement 

of  accounts. 

532  Hamilton  to  Washington,  April   19,    1794.     Transmitting  two 

letters. 

533  Hamilton  to  Washington,  April  21,  1794.     As  to  foreign  loans. 

534  Hamilton  to  Washington,  April  23,  1794.     Loans. 
546     Hamilton  to  Washington,  April  28,  1794.     Loans. 

546  Hamilton  to  Washington,  April  30,  1794.     Sending  translation  of 

letter  and  as  to  payments  to  France. 

547  Hamilton  to  Washington,  May  3,  1794.      Enclosing  letter  from 

Attorney- General . 

560     Hamilton  to  Washington,  May  27,  1794.     Loans. 

562     Hamilton  to  Washington,  June  4,  1794.     Loans. 

568     Hamilton  to  Washington,  June  22,  1794.     As  to  case  of  a  col 
lector. 

VOLUME  V 

14     Hamilton  to  Washington,  Aug.  18,  1794.     Transmitting  letter. 
14     Hamilton  to  Washington,  Aug.  21,  1794.     Explaining  delay  in 

sending  certain  papers. 

60     Hamilton  to  Washington,  Dec.  23,  1794-     Loans. 
63     Hamilton  to  Washington,  Jan.  12,  1795.     As  to  commissioner  of 

loans  in  New  York. 

VOL.  X.— 33. 


514  Omitted  Letters 

PAGE. 

63     Hamilton  to  Washington,  Jan.  12,  1795.     As  to  appointment  of 
a  marshal. 

65  Hamilton  to  Washington,  Jan.  21,  1795.     As  to  excise. 

66  Hamilton  to  Willink,  etc.,  Jan.  25,  1795.     Loans. 

69     Hamilton  to  Washington,  Jan.  31,  1795.     As  to  French  consul. 
77     Hamilton  to  Washington,  Feb.  4,  1795.     Enclosing  report. 

MILITARY    PAPERS 

138  Hamilton  to  McHenry,  July  28,  1798.  Recommending  Philip 
Church  for  an  army  appointment. 

142  Hamilton  to  John  Jay,  Oct.  29,  1798.  Asking  an  interview  on 
military  business. 

142     Hamilton  to  Washington  (?),  October  29,  1798. 

185  Hamilton  to  McPherson,  December  26,  1798.  Asking  for  draft 
of  surveys. 

215  Hamilton  to  McHenry,  February  16,  1799.  Asking  for  distribu 
tion  of  troops. 

215  Hamilton  to  Washington,  Feb.  18,  1799.  Enclosing  letters  for 
approval. 

215  Hamilton  to  Theo.  Sedgwick,  Feb.  19,  1799.  As  to  division  of 
Massachusetts  into  military  districts. 

222  Hamilton  to  Rivardi,  March  i,   1799.     Ordering  him  to  visit 

certain  posts. 

223  Draft  of  an  act  for  organizing  troops,  March  i,  1799. 

232  Hamilton  to ,  ,  1799.  As  to  transportation  con 
tracts. 

232  Hamilton  to  C.  C.  Pinckney,  March  7,  1799.     Distribution  and 

recruiting  of  troops. 

233  Hamilton  to  Washington,  March  14,  1799.     Residence  of  Pay 

master-General. 

234  Hamilton  to  McHenry,  March  16,  1799.     Recruiting. 
234     Hamilton  to  McHenry,  March  16,  1799.     Recruiting. 

236     Hamilton  to  McHenry,  March  19,  1799.     Asking  for  lists,  etc. 

239  Hamilton  to  Washington,  March  27,  1799.     Recruiting. 

240  Hamilton  to  Washington,  April  3,  1799.     Announcing  carrying 

out  of  certain  orders. 

248     Hamilton  to  McHenry,  April  17,  1799.     Acknowledging  letters. 
248     Hamilton  to  Walbach,  April  17,  1799.     Ordering  certain  cavalry 

evolutions  to  be  tried. 
251     Hamilton  to  McHenry,  April  26,   1799.     Submitting  plan  for 

artillery  regiments. 
262     Hamilton  to  McPherson,  May  26,  1799.     Asking  suggestions  as 

to  organization. 
264     Hamilton  to  Capt.  Ellery,  May  29,  1799.     Giving  orders. 

268  Hamilton  to  Capt.  Allum,  June  8,  1799.     Ordering  him  to  his 

command. 

269  Hamilton  to  Maj.  Hoops,  June  10,  1799.     Giving  orders. 

272  Hamilton  to  McHenry,  June  18,  1799.     Enclosing  report. 

273  Circular  to  commandants,  June  19,  1799. 

275     Hamilton  to  McHenry,  June  21,  1799.     As  to  organization  of 

cavalry. 
279     Hamilton  to  M.  Clarkson,  June  25,  1799.     Asking  suggestions  of 

names  for  officers. 

279     Hamilton  to  McHenry,  June  25,  1799.     As  to  clothing  of  army. 
284     Hamilton  to  McHenry,  July  2,  1799.     As  to  raising  cavalry. 


Omitted  Letters  515 

PAGE. 

291     Hamilton  to  John  Jay,  July  29,  1799.     New  York  fortifications. 

291  Hamilton  to  General  Stevens,  July  29,  1799.     Uniforms. 

292  Hamilton  to  McHenry,  July  30,  1799.     Straw  and  fuel. 

296     Hamilton  to  Wolcott,   August   10,    1799.     Hospital  in  Rhode 

Island. 
302     Hamilton  to  Washington,  Aug.  21,  1799.     Recruiting  returns. 

308  Hamilton  to  McHenry,  Sept.  2,  1799.     Barracks  and  quarters. 

309  Hamilton  to  Toussard,  Sept.  6,  1799.     Fort  at  Portsmouth. 

336  Hamilton  to  Swan,  Sept.  22,  1799.     Pay-rolls. 

337  Hamilton  to  Washington,  Sept.  23,  1799.     Winter  quarters. 

341  Hamilton  to  McHenry,  Oct.  3,  1799.     Hutting  troops. 

342  Hamilton  to ,  Oct.  4,  1799.     Winter  quarters. 

353     Hamilton  to  Washington,  Oct.  21,  1799.     Barracks. 

355  Hamilton  to  McHenry,  Oct.  22,  1799.     Disposition  of  Western 

troops. 

356  Hamilton  to  McHenry,  Oct.  25,  1799.     Transmitting  proceedings 

of  court-martial. 
356     Hamilton  to  McHenry,  Oct.  25,  1799.     Lt.  Smith's  claim. 

359  Hamilton  to  John  Adams,  Oct.   29,   1799.     Acknowledging  an 

order. 

360  Hamilton  to  McHenry,  Oct.  29,  1799.  Works  at  Loftus  Heights. 

368  Hamilton  to ,  Oct.  31,  1799.     Relative  rank. 

369  Conjectures  as  to  wagons, ,  1799. 

370  Hamilton  to  Col.  Reade,  Nov.  2,  1799.     Forage. 

383  Hamilton  to  Washington,  Nov.  28,  1799.     Enclosing  a  letter. 

391  Hamilton  to  North,  Dec.  21,  1799.     As  to  funeral  ceremonies  at 

Washington. 

393  Hamilton  to  Toussard,  Dec.  22,  1799.     Artillery  regulations. 

396  Hamilton  to  McHenry,  Jan.  15,  1800.     Act  regulating  commands. 

399  Hamilton  to ,  Jan.  6,  1800.     Quarters. 

400  Circular,  Jan.  25,  1800.     Enlistment  of  troops. 

401  Hamilton  to  McHenry,  Feb.  21,  1800.     Arrangement  of  officers. 

402  Hamilton  to  McHenry,  Feb.  28,  1800.     Travelling  expenses  of 

an  officer. 
404     Hamilton  to  C.  C.  Pinckney,  March  7,  1800.     Instructions  to 

officers,  etc. 
413     Remarks  on  organization, ,  1800. 

415  Hamilton  to  C.  C.  Pinckney,  March  26,  1800.     Enclosing  a  plan. 

416  Hamilton  to  Ogden,  April  15,  1800.     Duties  of  Quartermaster- 

General. 
434     Hamilton  to ,  May  27,  1800.     Length  of  step. 


PRIVATE    CORRESPONDENCE 

469  Hamilton  to  Pintard,  April  23,  1791.  Asking  suggestions  as  to 
revenue  laws. 

471  Hamilton  to  Bayard  and  others, ,  1791.  As  to 

site  for  a  factory. 

506  Hamilton  to  Van  Schaack,  April  20,  1792.  As  to  certain  manu 
factures. 

517  Hamilton  to  E.  Boudinot,  July  30,  1792.  Making  an  appoint 
ment. 

633  Hamilton  to  Washington,  May  5,  1795.  Enclosing  a  letter  from 
G.  Morris. 


516  Omitted  Letters 

VOLUME  VI 

PRIVATE    CORRESPONDENCE 
PAGE. 
64     Hamilton  to  Wolcott,  Nov.  15,  1795.     Enclosing  draft  of  "The 

Explanation." 
92     Hamilton  to  John  Jay,  March  10,   1796.     Declining  to  act  as 

counsel  for  the  State. 

101     Hamilton  to  Washington,  April  8,  1796.     Enclosing  a  draft. 
267     Hamilton  to  McHenry,  Feb.  13,  1798.     Asking  him  to  sell  some 

stock. 

370     Hamilton  to  John  Adams,  Oct.  29,  1798.     Acknowledging  order. 
381     Hamilton  to  Oliver  Wolcott,  Dec.  28,  1798.     As  to  loan. 
428     Hamilton  to  Swan,  Feb.  17,  1800.     Soldier's  claim. 

549  Hamilton  to  Oliver  Wolcott,  Aug.  14,  1802.     Plan  for  a  business 

partnership. 

550  Hamilton  to  G.  Morris.     Enclosing  law  papers. 

VOLUME  VII 

836  Resolutions  for  amendment  of  Constitution  as  to  presidential 

election,  1802. 

837  Petition  for  act  to  supply  New  York  with  water,  1802. 

838  Plan  of  Merchants'  Bank. 


END  OF  VOLUME  X. 


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Call  Number: 

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H3 

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H3 


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